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The Archaeology and Architecture of Farm Buildings at Saumarez Station Saumarez车站农场建筑的考古与建筑
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2023.2229570
Nicolas Grguric
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引用次数: 0
Agila and the reanimation of seafaring on the south coast of Papua New Guinea after 770 cal BP Agila与770年后巴布亚新几内亚南海岸航海的复兴 cal BP
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2023.2238251
R. Skelly, B. David, F. Petchey, M. Leavesley, Jerome Mialanes, Teppsy Beni, Chris Urwin
Abstract Seafaring ceramicists connected widely spaced communities along the expanse of PNG’s south coast for more than 1,500 years following the arrival of people using pots with Lapita decoration c.2,900 cal BP. Archaeological investigations at locations from the Gulf of Papua in the west to Mailu Island in the east suggest a major change occurred to seafaring and social relations after 1,200 cal BP. The following five centuries often referred to as the ‘Ceramic Hiccup’ were characterised by a contraction in the scale of formerly long-distance voyaging. Here we present results of recent archaeological excavations at the ancestral village site of Agila in Hood Bay east of Port Moresby. The decorations on older pot sherds at Agila are akin to those on ancestral Motu pottery known from Motupore Island to the west. The decoration changes on more recent sherds which have more in common with ancestral Mailu pottery from Mailu Island to the east. Details of changing seafaring relations – from west to east – at Agila were published in 2018 after our first field season. However, results from the first field season left questions about site antiquity unresolved. We returned to Agila in 2022 and continued excavations to address those questions. Our excavations revealed that initial settlement at Agila coincided with a reanimation of coastal seafaring after 770 cal BP. Results also show that the major pottery manufacturing and seafaring community of Motupore maintained relations with communities to both the east and west. An analysis of the ceramic assemblage allows us to historicise the emergence of social strategies which entrenched Hood Bay at a nexus between Motu and Mailu specialised trading and seafaring communities.
大约在公元前2900年,随着人们使用带有拉皮塔装饰的陶器,航海陶艺家在巴布亚新几内亚南海岸的广阔地区连接了1500多年来分布广泛的社区。从西部的巴布亚湾到东部的马鲁岛的考古调查表明,在公元前1200年之后,航海和社会关系发生了重大变化。接下来的五个世纪通常被称为“陶瓷打嗝”,其特点是以前长途航行的规模缩小。在这里,我们展示了最近在莫尔兹比港东部胡德湾阿吉拉祖传村庄遗址的考古发掘结果。阿吉拉古老的陶器碎片上的装饰与西部莫图波雷岛的祖先莫图陶器上的装饰相似。最近的碎片上的装饰发生了变化,这些碎片与东部马鲁岛的祖先马鲁陶器有更多的共同之处。在我们的第一个实地季节之后,2018年发布了Agila海上关系变化的细节——从西到东。然而,第一次实地考察的结果使遗址的古代问题没有得到解决。我们于2022年回到阿吉拉,并继续挖掘以解决这些问题。我们的发掘表明,阿吉拉的最初定居与770 cal BP之后沿海航海的复兴相吻合。结果还表明,莫图波雷主要的陶器制造和航海社区与东部和西部社区保持着联系。对陶瓷组合的分析使我们能够将社会战略的出现历史化,这些战略使胡德湾成为Motu和Mailu专业贸易和航海社区之间的纽带。
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引用次数: 0
Will my boomerang come back? New insights into Aboriginal material culture of early Sydney and affiliated coastal zone from British collections 我的回旋镖会回来吗?英国收藏对早期悉尼及其沿岸地区土著物质文化的新认识
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2023.2214336
Gaye Sculthorpe, Daniel Simpson
Abstract Aboriginal material culture of the Sydney region has been analysed extensively by Australian archaeologists, notably Vincent Megaw and Val Attenbrow, yet many new insights can be obtained through the examination of hitherto unidentified and unexamined museum objects and dispersed archival documentation in Britain and Ireland. Close engagement with these sources permits a more informed explication of the variety of objects in use in colonial Sydney and its greater affiliated coastal zone. Focussing on the period 1788–1870, this article examines three related object types, termed variously in English ‘swords’, ‘boomerangs’ and ‘clubs’, to investigate their nature, current and former distribution, and histories of collection. Discussions with members of the La Perouse Aboriginal Community in Sydney indicate a great interest in collaborative research to improve understanding of such objects, because few of these collected and removed objects have been documented to a precise place of origin. Stylistic comparison of actual objects with historic images of similar types therefore remains a basic first step. This fundamental work is necessary to engage the appropriate community research partners but raises questions as to methodologies for community engagement with unprovenanced objects, or those known only to be from a large regional area, which may encompass many groups. Ascertaining places of origin is thus critical to ensuring the accuracy and validity of any repatriation or restitution efforts, and in making sure that the ‘right’ objects return to relevant Aboriginal communities.
