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Unconventional Trade: Bartering for Weapons 非常规贸易:以物易物换取武器
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1986.0029
J. Feldman
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引用次数: 1
The Limits of Victory: The Ratification of the Panama Canal Treaties (review) 胜利的极限:巴拿马运河条约的批准(审查)
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1986.0009
Lawrence T. Dirita
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引用次数: 0
Mayday: Eisenhower, Khrushchev and the U-2 Affair (review) 五月天:艾森豪威尔、赫鲁晓夫和U-2事件(回顾)
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1987.0041
C. Littel
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引用次数: 0
Interview: Bani Sadr with Maxwell Glen 采访:巴尼·萨德尔与麦克斯韦·格伦
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/sais.1981.0077
Bani Maxwell Sadr, Max Glen
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引用次数: 0
Defining Moments 决定性时刻
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/sais.1992.0048
S. Serfaty
I? 1991, the Gulf War and evidence of civil strife in Yugoslavia and elsewhere brought to a quick end any hope that the demise of the Cold War would inaugurate a brave new world order. Although Iraq's aggression was defeated by an overwhelming display of U.S. military power, as well as by an unprecedented exercise in collective security, it served as a reminder that the future was likely to include many more new conflicts, always costly and often deadly. Nearly everywhere in the West, the mood has turned inward and become apprehensive. Such gloom in the West is not new, to be sure. Throughout the Cold War, predictions of likely defeats and impending disasters were common, as political leaders gave up on the future too early and too readily. In the mid-1970s, for example, Valéry Giscard d'Estaing's evocation of an "unhappy" world allegedly "going toward catastrophe" was largely shared during a decade that opened with reminders of pre-World War I crises— from Fashoda to Sarajevo—all designed to point to a drift toward superpower confrontation in either the Third World or in central Europe.1 But, however flawed these analogies were, they rested on much substantive
我吗?1991年,海湾战争以及南斯拉夫和其他地方的内乱迹象使冷战的结束将开创一个勇敢的新世界秩序的任何希望迅速破灭。尽管伊拉克的侵略被美国压倒性的军事力量和前所未有的集体安全演习所击败,但它提醒人们,未来可能会有更多新的冲突,这些冲突总是代价高昂,而且往往是致命的。在西方几乎所有地方,人们的情绪都转向了内部,变得焦虑不安。可以肯定的是,这种悲观情绪在西方并不新鲜。在整个冷战期间,对可能的失败和即将到来的灾难的预测很常见,因为政治领导人对未来放弃得太早、太容易。例如,在20世纪70年代中期,瓦尔杰里·季斯卡·德斯坦(valsamry Giscard d’estaing)对一个“不幸的”世界所谓的“走向灾难”的召唤,在接下来的十年里得到了很大程度上的认同,从法索达(Fashoda)到萨拉热窝(萨拉热窝),所有这些都是为了指出第三世界或中欧的超级大国对抗的趋势。但是,无论这些类比有多么缺陷,它们都有很多实质性的依据
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引用次数: 0
The Reagan Doctrine and Global Containment: Revival or Recessional 里根主义与全球遏制:复兴还是衰退
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1987.0044
R. Hansen
assumed undifferentiable national interests, the availability of unlimited means to oppose the direct and indirect expansion of Soviet power and influence, and the inadvisability of negotiation with the Soviet Union until a rearmed America could once again bargain from a position of strength.1 As a student of containment noted in 1983, "One would, in fact, have to go back to the later Truman administration to find a comparable emphasis on the accumulation of military hardware and a corresponding degree of skepticism regarding negotiations."2 By the end of the Reagan administration's first term it had substantially failed in its efforts to revitalize global containment. Ironically, however, if the first half of 1985 vividly illustrated those failings, it also witnessed the emergence of what is presently claimed to be a significant opportunity to overcome them. In his 6 February 1985 State of the Union address, the president first publicly set forth what others were soon to call the Reagan Doctrine:
假定的不可区分的国家利益,有无限的手段来反对苏联的权力和影响的直接和间接的扩张,以及在重新武装起来的美国能够再次以实力地位进行谈判之前,与苏联谈判是不明智的正如一位研究遏制政策的学者在1983年指出的那样,“事实上,人们必须回到后来的杜鲁门政府,才能找到对军事装备积累的同等重视,以及对谈判的相应程度的怀疑。”到里根政府第一个任期结束时,它重振全球遏制的努力基本上失败了。然而,具有讽刺意味的是,如果说1985年上半年生动地说明了这些失败,那么它也见证了目前被认为是克服这些失败的重大机会的出现。在1985年2月6日的国情咨文中,总统首次公开提出了后来被其他人称为“里根主义”的理念:
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引用次数: 3
Aiding Eastern Europe in a a Capital-Short World 在资本短缺的世界中帮助东欧
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/sais.1992.0003
L. Silk
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引用次数: 0
Russia and the West: The Next to Last Phase 俄罗斯和西方:下一个最后阶段
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1981.0066
G. Liška
