Pub Date : 2013-06-14DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.659264
Paula Rubio-Fernández
Experimental research on word processing has generally focused on properties that are associated to a concept in long-term memory (e.g., basketball—round). The present study addresses a related issue: the accessibility of “emergent properties” or conceptual properties that have to be inferred in a given context (e.g., basketball—floats). This investigation sheds light on a current debate in cognitive pragmatics about the number of pragmatic systems that are there (Carston, 2002a, 2007; Recanati, 2004, 2007). Two experiments using a self-paced reading task suggest that inferential processes are fully integrated in the processing system. Emergent properties are accessed early on in processing, without delaying later discourse integration processes. I conclude that the theoretical distinction between explicit and implicit meaning is not paralleled by that between associative and inferential processes.
{"title":"Associative and inferential processes in pragmatic enrichment: The case of emergent properties","authors":"Paula Rubio-Fernández","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.659264","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.659264","url":null,"abstract":"Experimental research on word processing has generally focused on properties that are associated to a concept in long-term memory (e.g., basketball—round). The present study addresses a related issue: the accessibility of “emergent properties” or conceptual properties that have to be inferred in a given context (e.g., basketball—floats). This investigation sheds light on a current debate in cognitive pragmatics about the number of pragmatic systems that are there (Carston, 2002a, 2007; Recanati, 2004, 2007). Two experiments using a self-paced reading task suggest that inferential processes are fully integrated in the processing system. Emergent properties are accessed early on in processing, without delaying later discourse integration processes. I conclude that the theoretical distinction between explicit and implicit meaning is not paralleled by that between associative and inferential processes.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.659264","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-06-14DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.665932
Zhenguang G Cai, M. Pickering, P. Sturt
Theories differ as to how people recover the meaning of verb-phrase (VP) ellipsis. According to the syntactic account, people reproduce the syntactic structure of the antecedent during the processing of VP ellipsis. This account thus predicts that the ellipsis site contains syntactic information. Using the structural priming paradigm, we found that, in Mandarin, an ellipsis prime (a double-object or prepositional-object dative antecedent plus a VP ellipsis) was less effective in priming than a full-form prime sentence (the same antecedent plus the full-form equivalent of the VP ellipsis) but behaved similarly to a baseline prime (the same antecedent plus a neutral sentence). The result thus suggests that syntactic structure is not reproduced at the ellipsis site and supports the semantic account in which VP ellipsis is interpreted via a semantic representation.
{"title":"Processing verb-phrase ellipsis in Mandarin Chinese: Evidence against the syntactic account","authors":"Zhenguang G Cai, M. Pickering, P. Sturt","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.665932","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.665932","url":null,"abstract":"Theories differ as to how people recover the meaning of verb-phrase (VP) ellipsis. According to the syntactic account, people reproduce the syntactic structure of the antecedent during the processing of VP ellipsis. This account thus predicts that the ellipsis site contains syntactic information. Using the structural priming paradigm, we found that, in Mandarin, an ellipsis prime (a double-object or prepositional-object dative antecedent plus a VP ellipsis) was less effective in priming than a full-form prime sentence (the same antecedent plus the full-form equivalent of the VP ellipsis) but behaved similarly to a baseline prime (the same antecedent plus a neutral sentence). The result thus suggests that syntactic structure is not reproduced at the ellipsis site and supports the semantic account in which VP ellipsis is interpreted via a semantic representation.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.665932","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135737","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-06-14DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.668197
Antje Sauermann, R. Filik, K. Paterson
Three eye movement experiments investigated the interaction between contextual and lexical focus cues during reading. Context was used to focus on either the indirect or direct object of a double object construction, which was followed by a remnant continuation that formed either a congruous or incongruous contrast with the contextually focused object. Experiment 1 demonstrated that remnants were more difficult to process when incongruous with the contextually focused constituent, indicating that context was effective in specifying focus. Experiments 2 and 3 investigated the interaction between context and lexical focus arising from the particle only which specifies focus on the subsequent adjacent element. When only preceded both objects (Experiment 2), the conflict between lexical and contextual focus cues disrupted processing of the remnant element and was resolved in favour of the contextually focused element. However, when only was placed between both objects (Experiment 3), cue-conflict disrupted processing earlier in the sentence but did not appear to be fully resolved during on-line sentence processing. These findings reveal that the interplay between contextual and lexical cues to focus is important for establishing focus structure during on-line sentence processing.