澳大利亚考古学家,特别是Vincent Megaw和Val Attenbrow,对悉尼地区的土著物质文化进行了广泛的分析,然而,通过对迄今为止尚未确定和未经检查的博物馆物品和分散在英国和爱尔兰的档案文件的检查,可以获得许多新的见解。与这些资料的密切接触,可以更深入地了解悉尼殖民地及其附属沿海地区使用的各种物品。本文着眼于1788年至1870年期间,研究了三种相关的物品类型,在英语中被称为“剑”、“回旋镖”和“俱乐部”,以调查它们的性质、现在和以前的分布以及收藏历史。与悉尼La Perouse土著社区成员的讨论表明,他们对合作研究非常感兴趣,以提高对这些物品的理解,因为这些收集和移除的物品很少有确切的起源记录。因此,将实际物体与类似类型的历史图像进行风格比较仍然是基本的第一步。这项基础工作对于与适当的社区研究伙伴合作是必要的,但也提出了一些问题,如社区与未证实来源的物体接触的方法,或那些只知道来自一个大区域的物体,可能包括许多群体。因此,确定原籍地对于确保任何遣返或归还工作的准确性和有效性,以及确保“正确”的物品返回相关土著社区至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
Experimental use-wear patterns on silcrete, bottle glass and porcelain plate tools 试验使用-磨损模式上的硅粘土,瓶玻璃和瓷板工具
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2023.2215473
Simon Munt, R. Fullagar
Abstract Aboriginal people in Australia have used stone tools since first arrival about 65,000 years ago. After permanent European colonisation over 200 years ago people continued to use stone, but also incorporated new, introduced tool materials in novel ways. To understand how these introduced materials supplemented or replaced stone, we need new functional analyses and reference databases that compare experimental use-wear patterns on introduced materials with archaeological use-wear patterns. In the Riverland region of South Australia, silcrete and chert are common tool stones recovered from archaeological sites, but there is also evidence of introduced materials including glazed porcelain and bottle glass. Here, we report experimental use-wear patterns on silcrete, bottle glass and glazed porcelain plate tools. Tasks included processing wood, bone, skin or hide, meat and cattail reeds with a variety of tool motions. Results show that striations are more common on glass and glazed porcelain than on silcrete. The glazed porcelain, glass and silcrete experimental tools register distinctive use-wear patterns for some but not all tasks, and supplement previous functional studies of these materials.
自从65000年前第一批到达澳大利亚的土著人就开始使用石器。在200多年前欧洲人的永久殖民统治之后,人们继续使用石头,但也以新颖的方式吸收了新的、引进的工具材料。为了了解这些引进材料是如何补充或取代石头的,我们需要新的功能分析和参考数据库,将引进材料的实验使用-磨损模式与考古使用-磨损模式进行比较。在南澳大利亚的Riverland地区,从考古遗址中发现的硅克里特和燧石是常见的工具石,但也有证据表明引入的材料包括釉面瓷器和玻璃瓶玻璃。在这里,我们报告了硅粘土、瓶玻璃和釉面瓷板工具的实验使用磨损模式。任务包括用各种工具动作加工木材、骨头、皮肤或兽皮、肉和香蒲。结果表明,玻璃和釉面瓷上的条纹比硅粘土上的更常见。釉面瓷、玻璃和硅粘土实验工具在一些但不是所有的任务中记录了独特的使用-磨损模式,并补充了之前对这些材料的功能研究。
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引用次数: 0
An historical reassessment of the maritime Southeast Asian forest and marine commodities trade and its implications for archaeological investigations of Asian contact in northern Australia 东南亚海上森林和海上商品贸易的历史重新评估及其对澳大利亚北部亚洲接触考古调查的影响
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2023.2208795
Kellie Clayton
Abstract This paper reassesses the maritime Southeast Asian forest and marine commodities trade from the sixteenth century to World War I. The ‘Macassan’ traders who visited northern Australia were primarily from Makassar and southern Sulawesi (including Bugis, or Bajau and Sumbawan immigrants) and the Lesser Sunda Islands (to where these ethnic groups had migrated) but also included the Indigenous Australians who accompanied them on their voyages. Research into other ethnic groups (Chinese, Makassar-Malay, Seram Laut Islanders, Solorese and Timorese mariners) also associated with both northern Australia and the maritime Southeast Asian forest and marine trade suggests that they be included in the ‘Macassan’ group. Analysis of historical sources for the late nineteenth–early twentieth century Macassan trepang (sea cucumber) industry in north Australia demonstrates that perahu