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India's Foreign Policy Since 1971 (review) 1971年以来的印度外交政策(回顾)
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/sais.1993.0036
A. George
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引用次数: 0
Revolutionary Iran: Challenge and Response in the Middle East (review) 革命的伊朗:中东的挑战与应对(回顾)
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1987.0014
M. Ruehsen
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引用次数: 0
Constructive Engagement in South Africa: A Viable U.S. Policy 建设性参与南非事务:一项可行的美国政策
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1981.0001
J. Seiler
.he new Reagan administration must promptly consider its policy toward southern Africa. The Namibian negotiations remain unsettled, and because of that potential crisis the prospects for an uncontrollable regional war involving major international powers have grown. Underlying any review ofregional policy must be a clearheaded assessment of U.S. interests in and policy toward South Africa itself. Are we as a nation genuinely concerned about furthering constructive changes in that troubled, complex society, or have our protestations over South African domestic policies during the past two decades been essentially reflexive and rhetorical, aimed at UN and domestic constituencies and at easing guilt about our own social shortcomings? If the concern is genuine, then a conjunction of events—rapid changes in southern Africa since the 1974 Portuguese coup, the tentative but substantial commitment to change made by the P.W. Botha government in South Africa since it took office in September 1978, the tacit acknowledgment by career Carter administration officials that the approach initiated in the first months of 1977 had failed, the massive Reagan victory, the Senate's Republican majority, and a conservative shift in the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives—gives us a momentary opportunity to launch a redirected policy intended to boost peaceful change in South Africa: a policy of constructive engagement.
里根新政府必须迅速考虑其对南部非洲的政策。纳米比亚谈判仍未解决,由于这一潜在的危机,一场涉及主要国际大国的无法控制的区域战争的前景有所增加。对地区政策的任何审查都必须对美国在南非的利益和对南非的政策进行清醒的评估。作为一个国家,我们是否真的关心在这个麻烦的、复杂的社会中进一步进行建设性的变革,或者我们在过去二十年中对南非国内政策的抗议基本上是反身性的和修辞性的,目的是针对联合国和国内选民,并减轻我们对自己社会缺陷的负罪感?如果这种担忧是真实的,那么一系列事件的结合——自1974年葡萄牙政变以来南部非洲的迅速变化,1978年9月南非P.W.博塔政府上台以来对变革的初步但实质性的承诺,职业卡特政府官员默认1977年头几个月开始的方法已经失败,里根的大胜,参议院共和党的多数,民主党控制的众议院出现了保守的转变——这给了我们一个短暂的机会,可以启动一项旨在促进南非和平变革的政策:一项建设性接触的政策。
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引用次数: 1
Naval Arms Control for the Bush Era 布什时代的海军军备控制
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1990.0020
E. Rhodes
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引用次数: 2
The Rise and Fall of the Chicago Boys in Chile 《芝加哥男孩在智利的兴衰
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1983.0040
Paul E. Sigmund
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引用次数: 6
The Committed Observer (review) 承诺观察员(审查)
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/sais.1985.0007
W. R. Green
A series of interviews accorded by Raymond Aron in 1980 to French television appear in this readable and captivating volume. Aron offers an analysis of the political and economic crises sweeping France during the past fifty years as well as a defense of the positions he took on specific issues. His discussions of the diplomatic failures to bridle Hitler's Germany, the economic weaknesses of the Popular Front's program, the Algerian conflict, and Prague Spring are particularly interesting. Following the war, Aron embarked on a double career as an editorialist and professor of sociology. Journalism permitted him to participate in the nation's political reconstruction and thus interpret history in the making, while academics provided the environment for the intellectual development of his political philosophy. An analyst and interpreter of events, Aron frequently found himself in disagreement with the French intelligentsia of the 1950s and 1960s. Considered an intellectual of the right while espousing a liberal conception of society, Aron cannot be readily categorized. His political attitudes emerged from a relativist approach to history, empirical analysis, and a liberal philosophy favoring pluralism. He appreciated the distinctions between general idealism and political realism. This volume serves as a useful introduction to the study of the political philosophy of one of France's great intellectuals.
