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Authorship, academia, and open access 作者、学术界和开放获取
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2023.2190501
Mitchell Allen
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引用次数: 0
Majumbu (‘Old Harry’) and the Spencer-Cahill bark painting collection 马祖布(“老哈利”)和斯宾塞-卡希尔树皮绘画收藏
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2023.2177949
P. Taçon, L. Taylor, Sally K. May, Joakim Goldhahn, A. Jalandoni, Alex Ressel, Kenneth Mangiru
Abstract From 1912, British anthropologist W. Baldwin Spencer and buffalo-shooter Paddy Cahill collected 163 bark paintings made by artists who also painted in rock shelters in western Arnhem Land, Northern Territory. Spencer made detailed notes about the bark paintings, secret/sacred objects, and other material culture he collected and some rock art, as well as genealogies and other details of the Aboriginal people he encountered but did not record the names of the artists. In general, the names and life stories of the individuals who made most Aboriginal archaeological artefacts or ethnographic objects and paintings now in museums across the world are not known. We have recently begun to address this for western Arnhem Land contact period art and in this paper focus on an elder, Majumbu (‘Old Harry’), who made numerous rock paintings as well as at least eight of the Spencer-Cahill bark paintings. We use his work to begin a new interpretation of the importance of the Spencer-Cahill Collection in relation to land-based religion and show that knowing the names of the artists behind the collection, as well as related rock paintings, puts their work and the entire collection in new meaningful contexts.
摘要从1912年起,英国人类学家W·鲍德温·斯宾塞和水牛射击运动员帕迪·卡希尔收集了163幅树皮画,这些画是艺术家们在北领地阿纳姆西部的岩石避难所里绘制的。Spencer详细记录了他收集的树皮画、秘密/圣物和其他物质文化以及一些岩石艺术,以及他遇到的原住民的家谱和其他细节,但没有记录艺术家的名字。总的来说,目前世界各地博物馆中制作大多数原住民考古文物或民族志物品和绘画的个人的名字和生活故事尚不清楚。我们最近开始为西部阿纳姆土地接触时期的艺术解决这一问题,在本文中,我们关注的是一位名叫马琼布(“老哈利”)的老人,他创作了许多岩画,以及至少八幅斯宾塞·卡希尔树皮画。我们用他的作品开始对Spencer Cahill收藏与陆地宗教的重要性进行新的解释,并表明了解收藏背后的艺术家的名字以及相关的岩画,将他们的作品和整个收藏置于新的有意义的背景下。
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引用次数: 0
Co-authorship, collaboration and contestation in relation to Indigenous research 与土著研究有关的合著、合作和争论
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2023.2190510
Katelyn Barney
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引用次数: 0
Authorship, attribution and acknowledgment in archaeology: Reply, adding audience and accountability 考古学中的作者、归属和承认:回复、增加受众和责任
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2023.2190561
Sven Ouzman
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引用次数: 0
Understanding Chipped Stone Tools 了解石制工具
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2023.2183592
Yinika L. Perston
4 The Archaeological Record Consists of all things that preserve and that pertain to the past history of humans 5 The Archaeological Record Consists of: Artifacts: the basic unit of archaeological analysis – it is a portable object made, modified, or used by humans. An artifact must retain and show evidence of having been made or used Simple artifacts (single part) Complex artifacts (having multiple parts)
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引用次数: 0
Authorship, attribution and acknowledgment in archaeology 考古学中的作者、归属和承认
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2023.2190497
Sven Ouzman
In 2021 the COVIDSurg Collaborative broke the world record for most co-authors on a peerreviewed article in the journal Anaesthesia 15,025, who are listed in a 77-page supplement. The previous record, with 5,000 authors, was published in Nature in 2015. Despite growing concerns about the devaluing of authorship, the COVIDSurg study is entirely appropriate for a study involving over 140,000 people in 116 countries. The work could not have happened without collaboration across fields of expertise and national borders. This resonates with archaeologists, who typically work in groups with diverse partners. But we sometimes struggle with deciding who – or what – makes the cut as an ‘author’ as opposed to someone mentioned in the acknowledgments or left out altogether. Added to this is our social science sensibility of how knowledge production works in a twenty-first-century post-colonial context.