spare cargo capacity was filled with additional commodities when the trepang harvest was low, ensuring voyage profitability. Comparison of the maritime Southeast Asian trade with ethnographic, archaeological, historical, and linguistic evidence in northern Australia, suggests that 20 commodities were likely to have been exported from the latter, seven of which have never before been mentioned in the literature. Mapping of the Macassan routes transporting the 20 commodities shows that northern Australia was connected to a vast network of maritime Southeast and East Asian trade with global reach. The importance of these findings for Asian contact archaeology in northern Australia is threefold: (1) archaeologists should look beyond ceramic provenance, metal, and glass to seek material and chronological evidence for the extraction and processing of a wider range of forest and marine commodities; (2) evidence for the extraction of particular commodities might be a proxy for age estimation of a site; and (3) the origins of introduced material culture will reflect its East, South, and Southeast Asian and, ultimately, global connectivity.
本文重新评估了从16世纪到第一次世界大战期间东南亚的海上森林和海上商品贸易。访问澳大利亚北部的“马卡桑”商人主要来自望加锡和南苏拉威西(包括武吉,或巴约和松巴湾移民)和小巽他群岛(这些民族已经迁移到那里),但也包括陪同他们航行的澳大利亚土著。对其他族群(华人、望加锡马来人、西兰劳特岛民、梭罗里斯人和帝汶水手)的研究也与澳大利亚北部和东南亚海上森林和海上贸易有关,表明他们被包括在“玛加桑”群体中。对19世纪末至20世纪初澳大利亚北部马卡桑海参(海参)产业的历史资料分析表明,当海参收获较低时,perahu的备用货运量被额外的商品填满,确保了航行的盈利能力。将东南亚海上贸易与澳大利亚北部的民族志、考古、历史和语言证据进行比较,表明后者可能出口了20种商品,其中7种以前从未在文献中提到过。马加桑运输这20种商品的路线地图显示,澳大利亚北部与东南亚和东亚的庞大海上贸易网络相连,并具有全球影响力。这些发现对澳大利亚北部亚洲接触考古学的重要性有三个方面:(1)考古学家应该超越陶瓷、金属和玻璃的来源,为更广泛的森林和海洋商品的提取和加工寻找材料和年代证据;(2)提取特定商品的证据可能是遗址年龄估计的代表;(3)引进物质文化的起源将反映其东亚、南亚和东南亚乃至全球的连通性。
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引用次数: 2
Building and Remembering: An Archaeology of Place-Making on Papua New Guinea’s South Coast 建筑与记忆:巴布亚新几内亚南海岸的建筑考古
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2023.2213543
T. Thomas
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引用次数: 2
Social information inherent in backed artefacts from the Illawarra, western, and southwestern Sydney, NSW 来自新南威尔士州悉尼西部和西南部伊拉瓦拉地区的背衬文物中固有的社会信息
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2023.2218992
S. Munt, B. White, T. Owen
Abstract Backed artefacts are multifunctional tools used by many Australian Aboriginal groups. Most were retouched in order to shape them rather than to create or modify a working edge, which suggests that they may have been made to certain shapes or sizes according to local traditions. This possibility is feasible as backed artefacts were not used for any unique functions. Hiscock (2014) found that variation in backed artefact shape (symmetry) across Australia was underlain by social arrangements and was potentially historically situated. But McDonald et al. (2018) found that backed artefacts from the Western Desert did not conform to the continental trend. We suggest that an important factor missing from these studies is a consideration of the potential for variation at different spatial scales. To investigate this possibility, we conducted morphometric and use-wear analyses on backed artefacts from four environmentally and socially different Aboriginal groups in New South Wales. The backed artefacts were not used for any distinct tasks and none in our study was hafted, but some variations exist in the morphometrics at the intra-regional scale. We infer that backed artefact production included group-specific traditions that potentially embody social information relating to local land-using or descent groups.
