{"title":"Germany Debates Defense: The NATO Alliance at the Crossroads, and: Conventional Deterrence (review)","authors":"W. Hoffman","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1985.0045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1985.0045","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"47 1","pages":"285 - 286"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84255261","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Helmut Sonnenfeldt, now a visiting scholar at the Brookings Institute, was born in Berlin and became a U.S. citizen in 1944. A graduate of SAIS, he was thL· review's first editor. Later he served as a Soviet scholar and director of intelligence and research in the State Department, moved to the White House to become senior member of the National Security Council staff, and then returned to the State Department as counselor under Secretary KL·singer. In 1976 he was "traduced," in ^singer's words, by a series of newspaper columns that elevated a confidential account of an informal policy dmussion to the level of a "Sonnenfeldt Doctrine." The incident was shortly caught up in the presidential campaign of that year as evidence of a supposed "softness" toward the Soviet's role in Eastern Europe—"an absurd accusation," according to Kttsinger, "reflecting a woeful ignorance of the convictions and contributions of an outstanding public servant" whose "superb analyses" have been confirmed "with the passage of time to be penetrating, shrewd, and wL·^ " In the following interview with Philip Geyelin, syndicated columntit and editor-in-residence at The Johns Hopkins Foreign Policy Institute, SAIS, Mr. Sonnenfeldt dxcusses the circumstances surrounding the matter ofthe "Sonnenfeldt Doctrine" and updates hL· views on current issues having to do with Poland in particuhr, and East-West refations in general.
{"title":"Interview: Helmut Sonnenfeldt with Philip Geyelin","authors":"H. Sonnenfeldt, Philip L. Geyelin","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1982.0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1982.0017","url":null,"abstract":"Helmut Sonnenfeldt, now a visiting scholar at the Brookings Institute, was born in Berlin and became a U.S. citizen in 1944. A graduate of SAIS, he was thL· review's first editor. Later he served as a Soviet scholar and director of intelligence and research in the State Department, moved to the White House to become senior member of the National Security Council staff, and then returned to the State Department as counselor under Secretary KL·singer. In 1976 he was \"traduced,\" in ^singer's words, by a series of newspaper columns that elevated a confidential account of an informal policy dmussion to the level of a \"Sonnenfeldt Doctrine.\" The incident was shortly caught up in the presidential campaign of that year as evidence of a supposed \"softness\" toward the Soviet's role in Eastern Europe—\"an absurd accusation,\" according to Kttsinger, \"reflecting a woeful ignorance of the convictions and contributions of an outstanding public servant\" whose \"superb analyses\" have been confirmed \"with the passage of time to be penetrating, shrewd, and wL·^ \" In the following interview with Philip Geyelin, syndicated columntit and editor-in-residence at The Johns Hopkins Foreign Policy Institute, SAIS, Mr. Sonnenfeldt dxcusses the circumstances surrounding the matter ofthe \"Sonnenfeldt Doctrine\" and updates hL· views on current issues having to do with Poland in particuhr, and East-West refations in general.","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"65 1","pages":"161 - 176"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84487251","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Europe 1992: The Opportunity and the Challenge for U.S. Economic Interests","authors":"S. Cooney","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1990.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1990.0002","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"146 1","pages":"73 - 85"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85006752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Germany, America, Europe: Forty Years of German Foreign Policy (review)","authors":"Victoria Keefe","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1990.0025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1990.0025","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"60 1","pages":"195 - 197"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85107143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tlie myth of a monolithic Soviet empire in Eastern Europe exploded long before Gorbachev launched his program of reforms. Even in the years immediately after World War II Stalin's concept of a uniformly obedient ring of satellite states on the western periphery of the USSR did not last long. Although the establishment of communist control in Czechoslovakia in February 1948 seemed to complete the imposition of Soviet hegemony in Eastern Europe, the defection of Yugoslavia shattered the monolith within weeks. Tito's success in maintaining his country's independence exercised a profound influence on the communist leaders of the other East European countries. This effect was reinforced by Khrushchev's clumsy attempts to heal the breach between the two countries, affirmed in the 1955 Belgrade Declaration, which, in effect, proclaimed the right of each communist regime to seek socialist salvation in its own way. The East European purges, which had disfigured the closing years of Stalin's rule, had been in vain. After 1956 the USSR was reduced to propping up the ailing economies of its East European allies and protecting its own security interests. Perceptions of threats to Soviet security and stability, rather than any desire to impose the slavish ideological conformity that Stalin had sought, prompted the suppression of the Hungarian revolution in 1956, the invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, and, more recently, the support of Jaruzelski's attempt to reimpose effective control in Poland. Within the parameters of the Soviet Union's security interests, the East European