2021年,COVIDSurg Collaborative在《麻醉学15025》杂志上发表了一篇同行评审文章,打破了大多数合著者的世界纪录,他们被列在77页的增刊中。此前有5000名作者的记录于2015年发表在《自然》杂志上。尽管人们越来越担心作者身份的贬值,但COVIDSurg的研究完全适合一项涉及116个国家超过140000人的研究。如果没有跨专业领域和国界的合作,这项工作就不可能实现。这引起了考古学家的共鸣,他们通常与不同的合作伙伴一起工作。但我们有时很难决定谁——或者什么——作为一名“作者”,而不是在致谢中提到的人,或者完全被排除在外。除此之外,我们对21世纪后殖民时代知识生产如何运作的社会科学敏感性。
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引用次数: 0
Histories of Australian Rock Art Research 澳大利亚岩画研究史
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2023.2194102
P. Martín
backdrop. To summarise, this is one of the most detailed reports of an excavation I have ever read. Reading it, you will know exactly what they found in 6m of the PNG south coast and where it was found. Whether we need to know this with such precision might be debated. Now for a couple of more general comments. Although it is clear from the photos and acknowledgments that many Papua New Guineans were involved in the work, only one, the late Hermann Mandui, is an author. The first Caution Bay volume (Richards et al. 2016) says that many University of Papua New Guinea (UPNG) students and some others were trainees on site, but there does seem to be something of a hierarchy in presenting the results. Perhaps the meticulousness of this excavation results from being partly seen as a field school? In terms of production, this is a 350-page book of which well over 200 pages are data tables. In the twenty-first century these should be online, or otherwise available in an electronic repository; printed, or even as a pdf, they are very difficult to manipulate and use. This seems an extraordinary oversight. Otherwise, the presentation is fine: my pdf had many excellent colour photos, well organised text and only a couple of minor problems (e.g. the size of sherd in Square N, XU2, #2: compare p.80 with Figures 3.15 and 3.18). It is not clear (Richards et al. 2016:6) how many other Caution Bay monographs there will be, but this project has already made a considerable contribution to the history of Papua New Guinea.
背景总之,这是我读过的最详细的挖掘报告之一。阅读它,你会确切地知道他们在巴布亚新几内亚南海岸6米处发现了什么,以及它是在哪里发现的。我们是否需要如此精确地了解这一点可能会引起争论。现在我们来谈几点一般性的评论。尽管从照片和致谢中可以清楚地看到,许多巴布亚新几内亚人参与了这项工作,但只有一位已故的赫尔曼·曼杜伊是作者。第一卷《小心湾》(Richards等人,2016)称,巴布亚新几内亚大学(UPNG)的许多学生和其他一些学生都是现场受训人员,但在呈现结果时似乎确实存在某种等级制度。也许这次挖掘的细致性在一定程度上被视为一所野外学校?就制作而言,这是一本350页的书,其中200多页是数据表。在二十一世纪,这些应该是在线的,或者以其他方式在电子存储库中提供;打印出来的,甚至是pdf格式的,都很难操作和使用。这似乎是一个非同寻常的疏忽。除此之外,演示也很好:我的pdf有很多出色的彩色照片,组织良好的文本,只有几个小问题(例如,广场N,XU2,#2的碎片大小:将第80页与图3.15和3.18进行比较)。目前还不清楚(Richards等人2016:6)还有多少其他Caution Bay专著,但这个项目已经为巴布亚新几内亚的历史做出了相当大的贡献。
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引用次数: 0
SahulArch: A geochronological database for the archaeology of Sahul 萨胡尔arch:萨胡尔考古的地理年代数据库
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2022.2159751
Wanchese M. Saktura, E. Rehn, Lauren Linnenlucke, H. Munack, Rachel Wood, F. Petchey, A. Codilean, Z. Jacobs, T. Cohen, A. Williams, Sean Ulm
