he emergence of the United States as the premier power after World War II stimulated curiosity about the history of American foreign policy. Eager to ensure that the country did not repeat past blunders overseas, scholars probed for answers to why America had fought a seemingly pointless war with Spain, committed itself to Utopian goals in World War I, retreated into political isolationism in the twenties, denied obvious international dangers in the thirties, and held unrealizable hopes of international cooperation during the forties. Historians explained these misdeeds in a variety of ways: as resulting from a reverence for the rule of law, an excess of Protestant evangelism, a tradition of free security ignoring the importance of power, an imperial drive to make the world safe for Capitalism and American power, a preoccupation with domestic politics, and the use of external events to promote internal control.
{"title":"Symbolic Politics and Foreign Affairs: Past and Present","authors":"Robert Dallek","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1984.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1984.0015","url":null,"abstract":"he emergence of the United States as the premier power after World War II stimulated curiosity about the history of American foreign policy. Eager to ensure that the country did not repeat past blunders overseas, scholars probed for answers to why America had fought a seemingly pointless war with Spain, committed itself to Utopian goals in World War I, retreated into political isolationism in the twenties, denied obvious international dangers in the thirties, and held unrealizable hopes of international cooperation during the forties. Historians explained these misdeeds in a variety of ways: as resulting from a reverence for the rule of law, an excess of Protestant evangelism, a tradition of free security ignoring the importance of power, an imperial drive to make the world safe for Capitalism and American power, a preoccupation with domestic politics, and the use of external events to promote internal control.","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"13 1","pages":"1 - 12"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78096717","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
breaking down in the late 1960s and early 1970s, was believed that a system of flexible exchange rates would afford member countries a higher degree of monetary independence. Freed from the balance-of-payments (read balance-of-trade) equilibrium constraint, monetary policy could have been directed to the achievement of domestic objectives, most notably the desired degree of internal price stability, independent of that of the rest of the world. Greater autonomy in national monetary policies and less interdependence in inflation (and perhaps output) rates were expected to be the main benefits of more flexible exchange rates. Moving away from fixed exchange rates would not only have reduced the "common currency standard" characteristics of the Bretton Woods system and the strong economic interdependence implicit in it, but would also have lessened the policy conflicts arising from the perceived asymmetry in the sharing of adjustment burdens between balance of payments deficit-prone and surplus-prone countries. It would have, in addition, reduced the "exorbitant privilege" retained by the reserve issuing country (the United States), whose degree of monetary autonomy was unparalleled within the system. It was also thought that the preservation of the liberal trade system developed in the post-World War II era would be made easier with a more automatic balance-of-trade adjustment mechanism in place.
{"title":"International Monetary Policies, Interdependence, and Debt","authors":"E. Grilli","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1986.0027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1986.0027","url":null,"abstract":"breaking down in the late 1960s and early 1970s, was believed that a system of flexible exchange rates would afford member countries a higher degree of monetary independence. Freed from the balance-of-payments (read balance-of-trade) equilibrium constraint, monetary policy could have been directed to the achievement of domestic objectives, most notably the desired degree of internal price stability, independent of that of the rest of the world. Greater autonomy in national monetary policies and less interdependence in inflation (and perhaps output) rates were expected to be the main benefits of more flexible exchange rates. Moving away from fixed exchange rates would not only have reduced the \"common currency standard\" characteristics of the Bretton Woods system and the strong economic interdependence implicit in it, but would also have lessened the policy conflicts arising from the perceived asymmetry in the sharing of adjustment burdens between balance of payments deficit-prone and surplus-prone countries. It would have, in addition, reduced the \"exorbitant privilege\" retained by the reserve issuing country (the United States), whose degree of monetary autonomy was unparalleled within the system. It was also thought that the preservation of the liberal trade system developed in the post-World War II era would be made easier with a more automatic balance-of-trade adjustment mechanism in place.","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"68 1","pages":"11 - 25"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78385440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"India (review)","authors":"Armin Sethna","doi":"10.1353/sais.1991.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/sais.1991.0003","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"84 1","pages":"227 - 229"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77992702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
M. .any have said that Italy does not have a truly independent foreign policy and that Italy is the most uncritical of America's nato allies. For example, Eugenio Scalfari, editor of the left-wing newspaper, La Repubblica, has called Italy the "Bulgaria of nato," and Enrico Berlinguer, secretary-general of the Italian Communist party, has charged that Italy is the "teacher's pet" in nato. Others contend that Italy has no foreign policy, or that its foreign policy has been beset by "immobility." Still others have argued that Italy's leaders have a "limited vision" which does not extend much beyond domestic affairs. In his book White House Years, Henry Kissinger took this view.