有背的手工艺品是许多澳大利亚土著群体使用的多功能工具。大多数都是为了塑造形状而进行修饰,而不是为了创造或修改工作边缘,这表明它们可能是根据当地传统制作成特定形状或大小的。这种可能性是可行的,因为背面的工件不用于任何独特的功能。Hiscock(2014)发现,澳大利亚各地人工制品背面形状(对称)的变化受到社会安排的影响,可能与历史背景有关。但McDonald等人(2018)发现,来自西部沙漠的有背景的人工制品不符合大陆趋势。我们认为,这些研究中缺少的一个重要因素是考虑了不同空间尺度上的变化潜力。为了研究这种可能性,我们对新南威尔士州四个环境和社会不同的土著群体的背工艺品进行了形态计量学和使用磨损分析。在我们的研究中,背面的人工制品没有被用于任何特定的任务,也没有被半移,但在区域内尺度上,形态计量学存在一些变化。我们推断,支持的人工制品生产包括特定群体的传统,这些传统潜在地体现了与当地土地使用或后裔群体有关的社会信息。
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引用次数: 0
Models can be helpful, but common sense may be enough 模型可能会有所帮助,但常识可能就足够了
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2023.2190560
L. Zimmerman
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引用次数: 0
A Holocene sequence from Walufeni Cave, Southern Highlands Province, and its implications for the settlement of the Great Papuan Plateau, Papua New Guinea 来自南部高地省瓦鲁芬尼洞穴的全新世序列及其对巴布亚新几内亚大巴布亚高原定居的影响
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2023.2175960
B. Barker, L. Lamb, M. Leavesley, T. Manne, Andrew S. Fairbairn, Andrew Coe, Kelsey M. Lowe, Teppsy Beni, Betty Neanda, M. Aubert
Abstract This paper presents preliminary results from the 2019 excavations at Walufeni Cave, at the eastern end of the Great Papuan Plateau (GPP) in western Papua New Guinea. Preliminary dating and analysis of the unfinished excavations at Walufeni Cave span the Holocene and probably continue into the Late Pleistocene, confirming the presence of people on the Plateau from at least the Early Holocene and potentially much earlier. The data presented here offer a site-specific model of early intensive site use from at least 10,000 years ago, then ephemeral use, followed by a sustained Late Holocene occupation. Although there are significant changes in the quantity of material discard over time, there is little evidence for significant change in the subsistence base or technology, reflecting a degree of relative homogeneity until the Late Holocene, when we see the introduction of pig, a change of focus in the plant economy and the presence of marine shell from the southern coast.
摘要本文介绍了2019年在巴布亚新几内亚西部大巴布亚高原东端的瓦鲁芬尼洞穴的初步挖掘结果。对瓦鲁芬尼洞穴未完成挖掘的初步年代测定和分析跨越了全新世,可能一直持续到更新世晚期,证实了高原上至少从全新世早期就有人存在,甚至可能更早。这里提供的数据提供了至少10000个早期密集场地使用的特定场地模型 几年前,然后是短暂的使用,随后是持续的全新世晚期占领。尽管随着时间的推移,丢弃的材料数量发生了重大变化,但几乎没有证据表明生存基础或技术发生了重大改变,这反映了一定程度的相对同质性,直到全新世晚期,我们才看到猪的引入、植物经济的重点变化以及南部海岸海贝的出现。
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引用次数: 0
Navigating knowledge and intellectual property 浏览知识和知识产权
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2023.2190559
Maddison Miller
I thank Ouzman for his contribution, and echo the call for Indigenous partners, communities, and Country to be recognised as authors in research. This recognition of authorship shifts the dynamic from Aboriginal people as subjects to collaborators. It has been often claimed that the sheer volume of research on Aboriginal peoples and our lands and waters have led to us being the most researched peoples on the planet (Martin and Mirraboopa 2003:203). Research has, and continues to, occur about Aboriginal people and Country without fair consultation or invitation. Calls for authorship rights should be welcomed, and this conversation can be enriched through the understanding and application of Indigenous cultural and intellectual property (ICIP) rights within archaeology and related disciplines. Indigenous cultural and intellectual property refers to the intangible and tangible elements of cultural