{"title":"Processing contextual and lexical cues to focus: Evidence from eye movements in reading","authors":"Antje Sauermann, R. Filik, K. Paterson","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.668197","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.668197","url":null,"abstract":"Three eye movement experiments investigated the interaction between contextual and lexical focus cues during reading. Context was used to focus on either the indirect or direct object of a double object construction, which was followed by a remnant continuation that formed either a congruous or incongruous contrast with the contextually focused object. Experiment 1 demonstrated that remnants were more difficult to process when incongruous with the contextually focused constituent, indicating that context was effective in specifying focus. Experiments 2 and 3 investigated the interaction between context and lexical focus arising from the particle only which specifies focus on the subsequent adjacent element. When only preceded both objects (Experiment 2), the conflict between lexical and contextual focus cues disrupted processing of the remnant element and was resolved in favour of the contextually focused element. However, when only was placed between both objects (Experiment 3), cue-conflict disrupted processing earlier in the sentence but did not appear to be fully resolved during on-line sentence processing. These findings reveal that the interplay between contextual and lexical cues to focus is important for establishing focus structure during on-line sentence processing.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.668197","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-06-14DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.665465
Nicola Molinaro, P. Canal, F. Vespignani, F. Pesciarelli, C. Cacciari
Collocational complex prepositions (CCPs, e.g., in the hands of) are prefabricated strings of words that play a prepositional role in natural language. Typically, CCPs are formed by a first preposition (P1) followed by a content word (N1) and a second, final preposition (P2) (in the - P1 - hands - N1 - of - P2). Despite their default structure stored in semantic memory, some CCPs allow internal modification (e.g., adjective insertion). In this study, two experiments tested the comprehension of CCPs in which we modified their default structure inserting an adjective before the noun. This modification preserved the semantic well-formedness of the string. The self-paced reading time study (Experiment 1) showed that readers took significantly longer to read the CCP constituents after the inserted adjective (N1 and P2). The ERP (Experiment 2) showed a smaller N400 response to the noun when preceded by the adjective, suggesting that the insertion did not disrupt the online processing of the CCP. Critically, the adjective insertion increased the processing load of the prepositional phrase introduced by the CCP, as evidenced by a LAN in response to the complement noun (N2). Overall, these findings showed that processing CCPs was not disrupted by insertions despite their predefined default word order. Rather, their interpretation was semantically enriched, correlating with an increase in the processing load when the CCP was integrated with the complement noun.
搭配复杂介词(CCPs，例如in the hands of)是一种在自然语言中起介词作用的预制词串。通常，CCPs是由第一个介词(P1)，然后是一个实义词(N1)和第二个，最后一个介词(P2)(在- P1 - hand - N1 - of - P2中)组成的。尽管它们的默认结构存储在语义记忆中，但一些ccp允许内部修改(例如，形容词插入)。在本研究中，我们通过在名词前插入形容词来修改CCPs的默认结构，测试了两个实验对CCPs的理解。这种修改保留了字符串的语义格式良好性。自定速阅读时间研究(实验1)表明，读者在插入形容词(N1和P2)后阅读CCP成分所需的时间显著延长。ERP(实验2)显示，当名词前加形容词时，其N400反应较小，这表明插入并没有干扰CCP的在线处理。重要的是，形容词的插入增加了CCP引入的介词短语的处理负荷，这一点可以从LAN对补语名词的响应中得到证明(N2)。总的来说，这些发现表明，尽管CCPs具有预定义的默认词序，但其加工过程并未受到插入的干扰。相反，他们的解释是语义丰富的，当CCP与补语名词结合时，他们的处理负荷增加。
{"title":"Are complex function words processed as semantically empty strings? A reading time and ERP study of collocational complex prepositions","authors":"Nicola Molinaro, P. Canal, F. Vespignani, F. Pesciarelli, C. Cacciari","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.665465","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.665465","url":null,"abstract":"Collocational complex prepositions (CCPs, e.g., in the hands of) are prefabricated strings of words that play a prepositional role in natural language. Typically, CCPs are formed by a first preposition (P1) followed by a content word (N1) and a second, final preposition (P2) (in the - P1 - hands - N1 - of - P2). Despite their default structure stored in semantic memory, some CCPs allow internal modification (e.g., adjective insertion). In this study, two experiments tested the comprehension of CCPs in which we modified their default structure inserting an adjective before the noun. This modification preserved the semantic well-formedness of the string. The self-paced reading time study (Experiment 1) showed that readers took significantly longer to read the CCP constituents after the inserted adjective (N1 and P2). The ERP (Experiment 2) showed a smaller N400 response to the noun when preceded by the adjective, suggesting that the insertion did not disrupt the online processing of the CCP. Critically, the adjective insertion increased the processing load of the prepositional phrase introduced by the CCP, as evidenced by a LAN in response to the complement noun (N2). Overall, these findings showed that processing CCPs was not disrupted by insertions despite their predefined default word order. Rather, their interpretation was semantically enriched, correlating with an increase in the processing load when the CCP was integrated with the complement noun.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.665465","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-06-14DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.665466
R. Borowsky, C. Esopenko, Layla A. Gould, N. Kuhlmann, G. Sarty, J. Cummine
Some researchers have argued in favour of verbs primarily activating the left frontal operculum (FO) in the dorsal stream, and left middle temporal (MT) region in the ventral stream, and that nouns primarily activate the left inferior temporal (IT) region in the ventral stream. Others have suggested that the activation representing noun and verb processing involves a shared neural network. We explored these hypotheses through the naming of identical, homonymous, separately cued nouns (the bat) and verbs (to bat) presented in word format using a modified naming task that ensured participants were treating the target as the appropriate part of speech (POS). Using homonymous homographs for both the noun and verb referents provides for an optimally controlled comparison given the target stimuli and responses are physically identical. Experiment 1 was a functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) experiment that showed that the majority of activation was shared by both the noun and verb naming conditions, across both the ventral and dorsal streams, including the regions suggested by previous researchers as unique to verbs (FO, MT) or nouns (IT). In contrast, there was little unique activation attributable to noun processing, and practically no unique activation attributable to verb processing. This experiment, which supports a spatially shared ventral and dorsal network for noun and verb naming, was the impetus for new hypotheses involving the sharing of processes in time. Experiment 2 showed an overadditive interaction on naming reaction time (RT) between POS and bigram frequency, which provided converging evidence that the shared processing for nouns and verbs involves sublexical processing, whereas an overadditive interaction between POS and word frequency provided converging evidence that the shared processing also involves orthographic lexical access. As such, our study provides converging fMRI and RT evidence that noun and verb reading predominantly share processing along both the ventral-lexical and dorsal-sublexical reading streams.
