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Efficiency and Change in a Planned Economy: Lessons from the Soviet Experience 计划经济的效率与变革:苏联经验的教训
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1985.0026
F. Kushnirsky
AJV the context of the debate about government's role in economic activity, the Soviet experience is both interesting and instructive. Should the laissez-faire approach be accepted as the best choice for free-market economies, or should government actively intervene to fight market imperfections?1 The U.S. economy is characterized by a relatively small amount of government involvement in business activity, as federal, state, and local government enterprises are legally of minor economic importance. The Soviet economy, however, typifies the opposite approach. The private sector in most activities is officially outlawed, which indicates that an assessment of the Soviet economic model might in fact contribute to an understanding of political economy as well as actual policymaking. Unfortunately, the criteria for evaluating economic systems are ambiguous, so both opponents and proponents of government intervention can use the Soviet example to prove their case. Opponents may argue that planned economies necessitate huge bureaucracies, reduce incentives, generate inefficiencies, and are generally unable to meet consumer demand. Proponents may point to some impressive achievements of the Soviet state such as creating a modern economy, educating the population, and raising standards of living. The
在关于政府在经济活动中的作用的辩论的背景下,苏联的经验既有趣又有启发性。自由放任是自由市场经济的最佳选择,还是政府应该积极干预以对抗市场缺陷?美国经济的特点是政府对商业活动的参与相对较少,因为从法律上讲,联邦、州和地方政府的企业在经济上的重要性较小。然而,苏联经济却恰恰相反。私营部门在大多数活动中是被官方禁止的,这表明对苏联经济模式的评估实际上可能有助于理解政治经济学以及实际的政策制定。不幸的是,评估经济体系的标准是模糊的,所以政府干预的反对者和支持者都可以用苏联的例子来证明他们的观点。反对者可能会争辩说,计划经济需要庞大的官僚机构,减少激励,产生低效率,并且通常无法满足消费者的需求。支持者可能会指出苏联国家取得的一些令人印象深刻的成就,比如创造了现代经济,教育了人民,提高了生活水平。的
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引用次数: 0
Shattered Hope: The Guatemalan Revolution and the United States, 1944-1954 (review) 破灭的希望:危地马拉革命与美国,1944-1954
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1992.0016
Steven Griner
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引用次数: 46
France and the Polish Crisis 法国和波兰危机
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1982.0018
Dominique Moïsi
A he Polish question has always been—since the first partition of Poland in 1772—a mirror revealing the West's political and moral stances. The present crisis in Poland is no exception to the general rule. In their reaction to the events that have unfolded in Poland since December 13, 1981, the various European countries are revealing how they view themselves, how they judge their ability to influence developments in Poland, and what they hope and fear from the East-West competition. This scheme applies particularly to France. France has always been the traditional ally of Poland. For a mixture of realpolitik and emotional ties, France used to engage in a formal alliance with Poland when it was a state, and professed indignation and commiseration when the Polish nation was stateless.
自1772年波兰第一次被瓜分以来,波兰问题一直是反映西方政治和道德立场的一面镜子。波兰目前的危机也不例外。欧洲各国对1981年12月13日以来在波兰发生的事件的反应表明,它们如何看待自己,如何判断自己影响波兰事态发展的能力,以及它们对东西方竞争的希望和恐惧。这一方案特别适用于法国。法国一直是波兰的传统盟友。出于现实政治和情感纽带的结合,法国曾在波兰还是一个国家的时候与波兰正式结盟,并在波兰没有国家的时候表示愤慨和同情。
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引用次数: 0
Iran and the World: Continuity in a Revolutionary Decade (review) 伊朗与世界:革命十年的延续(回顾)
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/sais.1991.0029
Abby Harrison
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引用次数: 0
The End of a Liberal Era? 自由时代的终结?
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1983.0030
B. Balassa
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引用次数: 3
The United States, Japan, and the Future of Russia 美国、日本和俄罗斯的未来
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/sais.1992.0027
R. Hunter
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引用次数: 0
The Third World in Soviet Military Thought (review) 苏联军事思想中的第三世界(述评)
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1983.0045
Laura A. Hastings
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引用次数: 0
Rhetoric and Reality in the Aegean: U.S. Policy Options Toward Greece and Turkey 爱琴海的修辞与现实:美国对希腊和土耳其的政策选择
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1986.0044
B. Kuniholm
June 1985 has raised serious questions in U.S. government circles about the direction of Greece's foreign policy and its implications for U.S. policy toward Greece, Turkey, and nato's southern flank. What are Papandreou's intentions? Has his rhetoric against the United States, which he characterized in 1984 as a "metropolis of imperialism," been a political tactic, intended primarily for domestic consumption; or did he mean what he said in 1981 when he pledged to remove U.S. bases from Greece and withdraw Greece from the nato Alliance?
1985年6月的事件在美国政府内部引发了严重的问题,即希腊外交政策的走向及其对美国对希腊、土耳其和北约南翼政策的影响。帕潘德里欧的意图是什么?他在1984年将美国描述为“帝国主义的大都市”,他反对美国的言论是否是一种政治策略,主要是为了国内消费?还是他在1981年承诺从希腊撤走美国基地,并让希腊退出北约联盟时所说的话是当真的?
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引用次数: 2
Beyond the Baker Initiative 超越贝克倡议
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1986.0038
Riordan Roett
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引用次数: 2
The Chinese Army after Mao (review) 毛后的中国军队(检阅)
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/sais.1988.0001
Paul Humes Folta
It becomes clear in the final chapters that the author really had two books in mind. In combining them into one, both got slighted. He begins and ends the book with a brief discussion of recurring patterns in U.S. -Soviet relations that can be traced throughout the postwar period. But the outline of those patterns is not filled out; a more detailed analysis would be welcome. Similarly, the memoir seems incomplete. How much more could he have told us about how Kissinger's NSC operated? How did it differ from Brent Scowcroft's? What was it like to serve under Kissinger at the State Department? Hyland gives glimpses of these matters, and others; some vignettes are priceless, such as Brezhnev filching binder clips or sitting in a Crimean grotto offering the somber Nixon a treaty aimed at the Chinese; but at the end the reader has snacked, not dined. Mortal RivaL· is revealing and incisive; would that there were more of it.
在最后几章中,我们清楚地看到,作者实际上想写两本书。当它们合并为一个时,两者都被忽视了。他在书的开头和结尾都简要讨论了战后美苏关系中反复出现的模式。但这些模式的轮廓并没有被填满;更详细的分析将是受欢迎的。同样,回忆录似乎也不完整。关于基辛格的国家安全委员会是如何运作的,他还能告诉我们多少?它和布伦特·斯考克罗夫特的有什么不同?在基辛格手下的国务院工作是什么感觉?海兰德让我们瞥见了这些问题,以及其他问题;一些小插图是无价的,比如勃列日涅夫偷取活页夹,或者坐在克里米亚的洞穴里,向阴郁的尼克松提供一份针对中国的条约;但最后,读者只是在吃零食,而不是正餐。《死敌》发人深省;要是有更多的就好了。
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引用次数: 0
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SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)
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