Abstract Reliable chronological frameworks for archaeological sites are essential for accurate interpretations of the past. Geochronology represents the core of interdisciplinary research because it allows integration of diverse data on a common timeline. Since the radiocarbon revolution in Australian archaeology in the 1950s, thousands of ages have been produced across Sahul (combined landmass of Australia and New Guinea). Methods such as thermoluminescence (TL) and optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) have also been used on Australian archaeological deposits and enabled the study of the deep past beyond the limits of radiocarbon dating. After seven decades, these geochronological methods no longer provide just a ‘date’, but instead, the geochronological community is focussed on providing the most reliable, precise, and reproducible ages. These aspects of age estimation are central to the framework of the SahulArch geochronological database. SahulArch is a new publicly available continental-scale dataset in which context and quality assurance criteria of each dated sample are considered as important as the age itself. SahulArch contains a total of 10,717 ages (9,504 radiocarbon, 973 OSL, and 240 TL) from 2,318 sites across the Sahul landmass. We describe the structure of SahulArch, types of auxiliary data collected, and provide a summary of the data in SahulArch. Graphical Abstract
可靠的考古遗址年代框架对于准确解释过去是必不可少的。地质年代学代表了跨学科研究的核心,因为它允许在一个共同的时间线上整合不同的数据。自20世纪50年代澳大利亚考古学的放射性碳革命以来,在Sahul(澳大利亚和新几内亚的合并大陆)已经产生了数千个年龄。热释光(TL)和光激发发光(OSL)等方法也被用于澳大利亚的考古沉积物,使人们能够超越放射性碳定年法的限制,研究远古时代。70年后,这些地质年代学方法不再仅仅提供一个“日期”,相反,地质年代学团体专注于提供最可靠、精确和可重复的年龄。年龄估计的这些方面是SahulArch地质年代学数据库框架的核心。SahulArch是一个新的公开的大陆尺度数据集,其中每个日期样本的背景和质量保证标准被认为与年龄本身一样重要。SahulArch包含了来自Sahul大陆2318个地点的10717个年龄(9504个放射性碳,973个OSL和240个TL)。我们描述了SahulArch的结构、收集的辅助数据类型,并对SahulArch的数据进行了总结。图形抽象
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引用次数: 3
Authorship as social relations 作者作为社会关系
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2023.2190558
A. Martindale
Authorship, like many cultural quotients, reflects the positionality within which it has currency. In academic worlds, it is the key metric of scholarly worth, one that defines careers and is the pathway to success. As such, it carries particular potency as a proxy of accomplishment, one that commonly emerges from a foundation of understanding: authorship is the badge of knowledge within our institutional spaces and in those of others, such as legal arenas. However, there are two deviations to this pattern that are raised in this important work. First, because of its value, authorship both generates and reflects power in ways that do not always align with understanding. Second, because of its role as an academic currency, authorship in this context invokes a particularly, perhaps peculiarly, Western view of knowledge. In Western academic worlds, the benefits of authorship typically fall to the individual. Research teams that work collaboratively tend to provide equal opportunity for members to occupy positions of significance rather than confronting the hierarchical nature of system. Some teams simply replicate their own hierarchies in authorship; some authors avoid collaborative practice altogether to avoid them. The ability to do otherwise is enjoyed only by people outside the academic system or those senior enough to be beyond it. Those looking for employment or its continuation rarely have the capacity to