罗姆尼曾表示，意大利没有真正独立的外交政策，在美国的北约盟友中，意大利是最不挑剔的。例如，左翼报纸《共和报》(La Repubblica)的编辑尤金尼奥•斯卡尔法里(Eugenio Scalfari)称意大利为“北约的保加利亚”，意大利共产党秘书长恩里科•贝林格(Enrico Berlinguer)指责意大利是北约的“老师的宠物”。其他人则认为，意大利没有外交政策，或者其外交政策一直被“僵化”所困扰。还有一些人认为，意大利领导人的“视野有限”，只关注国内事务。亨利·基辛格(Henry Kissinger)在他的著作《白宫岁月》(White House Years)中持这种观点。
{"title":"Italian Foreign Policy in the 1980s: What Kind of Role?","authors":"D. A. Wertman","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1982.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1982.0000","url":null,"abstract":"M. .any have said that Italy does not have a truly independent foreign policy and that Italy is the most uncritical of America's nato allies. For example, Eugenio Scalfari, editor of the left-wing newspaper, La Repubblica, has called Italy the \"Bulgaria of nato,\" and Enrico Berlinguer, secretary-general of the Italian Communist party, has charged that Italy is the \"teacher's pet\" in nato. Others contend that Italy has no foreign policy, or that its foreign policy has been beset by \"immobility.\" Still others have argued that Italy's leaders have a \"limited vision\" which does not extend much beyond domestic affairs. In his book White House Years, Henry Kissinger took this view.","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"61 1","pages":"115 - 125"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77999949","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Arming of the Third World: Patterns and Trends","authors":"A. Ross","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1991.0037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1991.0037","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"40 1","pages":"69 - 94"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75526334","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Imperious Economy (review)","authors":"A. Moravcsik","doi":"10.1353/sais.1983.0038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/sais.1983.0038","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"25 1","pages":"239 - 242"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76324722","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Reregionalism in Western Europe is now taken for granted by economists and politicians alike, who generally view as promising the further removal ofbarriers among countries in the European Economic Community (EEC) as envisaged in Europe 1992. Similarly, the U.S.-Canada free trade agreement, which entered into force on January 1, 1989, was generally applauded by those who believe in removing impediments to world trade. Now that the United States and Mexico have indicated their intention to pursue a free trade agreement, however, and President George Bush has outlined his vision ofeventual free trade throughout the Western Hemisphere, questions are being raised about the durability of the multilateral trading system in the face of growing regionalism. These developments coincide with the climax of the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), slated for completion in February 1991. These are complex negotiations dealing not only with the old agenda of tariffs and some nontariff measures, but also with a new set of priorities: agriculture, trade in services, trade-related aspects of foreign investment, protection of intellectual property, the phaseout of the
{"title":"Regionalism and the GATT: The North American Initiative","authors":"S. Weintraub","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1991.0054","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1991.0054","url":null,"abstract":"Reregionalism in Western Europe is now taken for granted by economists and politicians alike, who generally view as promising the further removal ofbarriers among countries in the European Economic Community (EEC) as envisaged in Europe 1992. Similarly, the U.S.-Canada free trade agreement, which entered into force on January 1, 1989, was generally applauded by those who believe in removing impediments to world trade. Now that the United States and Mexico have indicated their intention to pursue a free trade agreement, however, and President George Bush has outlined his vision ofeventual free trade throughout the Western Hemisphere, questions are being raised about the durability of the multilateral trading system in the face of growing regionalism. These developments coincide with the climax of the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), slated for completion in February 1991. These are complex negotiations dealing not only with the old agenda of tariffs and some nontariff measures, but also with a new set of priorities: agriculture, trade in services, trade-related aspects of foreign investment, protection of intellectual property, the phaseout of the","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"28 1","pages":"45 - 57"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73264808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Savings, Capital Formation, and National