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引用次数: 1
Needed: A Framework for European Security 需要:一个欧洲安全框架
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1994.0010
Stefan Fröhlich
With die end ofthe Cold War, Europe is likely to face a resumption of many historical tensions diat were suppressed in the postwar era, as well as new sources of instability. Despite all efforts to encourage democratic and market reforms in die former Soviet Union—almost certainly the most important region affecting Europe's security—and to use diplomacy to manage the lesser crises in Europe, contingencies are even more likely to arise now dian in die past in which Western Europe may need to employ, or at least must have a convincing option to employ, military force. Nowhere is die need for military cooperation more apparent than in die former state of Yugoslavia. The war has shown, however, mat neidier die collective defense system of die North Adantic Treaty Organization (nato) nor the economic integration efforts of die European Community (EC) have been truly effective in responding to security challenges. Thus any contingencies will require not merely appropriate military responses, but also attention to die political framework widiin which diose responses should be organized. The Maastricht meeting, at which diis issue was confronted in late 1991, provided only a provisional answer, and die danget remains diat die Adantic and European perspectives ofthe European security framework will prove to be incompatible. In adjusting to die challenges brought about by die end of die Cold War, die members of die Western security structure face three critical tasks: creating a new strategic rationale for die Alliance; deciding how to contribute to stability in die
随着冷战的结束,欧洲可能会面临战后被压制的许多历史紧张局势的恢复,以及新的不稳定因素。尽管所有的努力都在鼓励前苏联(几乎可以肯定是影响欧洲安全的最重要的地区)的民主和市场改革,并利用外交手段来管理欧洲较小的危机,但与过去相比,现在更有可能出现西欧可能需要使用或至少必须有一个令人信服的选择来使用军事力量的突发事件。没有任何地方比前南斯拉夫国家更明显地需要军事合作。然而,这场战争表明,无论是北大西洋公约组织(北约)的集体防御体系,还是欧洲共同体(欧共体)的经济一体化努力,都没有真正有效地应对安全挑战。因此,任何突发事件不仅需要适当的军事反应,而且还需要注意组织各种反应的政治框架。1991年底,马斯特里赫特会议提出了这个问题,但只提供了一个临时的答案,而且危险仍然存在,因为大西洋和欧洲对欧洲安全框架的看法将被证明是不相容的。在适应冷战结束所带来的挑战中,西方安全结构的成员面临着三个关键任务:为联盟创造新的战略理论基础;决定如何为模具的稳定性做出贡献
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引用次数: 4
Soviet Trade with the Industrialized West 苏联与西方工业化国家的贸易
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1988.0007
D. Franklin
Whhile Leonid Brezhnev was still alive a Soviet planner contemplating the strength of his country's foreign trade position could have been forgiven for reaching some rather complacent conclusions. My country, he might have said, is big and self-sufficient in most natural resources, so its dependence on foreign trade is relatively small. Its imports are equivalent to roughly a tenth of national income, a percentage in line with the United States. Unlike the United States, the Soviet Union conducts more than half of its trade within the shelter of the guaranteed markets and comparatively stable prices of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA or Comecon). In trade with the West, the Soviet Union had a great piece of luck in the 1970s, thanks to the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). The oil on which the Soviet Union has relied for some twothirds of its hard currency exports soared in value in those years, and so the country could buy more from the West without running up the sort of hard currency debt that crippled Poland. There seemed every chance that this luck would last. Stalin had created a system for conducting foreign trade that provided shelter from potentially devastating Western competition without noticeably harming Soviet exports to the West. Soviet protectionism against the West provoked no "retaliatory" restrictions on Soviet oil deliveries to Western markets. On the contrary, the West seemed prepared
在列昂尼德·勃列日涅夫(Leonid Brezhnev)还活着的时候,一位苏联规划者在考虑该国对外贸易地位的强弱时,得出了一些相当自满的结论,这是可以原谅的。他可能会说,我的国家很大,在大多数自然资源上都能自给自足,所以对对外贸易的依赖相对较小。中国的进口大约相当于国民收入的十分之一,这一比例与美国相当。与美国不同,苏联一半以上的贸易是在经济互助委员会(CMEA或Comecon)的有保障的市场和相对稳定的价格的庇护下进行的。在与西方的贸易中,由于石油输出国组织(OPEC)的存在,苏联在20世纪70年代获得了巨大的运气。在那些年里,苏联三分之二的硬通货出口所依赖的石油价值飙升,因此,苏联可以从西方购买更多的石油,而不会像波兰那样背负沉重的硬通货债务。这种好运似乎很有可能持续下去。斯大林创造了一套对外贸易体系,在不明显损害苏联对西方出口的情况下,为苏联提供了躲避潜在的毁灭性西方竞争的庇护。苏联对西方的保护主义并没有引起对苏联向西方市场输送石油的“报复性”限制。相反,西方似乎做好了准备
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引用次数: 1
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SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)
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