Pub Date : 2005-12-01DOI: 10.1177/0016549205057549
C. Segrin
A brief perusal of the past 50 years of communication research reveals a myriad of contributions to science and society. In this article, I would like to briefly examine achievements in the study of communication and personal well-being and illustrate the remarkable potential of work in this area to make major contributions to the field and to society as a whole. The study of personal wellbeing encompasses physical health, mental health, social adjustment, relationship satisfaction and career success to name but a few variables. All of these could be conceptualized as markers of quality of life. Throughout the world, communication scholars study how human beings exchange messages and the effects of those messages at different levels of social specificity. For example, many mass communication scholars consider messages that are consumed by large numbers of people and the effects of those messages on whole societies or large echelons of a society. Organizational communication scholars often study interactions, policies and behavior of people in organized social settings that are smaller than whole societies, but much larger than dyadic relationships. In contrast, interpersonal communication scholars such as myself most commonly research interactions and exchanges that occur in smaller social settings such as two-person relationships or families. In recent history, scholars in diverse areas of communication have made notable contributions to the understanding of human well-being. For example, mass media scholars have demonstrated the deleterious links between depictions of violence on television and in film and their propensity to stimulate similar behavior among those who view such depictions (e.g. Anderson et al., 2003). Development communication scholars have sought to advance the cause of universal human rights through campaigns and programs delivered through multiple channels of communication (e.g. White, 2004). Those interested in social influence through the media have shown how televised public service announcements can contribute to the promotion of health behaviors and avoidance of risky behaviors (e.g. Fishbein et al., 2002). In the area of organizational communication, research on the relationship between work and family stress (e.g. GAZETTE: THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL FOR COMMUNICATION STUDIES
简单浏览一下过去50年的传播研究,就会发现它对科学和社会做出了无数的贡献。在这篇文章中,我想简要介绍一下在交流和个人幸福研究方面取得的成就,并说明这一领域的工作对该领域和整个社会做出重大贡献的巨大潜力。个人幸福的研究包括身体健康、心理健康、社会适应、关系满意度和事业成功等变量。所有这些都可以被定义为生活质量的标志。在世界范围内,传播学学者研究人类如何交换信息以及这些信息在不同社会特异性水平上的影响。例如,许多大众传播学者考虑被大量人消费的信息以及这些信息对整个社会或社会大阶层的影响。组织传播学学者经常研究人们在有组织的社会环境中的互动、政策和行为,这种社会环境比整个社会小,但比二元关系大得多。相比之下,像我这样的人际交往学者通常研究的是发生在较小的社会环境中的互动和交流,比如两人关系或家庭。在最近的历史中,不同领域的传播学者对人类福祉的理解做出了显著的贡献。例如,大众传媒学者已经证明了电视和电影中对暴力的描述与它们在观看这些描述的人中刺激类似行为的倾向之间的有害联系(例如Anderson等人,2003年)。发展传播学者试图通过通过多种传播渠道开展的运动和项目来推进普世人权事业(例如White, 2004)。那些对通过媒体产生社会影响感兴趣的人已经表明,电视公益广告如何有助于促进健康行为和避免危险行为(例如Fishbein等人,2002年)。在组织传播领域,对工作和家庭压力之间关系的研究(例如:GAZETTE: the INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL FOR communication STUDIES)
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Pub Date : 2005-12-01DOI: 10.1177/0016549205057542
J. Wieten
Kurt Baschwitz had to flee from Germany in the 1930s, like so many other social scientists. Though perhaps less well-known internationally than some of his colleagues, he was a pioneer in communication science and mass psychology and has contributed much to the international exchange of information and research among scholars in our field of studies. After 1945, one of his major efforts was to re-establish contacts that had been lost because of the war. Gazette, the international journal that he founded in 1955, was intended to serve these different purposes. Since then Gazette has continued to act as a liaison centre for research and researchers from different parts of the world. Its scope may have widened considerably, both in choice of subjects and in a geographical sense - reflecting the developments in our discipline and the scientific interests of successive editors - still through the years the journal has remained true to the scientific and humanistic aims of its founder.