{"title":"Problems of Adjustment: The Gorbachev Effect in Eastern Europe","authors":"O. Pick","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1988.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1988.0002","url":null,"abstract":"Tlie myth of a monolithic Soviet empire in Eastern Europe exploded long before Gorbachev launched his program of reforms. Even in the years immediately after World War II Stalin's concept of a uniformly obedient ring of satellite states on the western periphery of the USSR did not last long. Although the establishment of communist control in Czechoslovakia in February 1948 seemed to complete the imposition of Soviet hegemony in Eastern Europe, the defection of Yugoslavia shattered the monolith within weeks. Tito's success in maintaining his country's independence exercised a profound influence on the communist leaders of the other East European countries. This effect was reinforced by Khrushchev's clumsy attempts to heal the breach between the two countries, affirmed in the 1955 Belgrade Declaration, which, in effect, proclaimed the right of each communist regime to seek socialist salvation in its own way. The East European purges, which had disfigured the closing years of Stalin's rule, had been in vain. After 1956 the USSR was reduced to propping up the ailing economies of its East European allies and protecting its own security interests. Perceptions of threats to Soviet security and stability, rather than any desire to impose the slavish ideological conformity that Stalin had sought, prompted the suppression of the Hungarian revolution in 1956, the invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, and, more recently, the support of Jaruzelski's attempt to reimpose effective control in Poland. Within the parameters of the Soviet Union's security interests, the East European","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"79 1","pages":"57 - 73"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85576740","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
V.iOLENT protests rocked Jamaica for two days in January 1985 and shattered a four-year period of relative tranquility, evoking grim memories of the Dominican Republic uprising in April of the preceding year. The Kingston demonstrations, sparked by an increase of twenty-one percent in fuel prices, resulted in the death of at least seven people and the injury of twenty others, leading many observers to question the effectiveness of U.S. policy vis-à-vis Jamaica.1 That policy can only be analyzed in the broader context of U.S. policy in the Caribbean and Central America. The Reagan administration, in an attempt to halt perceived Soviet and Cuban influence in a region considered vital to U.S. national interests, has pursued an activist policy. President Reagan emphasized the strategic importance of the region three years ago: "Nearly half of our trade, two-thirds of our imported oil, and [more than] half of our imported strategic minerals pass through the Panama Canal or the Gulf of Mexico."2 The activist policy seeks to achieve U.S. political and strategic objectives through increased levels of economic and technical assistance.
{"title":"Jamaica: The Limits of a Showcase Policy","authors":"S. Tollefson","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1985.0048","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1985.0048","url":null,"abstract":"V.iOLENT protests rocked Jamaica for two days in January 1985 and shattered a four-year period of relative tranquility, evoking grim memories of the Dominican Republic uprising in April of the preceding year. The Kingston demonstrations, sparked by an increase of twenty-one percent in fuel prices, resulted in the death of at least seven people and the injury of twenty others, leading many observers to question the effectiveness of U.S. policy vis-à-vis Jamaica.1 That policy can only be analyzed in the broader context of U.S. policy in the Caribbean and Central America. The Reagan administration, in an attempt to halt perceived Soviet and Cuban influence in a region considered vital to U.S. national interests, has pursued an activist policy. President Reagan emphasized the strategic importance of the region three years ago: \"Nearly half of our trade, two-thirds of our imported oil, and [more than] half of our imported strategic minerals pass through the Panama Canal or the Gulf of Mexico.\"2 The activist policy seeks to achieve U.S. political and strategic objectives through increased levels of economic and technical assistance.","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"516 1","pages":"189 - 204"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77130141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
he nations of East Asia and North America have come to constitute a new international order. At the core of this order are Australia, Canada, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, New Zealand, the Pacific ministates, the Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, the United States, and the two city-states of Singapore and Hong Kong. Because the nations are so varied, however, identification among them is weak and regional cooperation suffers. At the periphery of this order are the Asian Socialist states of the People's Republic of China (prc), North Korea, the Soviet Union, and Vietnam, which includes Laos and Kampuchea. Relations among these states are dominated, for the most part, by balance-ofpower considerations, and their relations with the core states of the East Asian international order have been adversarial, although this is beginning to change. Most core states have established at least informal relations with China and the Soviet Union; for instance, Thailand uses its ties with China to contain Vietnam, and South Korea has considered outflanking North Korea by offering support to the Soviet Union in developing Siberia. Even though the security relations in East Asia are far from resolved, and balance-of-power considerations still very much in evidence, security systems have not emerged as a principal concern for these nations, which, for the most part, have been content to fend for themselves or, at best, to enter into bilateral security treaties. These arrangements have sufficed. In fact, they have failed to protect the parties involved on only one occasion, when the Chinese invaded Vietnam, which had signed a friendship treaty with the Soviet Union.