forgo individual recognition. In this paper, Ouzman proposes profound alternatives for authors such as collective and non-human variants. Ouzman also suggests revisions to the hierarchy of published projects, which can disentangle the hierarchy of value from the rigidity of the hierarchy of status in publications. As Sonya Atalay has demonstrated (Atalay et al. 2017), this can not only address complex issues in new and insightful ways, but make the project of understanding the scholarship behind it more accessible – a key priority for communities marginalised from academic hierarchies. As exciting as these ideas are, they do not fundamentally alter the hierarchy of value attached to being an academic author, so I fear they will remain outliers. If authorship correlates with individual academic value in monetised and career placement ways, the system will remain intact. That should not dissuade people, as this forum achieves, from pointing out the hypocrisy inherent in the academic exchange of collective understanding for individual benefit. Universities continue to navigate the paradox of being places where knowledge is both produced for the collective good and where it is monetised for individual benefit. Changing this seems to imply tearing down the very foundations of our academic institutions, which though arguably laudable, will not happen either quickly or without major revolution in other cultural contexts. There is a more proximal issue here, however, one that might have a better chance of unravelling in the near term: that of the di
和许多文化商一样,作者身份反映了其货币所处的位置。在学术界,它是学术价值的关键衡量标准,是定义职业和成功之路的标准。因此,它作为成就的代表具有特殊的效力,这种成就通常源于理解的基础:作者身份是我们机构空间和其他机构(如法律领域)的知识徽章。然而,在这项重要的工作中,对这种模式提出了两个偏差。首先,由于其价值,作者身份产生和反映力量的方式并不总是与理解一致。其次,由于作者作为学术货币的作用,在这种情况下,作者引用了一种特别的,也许是特别的西方知识观。在西方学术界,作者身份的好处通常落在个人身上。合作的研究团队倾向于为成员提供平等的机会来担任重要职位,而不是面对系统的等级性质。有些团队只是在作者身份上复制自己的层次结构;一些作者完全避免合作实践来避免它们。只有学术体系之外的人,或者那些资历足够高的人,才有能力做其他事情。那些寻找工作或继续工作的人很少有能力放弃个人认可。在这篇论文中,Ouzman为作者提出了深刻的替代方案,如集体和非人类变体。Ouzman还建议对已出版项目的层次结构进行修订,这可以将价值层次结构与出版物中僵化的地位层次结构区分开来。正如Sonya Atalay所证明的那样(Atalay等人,2017),这不仅可以以新的、有见地的方式解决复杂的问题,而且可以使了解背后学术的项目更容易获得——这是被学术等级制度边缘化的社区的一个关键优先事项。尽管这些想法令人兴奋,但它们并没有从根本上改变作为一名学术作家的价值等级,所以我担心它们仍然是局外人。如果作者身份以货币化和职业安置的方式与个人学术价值相关,那么这个体系将保持不变。正如本论坛所做的那样,这不应阻止人们指出为个人利益进行集体理解的学术交流所固有的虚伪性。大学继续面临着一个悖论,即知识既是为了集体利益而产生的,也是为了个人利益而货币化的。改变这一点似乎意味着摧毁我们学术机构的基础,尽管这可以说是值得称赞的,但在其他文化背景下,无论是迅速还是没有重大革命,都不会发生。然而,这里还有一个更接近的问题,可能在短期内更有可能解开:不同文化世界的差异。学术作者通过引用引用他们学术的谱系——在一个不依赖于作者之间任何联系的累积链中提取、消化、扩充和重新定位知识,通过有组织的分歧和反驳来自我补充和自我纠正,尽管后者也容易受到各种修辞错误的影响,认识缺陷和不加批判的意识形态热情。我对土著学术的理解表明了一种不同的模式,一种专注于集体所有权的集体作者身份,以及作者对他们暂时掌握的知识所承担的责任。我不太愿意概括,但我的感觉是,许多土著社区与我熟悉的社区有相似之处,特别是Ts'msyen/Tsimshian人。Ts’msyan学术在很多方面与西方学术类似——它是代际累积的,它通过参考可证明的证据来运作,它定义了理解和知识的好处。事实上,作为学术传统的继承者和参与者,这一传统已经运作了一万多年,并融入了所有
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引用次数: 0
Author-ity of/as Bawaka Country 巴瓦卡国家当局
IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03122417.2023.2190554
L. Burarrwanga, R. Ganambarr, M. Ganambarr-Stubbs, B. Ganambarr, D. Maymuru, Stephen J. Wright, S. Suchet-Pearson, K. Lloyd, L. Daley
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Australian Archaeology
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