practice, resources and knowledge systems that express cultural identity (Janke 2005). It recognises the living and adaptive nature of Indigenous knowledge and cultural expression and includes contemporary and future expressions. Janke argues that when Indigenous knowledge is separated from Indigenous communities, those communities lose control over how their knowledge, customs, traditions, and beliefs are represented and used. Some sources, particularly earlier colonial records, published information that would be considered restricted within community and were recorded when people could not exercise prior and informed consent. This knowledge is further appropriated through modern literature and educational resources without repatriation to the communities from which it belongs. Indigenous researchers are well versed in navigating the cultural safety minefield that is historical research. We are often confronted with closed practice knowledges written about as a curiosity. Within our communities, lore dictates whether that knowledge be held communally or by particular knowledge holders, and how that knowledge is shared outside of community. Our lore is disrespected and dismissed through the disassociation of our knowledges from the rich social fabric in which they emerge and belong. Concepts of stewardship and guardianship sit outside Western legal systems’ understanding of intellectual property as a thing to be owned (Lai 2014). In a Western worldview, humans and nature can be separated, whereas in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander worldviews we are Country. As Ouzman points out, Western legal processes do not handle well collective authorship, intergenerational knowledge, and more-than-human knowledges. The authorship of Country is one way in which we see researchers trying to recognise the knowledge held and shared by Country. Inter and transdisciplinary practice within archaeology begins to paint a social, environmental, and cultural picture of the past. Our understanding of the past is only enriched through Indigenous knowledge systems, which hol
我感谢Ouzman的贡献,并响应土著合作伙伴、社区和国家被认可为研究作者的呼吁。这种对作者身份的认可将动态从作为主体的原住民转变为合作者。人们经常声称,对原住民及其土地和水域的大量研究使我们成为地球上研究最多的民族(Martin和Mirraboopa 2003:203)。在没有公平协商或邀请的情况下,对原住民和国家的研究一直在进行,并将继续进行。应该欢迎对作者权的呼吁,通过在考古学和相关学科中理解和应用土著文化和知识产权(ICIP)权利,可以丰富这种对话。土著文化和知识产权是指文化实践、资源和知识体系中表达文化特性的无形和有形元素(Janke,2005年)。它承认土著知识和文化表达的生活性和适应性,包括当代和未来的表达。Janke认为,当土著知识与土著社区分离时,这些社区就会失去对如何代表和使用他们的知识、习俗、传统和信仰的控制。一些来源,特别是早期的殖民地记录,发布的信息被视为在社区内受到限制,并且在人们无法行使事先知情同意的情况下进行记录。这些知识通过现代文学和教育资源被进一步利用,而不会被送回其所属的社区。土著研究人员深谙历史研究中的文化安全雷区。我们经常会遇到作为一种好奇心而写的封闭的实践知识。在我们的社区内,知识决定了这些知识是由社区持有还是由特定的知识持有者持有,以及如何在社区外共享这些知识。由于我们的知识与它们产生和归属的丰富社会结构脱节,我们的知识受到了不尊重和忽视。管理和监护的概念不在西方法律体系对知识产权作为一种待拥有的东西的理解范围内(赖,2014)。在西方世界观中,人类和自然是可以分离的,而在原住民和托雷斯海峡岛民的世界观中我们是国家。正如Ouzman所指出的,西方的法律程序并不能很好地处理集体作者、代际知识以及人类以外的知识。《国家》的作者身份是我们看到研究人员试图认识国家所拥有和共享的知识的一种方式。考古学的跨学科实践开始描绘过去的社会、环境和文化图景。我们对过去的理解只有通过土著知识体系才能丰富,这些知识体系具有深刻的时间记忆。我经常听到其他土著研究人员和组织重复说,土著知识被视为西方研究方法的一部分,它不是平等的,只是一种美好的东西。通过应对ICIP,接受国家的代理,并承认土著人民是知识持有者,我们可以开始改变对西方知识体系优越性的假设,并朝着尊重整体土著知识体系的多种认识方式迈进。作为一名达鲁格研究人员,我必须考虑知识所有权,这不仅是为了我工作的社区的文化安全和主权,也是为了我自己的文化安全。我不想拥有他人的文化知识,在与我共享知识的情况下,这些社区或个人无意让我成为这些知识的版权所有者。在我的研究和艺术实践中,我与故事合作,将西方科学知识与本土知识结合在一起。在收集故事的过程中,版权法规定,作为故事的记录者,我拥有这些材料的权利。当我转录给我讲的故事时
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引用次数: 0
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Australian Archaeology
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