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Pub Date : 2005-12-01DOI: 10.1177/0016549205057543
K. Ross
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Pub Date : 2005-12-01DOI: 10.1177/0016549205057550
Howard Tumber
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Pub Date : 2005-12-01DOI: 10.1177/0016549205057564
B. Josephi
This review article looks at books on journalism and the media coming from within the dominant discourse and concerning themselves with journalism globally or the media in several countries. It finds that in an era of growing global awareness research is only reluctantly acknowledging models other than the Anglo-American one. This has implications for the professional model of journalism and serves to perpetuate the gap between the principles of journalism and professional practice. It has further implications for journalism research in that the normative expectations skew results and veil actual practice.
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Pub Date : 2005-12-01DOI: 10.1177/0016549205057552
N. Chitty
Rather than ‘wither away’, as feared by Berelson (1959), the overlapping fields of ‘media and communication’ and ‘international communication’, with their respective links to cultural studies and international relations, continue to cross-fertilize each other and yield new harvests. They are contributing to ‘a science of man and society’, a dream of Schramm (1983: 17). A field within communication dealing with the ‘without’ in all its senses, international communication was concerned with the great issues of war and peace. A wartime concern, propaganda studies reaped peacetime benefits. The propagation of modernity became the new battle for the hearts and minds of people the world over. ‘The internationalization of communication was spawned by two kinds of universalism: the Enlightenment and liberalism’, projects that sought to construct republican utopias and a universal mercantile republic respectively (Mattelart, 2000: 1). Founders of the field, Harold Lasswell and Daniel Lerner, were preoccupied with the ‘dark side’ of political propaganda and the ‘light side’ of the propagation of modernity respectively (Chitty, 2004: 42). The field was defined by new technologies and geographies, notably those arising around the Second World War. It was tilled in a climate of scientism, one that nurtured functionalist and behaviouralist shoots. Inevitably, both the developmental and cultural imperialism schools grew to privilege structure over agency. The Lasswellian interest in communication and security was, for half a century, stifled by thick growths of contestation – of the merits of universalization. Remarkably responsive to criticism, Rogers acknowledged the ethnocentrism of the dominant paradigm and the inadequacy of a model that excluded exogenous causes of underdevelopment. He welcomed the après moderne notion that ‘there are many alternative pathways to development’ (Rogers, 1976: 130). Reflecting the historical distance between science and culture as academic projects, Lerner cautioned that ‘“culture specific” findings GAZETTE: THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL FOR COMMUNICATION STUDIES
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Pub Date : 2005-12-01DOI: 10.1177/0016549205057548
Ulla Carlsson
For the last 30 years, Nordicom (Nordic Information Centre for Media and Communication Research) has documented and publicized scholarly work in the field of media and communication research in the five Nordic countries. We have done so through many channels. One of them is the journal Nordicom Review, edited for the international research community and published twice a year in English. It is against the backdrop of my many years as editor of these Nordicom publications that the following reflections on the state of our field should be seen. The number of scholars in the field of media and communication research has increased dramatically during the last decade, and some excellent research communities have been created. But, there are aspects that arouse some critical reflections – most of which concern whether and to what extent the work in our field raises relevant questions on the relations between media and society. An attunement of research to the agendas – and even the interests – of external financiers (‘marketization’), and furthermore, new structures for higher education have thrust scientific enquiry into a period of change. Research tends to be more administrative, and short-term perspectives prevail – at the expense of the long-term accumulation of knowledge. The pressures at play in this overall trend may well have more far-reaching consequences for a relatively ‘new’ field of research like media and communication than in older and more established disciplines. Modern media and communication research grew out of a variety of disciplines: political science, economics, sociology, psychology, history, literature and linguistics. Within these fields, questions relating to mass media had tended to be marginalized. Serious gaps in knowledge had opened concerning how the external manifestations of media and communication related to their inner life, and to the place the institutions occupy in our societies and cultures. This, just as television was becoming a ubiquitous household fixture and GAZETTE: THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL FOR COMMUNICATION STUDIES
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Pub Date : 2005-12-01DOI: 10.1177/0016549205057541
Erik Vroons
There is an abundance of literature published on the history of communication studies in Europe, in a number of countries and taking various approaches. However, more pan-European initiatives to take stock of earlier activities in the field are still seriously lacking, and even when recognized as such, almost without exception focus on the development of the field since the 1960s. In this article, Gazette’s 50th anniversary is embraced as an opportunity to investigate the still incomplete genealogy of the European institutionalization of research in the field of communication. In line with this journal’s raison d’etre, existing literature about the activities in the field during the 1950s is made available to a wider audience.