Security","authors":"J. Hecht, J. Oliver","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1989.0028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1989.0028","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"57 1","pages":"111 - 127"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74352896","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"With the Contras: A Reporter in the Wilds of Nicaragua (review)","authors":"Lawrence T. Dirita","doi":"10.1353/sais.1986.0043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/sais.1986.0043","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"4 1","pages":"244 - 245"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74615553","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the past four years the Reagan administration has been building on the enduring strengths of our national character to revitalize America's global leadership, national morale, economic strength, and military power. In his second term President Ronald Reagan will address pressing national security questions and will consider new directions in policy. Now is an appropriate time to assess the lessons of the previous four years and, where necessary, adjust the course for the next four. In our free society national security issues are debated by the people. These debates contrast markedly with Soviet society, where the principal policy objective is to preserve the state's totalitarian power and where the decisions are made by a small ruling elite. Because free discussion is essential in a democracy, I have entered the public debate concerning defense issues. I traveled to England to debate the issue of deterrence at the Oxford Union and have participated in several discussions on U.S. national television. I conferred with the National Conference of Catholic Bishops as they deliberated on their pastoral letter on war and peace, responding later to the major points in that document in a talk at Fordham University. Because there are parallels between many of the bishops' principles and our nation's policy, a review of the bishops' arguments is instructive. Our national policy and the bishops' letter are both based on a "presumption in favor of peace and against war." Together we reject offensive war; together we acknowledge that all nations have "a right and even a duty to
在过去的四年里，里根政府一直在建立我们民族性格的持久优势，以重振美国的全球领导地位、国家士气、经济实力和军事实力。罗纳德·里根总统在他的第二个任期内将处理紧迫的国家安全问题，并考虑新的政策方向。现在是评估过去四年的教训，并在必要时调整未来四年路线的适当时机。在我们的自由社会，国家安全问题由人民讨论。这些辩论与苏联社会形成鲜明对比，苏联社会的主要政策目标是维护国家的极权主义权力，决策是由一小部分统治精英做出的。因为自由讨论在民主中是必不可少的，所以我参加了有关国防问题的公开辩论。我曾前往英国，在牛津联盟(Oxford Union)就威慑问题进行辩论，并在美国国家电视台上参加了几次讨论。当全国天主教主教会议(National Conference of Catholic Bishops)审议他们关于战争与和平的牧函时，我与他们进行了磋商，后来在福特汉姆大学(Fordham University)的一次演讲中，我回应了那份文件中的主要观点。由于主教们的许多原则与我们国家的政策有相似之处，对主教们的论点进行回顾是有益的。我们的国家政策和主教们的信都是基于“支持和平反对战争的假设”。我们一起反对进攻性战争;我们共同承认，所有国家都“有权利，甚至有义务……
{"title":"The Nature of Deterrence","authors":"C. Weinberger","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1985.0022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1985.0022","url":null,"abstract":"During the past four years the Reagan administration has been building on the enduring strengths of our national character to revitalize America's global leadership, national morale, economic strength, and military power. In his second term President Ronald Reagan will address pressing national security questions and will consider new directions in policy. Now is an appropriate time to assess the lessons of the previous four years and, where necessary, adjust the course for the next four. In our free society national security issues are debated by the people. These debates contrast markedly with Soviet society, where the principal policy objective is to preserve the state's totalitarian power and where the decisions are made by a small ruling elite. Because free discussion is essential in a democracy, I have entered the public debate concerning defense issues. I traveled to England to debate the issue of deterrence at the Oxford Union and have participated in several discussions on U.S. national television. I conferred with the National Conference of Catholic Bishops as they deliberated on their pastoral letter on war and peace, responding later to the major points in that document in a talk at Fordham University. Because there are parallels between many of the bishops' principles and our nation's policy, a review of the bishops' arguments is instructive. Our national policy and the bishops' letter are both based on a \"presumption in favor of peace and against war.\" Together we reject offensive war; together we acknowledge that all nations have \"a right and even a duty to","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"231 1","pages":"37 - 41"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/SAIS.1985.0022","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72528033","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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