雷蒙·阿隆在1980年接受法国电视台的一系列采访,收录在这本可读性强、引人入胜的书中。阿伦对过去五十年席卷法国的政治和经济危机进行了分析,并为自己在一些具体问题上的立场进行了辩护。他对遏制希特勒德国的外交失败、人民阵线计划的经济弱点、阿尔及利亚冲突和布拉格之春的讨论尤其有趣。战争结束后,阿隆开始了他的双重职业:社论作家和社会学教授。新闻业使他能够参与国家的政治重建,从而解释正在形成的历史,而学术界则为他的政治哲学的智力发展提供了环境。作为事件的分析和解释者,阿隆经常发现自己与20世纪50年代和60年代的法国知识分子意见相左。在拥护自由主义社会观念的同时,被认为是右翼知识分子的阿隆无法轻易归类。他的政治态度来自于对历史的相对主义态度、实证分析和赞成多元主义的自由主义哲学。他欣赏一般理想主义和政治现实主义之间的区别。这本书是对法国伟大知识分子之一的政治哲学研究的有用介绍。
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引用次数: 0
Symposium: Old Adversaries, New Ground 专题讨论会:老对手,新阵地
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1988.0060
S. Serfaty, R. Barnet, Z. Brzezinski, F. Gaffney, R. Garthoff, William G. Hyland, G. Kemp, G. Liška, J. Nolan, Roxanne Ridgway, Dimitri K. Simes, H. Sonnenfeldt, Strobe Talbott
[Editor's Note: The rapid succession of superpower summits that started with Geneva in 1985 and ends for the Reagan administration with Moscow in 1988, following a record dry spell in such meetings, reflects equally extreme changes in rhetoric and policy toward the Soviet Union. These symbolic occasions, dominated by the world's leading political personalities, can both highlight and obscure fundamental aspects of the relationship between these two seasoned adversaries. To evaluate more precisely these changes in the evolution of this classic relationship, the SAIS REVIEW has asked a number of foreign policy specialists (most with previous policy experience) to respond — all too briefly — to the following questions. With this collection of memories, observations, and suggestions, the SAIS REVIEW aims to offer its readers a framework within which to analyze this newest round in superpower relations.]
[编者注:超级大国峰会从1985年的日内瓦峰会开始,到里根政府时期的1988年莫斯科峰会结束,在这类会议经历了一段创纪录的干旱期之后,这一连串的快速变化反映了对苏言论和政策的极端变化。]这些由世界主要政治人物主导的象征性场合,既可以突出也可以模糊这两个经验丰富的对手之间关系的基本方面。为了更准确地评估这一经典关系演变过程中的这些变化,《战略与国际事务研究所评论》邀请了一些外交政策专家(大多数都有政策经验)对以下问题作出简短的回答。通过收集这些记忆、观察和建议,《战略战略研究所评论》旨在为读者提供一个分析超级大国关系最新一轮的框架。
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引用次数: 1
Introduction: Old France In New Europe? 引言:旧法国在新欧洲?
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1993.0033
D. Calleo
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引用次数: 0
Spheres of Influence: Seal Them or Peel Them? 势力范围:封闭还是剥离?
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1984.0007
R. Pastor
„s the 1984 presidential election comes into focus, and the memory of the Korean airliner recedes, the Reagan administration will probably make one more attempt to reach an arms control agreement with the Soviet Union. From a political perspective, the administration is well positioned. If Reagan can demonstrate his flexibility, the Soviets will either have to make a deal, which will deprive the Democrats of the nuclear issue, or they will bluster and refuse to cooperate, thus helping Reagan to prove his point about Soviet disingenuousness on arms control. Because of the Korean airliner tragedy, too, the Soviets have an additional incentive to be cooperative and regain some of the credibility they lost in Europe. If the Soviets decide to cooperate, the United States may find an astute Yuri Andropov prepared to cut a larger deal. If the United States stops supporting Afghani insurgents and stops encouraging the Poles and other Eastern Europeans, the Soviets will call off their wolves in Central America.
随着1984年总统大选成为焦点,人们对韩国客机事件的记忆逐渐淡去,里根政府可能会再一次尝试与苏联达成军备控制协议。从政治角度来看,政府处于有利地位。如果里根能表现出他的灵活性,苏联人要么不得不达成协议,这将剥夺民主党人的核问题,要么他们会咆哮并拒绝合作,从而帮助里根证明他的观点,即苏联在军备控制方面不诚实。也因为韩国客机的悲剧,苏联有了一个额外的动机来合作,并重新获得他们在欧洲失去的一些信誉。如果苏联决定合作,美国可能会发现精明的尤里·安德罗波夫(Yuri Andropov)准备达成一笔更大的交易。如果美国停止支持阿富汗叛乱分子,停止鼓励波兰人和其他东欧国家,苏联将会在中美洲消灭他们的狼群。
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引用次数: 0
Strategic Engagement and Sino-American Trade 战略接触与中美贸易
Pub Date : 2012-07-11 DOI: 10.1353/SAIS.1981.0060
F. Davidson
I would like to envision a China that could eventually be a legitimate ally of the free world. I think there has to be a certain degree of caution, remembering that this is a country whose government subscribes to an ideology based on a belief in destroying governments like ours . . . but I am also going to keep in mind that I do not want to go so fast that some day weapons we might have provided will be shooting at us. Ronald Reagan
我想设想一个中国最终可能成为自由世界的合法盟友。我认为必须要有一定程度的谨慎,记住这是一个政府认同一种基于摧毁像我们这样的政府的信念的意识形态的国家……但我也要记住,我不想走得太快,以至于有一天我们可能提供的武器会向我们射击。罗纳德•里根(Ronald Reagan)
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引用次数: 0
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SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)
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