{"title":"The United States, Japan, and the Emerging East Asian Order","authors":"N. Thayer","doi":"10.1353/sais.1984.0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/sais.1984.0016","url":null,"abstract":"he nations of East Asia and North America have come to constitute a new international order. At the core of this order are Australia, Canada, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, New Zealand, the Pacific ministates, the Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, the United States, and the two city-states of Singapore and Hong Kong. Because the nations are so varied, however, identification among them is weak and regional cooperation suffers. At the periphery of this order are the Asian Socialist states of the People's Republic of China (prc), North Korea, the Soviet Union, and Vietnam, which includes Laos and Kampuchea. Relations among these states are dominated, for the most part, by balance-ofpower considerations, and their relations with the core states of the East Asian international order have been adversarial, although this is beginning to change. Most core states have established at least informal relations with China and the Soviet Union; for instance, Thailand uses its ties with China to contain Vietnam, and South Korea has considered outflanking North Korea by offering support to the Soviet Union in developing Siberia. Even though the security relations in East Asia are far from resolved, and balance-of-power considerations still very much in evidence, security systems have not emerged as a principal concern for these nations, which, for the most part, have been content to fend for themselves or, at best, to enter into bilateral security treaties. These arrangements have sufficed. In fact, they have failed to protect the parties involved on only one occasion, when the Chinese invaded Vietnam, which had signed a friendship treaty with the Soviet Union.","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"16 1","pages":"1 - 14"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80921468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Taking Europe Seriously (review)","authors":"T. Ryan","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1992.0039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1992.0039","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"111 1","pages":"166 - 168"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80941164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Economic Development: The History of an Idea (review)","authors":"Scott Andrew Goidel","doi":"10.1353/SAIS.1988.0020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/SAIS.1988.0020","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"36 1","pages":"229 - 231"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81106216","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
For all the insights that it provides on the national motivations that produced the Free Trade Agreement, Making Free Trade Work fails to address the larger issue of the future of the Agreement. This book is guilty of having taken the economic and political contexts of the Free Trade Agreement for granted, and of completely disregarding two very serious realities. These realities—a Mexico ready and willing to deal and a Canada where the Free Trade Agreement is certain to have a difficult future—cannot be ignored.
{"title":"Governments and Corporations in a Shrinking World: Trade and Innovation Policies in the United States, Europe, and Japan (review)","authors":"Ahmet I. Kiziltan","doi":"10.1353/sais.1991.0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/sais.1991.0016","url":null,"abstract":"For all the insights that it provides on the national motivations that produced the Free Trade Agreement, Making Free Trade Work fails to address the larger issue of the future of the Agreement. This book is guilty of having taken the economic and political contexts of the Free Trade Agreement for granted, and of completely disregarding two very serious realities. These realities—a Mexico ready and willing to deal and a Canada where the Free Trade Agreement is certain to have a difficult future—cannot be ignored.","PeriodicalId":85482,"journal":{"name":"SAIS review (Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies)","volume":"5 1","pages":"218 - 219"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81148401","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：