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Pub Date : 2005-12-01DOI: 10.1177/0016549205057563
W. Hulsink
For many decades, most western countries have established separate regulatory regimes for the press, broadcasting and telecommunications sectors. Ithiel de Sola Pool (1983, 1990) has conceptualized the differences between the three regimes in the following way. Notwithstanding the fact that these sectors are all now in the process of being merged into one ICT polity, the underlying principles and mechanisms as identified by de Sola Pool (1983) more than 20 years ago are still dominant today. The first governance mode is the private ‘economic control’ regime of the information industry (computing and publishing): a market-based form, aimed at securing economic and political pluralism, free from government intervention, and promoting competition and new entry. Public control in print is minimized by a constitutional freedom of expression and an open market for ideas and (information) services and products. Although in some countries there are or were restrictions on multimedia ownership (curtailing market dominance of particular players active in several media markets), the publishing and information industry is characterized by a competitive market generally free of government regulation The second regulatory regime is the semi-public ‘content-based’ governance mode of the broadcasting sector: an overarching public framework, wherein licences are given to public and private broadcasters on the basis of specific content requirements regarding information and entertainment (the socalled ‘must-carry-rules’). In the broadcasting domain, spectrum shortage and persistent sociocultural norms with regards to social representation, information provision, advertising and so forth, have necessitated governments to intervene through a licence-based system. Governments grant franchises to public or private owners of broadcasting facilities to provide point-to-multipoint services; the system is financed by licence fees and/or advertising. While in the GAZETTE: THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL FOR COMMUNICATION STUDIES
几十年来,大多数西方国家都为新闻、广播和电信部门建立了独立的监管制度。Ithiel de Sola Pool(1983,1990)以以下方式概念化了三种制度之间的差异。尽管这些部门现在都处于合并为一个ICT政策的过程中,但20多年前由de Sola Pool(1983)确定的基本原则和机制在今天仍然占主导地位。第一种治理模式是信息产业(计算和出版)的私人“经济控制”制度:一种基于市场的形式,旨在确保经济和政治多元化,不受政府干预,促进竞争和新进入。宪法规定的言论自由和思想、(信息)服务和产品的开放市场,将公众对印刷品的控制降到最低。虽然有些国家对多媒体所有权有限制(限制活跃在几个媒体市场的特定参与者的市场主导地位),但出版和信息产业的特点是竞争性市场一般不受政府监管。第二种监管制度是广播部门的半公共“基于内容”的治理模式:一个总体的公共框架,根据有关信息和娱乐的具体内容要求(所谓的“必须携带规则”),向公共和私营广播公司颁发许可证。在广播领域,频谱短缺和社会代表性、信息提供、广告等方面持续存在的社会文化规范,迫使政府必须通过基于许可证的制度进行干预。政府向公共或私人广播设施所有者授予专营权,以提供点对多点服务;该系统的资金来源是牌照费和/或广告。在公报上:国际传播研究杂志
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