{"title":"Localisation of function for noun and verb reading: Converging evidence for shared processing from fMRI activation and reaction time","authors":"R. Borowsky, C. Esopenko, Layla A. Gould, N. Kuhlmann, G. Sarty, J. Cummine","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.665466","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.665466","url":null,"abstract":"Some researchers have argued in favour of verbs primarily activating the left frontal operculum (FO) in the dorsal stream, and left middle temporal (MT) region in the ventral stream, and that nouns primarily activate the left inferior temporal (IT) region in the ventral stream. Others have suggested that the activation representing noun and verb processing involves a shared neural network. We explored these hypotheses through the naming of identical, homonymous, separately cued nouns (the bat) and verbs (to bat) presented in word format using a modified naming task that ensured participants were treating the target as the appropriate part of speech (POS). Using homonymous homographs for both the noun and verb referents provides for an optimally controlled comparison given the target stimuli and responses are physically identical. Experiment 1 was a functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) experiment that showed that the majority of activation was shared by both the noun and verb naming conditions, across both the ventral and dorsal streams, including the regions suggested by previous researchers as unique to verbs (FO, MT) or nouns (IT). In contrast, there was little unique activation attributable to noun processing, and practically no unique activation attributable to verb processing. This experiment, which supports a spatially shared ventral and dorsal network for noun and verb naming, was the impetus for new hypotheses involving the sharing of processes in time. Experiment 2 showed an overadditive interaction on naming reaction time (RT) between POS and bigram frequency, which provided converging evidence that the shared processing for nouns and verbs involves sublexical processing, whereas an overadditive interaction between POS and word frequency provided converging evidence that the shared processing also involves orthographic lexical access. As such, our study provides converging fMRI and RT evidence that noun and verb reading predominantly share processing along both the ventral-lexical and dorsal-sublexical reading streams.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.665466","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135259","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-06-14DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.667567
H. Kreiner, S. Garrod, P. Sturt
Studies in theoretical linguistics argue that subject-verb agreement is more sensitive to grammatical number, while pronoun-antecedent agreement is more sensitive to conceptual number. This claim is robustly supported by speech production research, but few studies have examined this issue in comprehension. We investigated this dissociation between conceptual and grammatical number agreement in three eye-tracking reading experiments, using collective nouns like “group”, which can be notionally interpreted as either singular or plural. Experiment 1 indicated that pronoun-antecedent agreement is conceptually driven; Experiment 2 indicated that subject-verb agreement is morpho-syntactically driven. Experiment 3 indicated that the morpho-grammatical processes that control the initial processing of subject-verb agreement do not bias later semantic processing of pronoun-antecedent number agreement, even when the anaphor and the verb occur in the same sentence, and the same collective noun is both the subject of the verb and antecedent of the pronoun. In view of these findings we propose that the processes that control number agreement in comprehension show a dissociation between semantic and morpho-syntactic processing that is similar to the dissociation demonstrated in speech-production. We discuss various theoretical frameworks that can account for this similarity.
{"title":"Number agreement in sentence comprehension: The relationship between grammatical and conceptual factors","authors":"H. Kreiner, S. Garrod, P. Sturt","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.667567","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.667567","url":null,"abstract":"Studies in theoretical linguistics argue that subject-verb agreement is more sensitive to grammatical number, while pronoun-antecedent agreement is more sensitive to conceptual number. This claim is robustly supported by speech production research, but few studies have examined this issue in comprehension. We investigated this dissociation between conceptual and grammatical number agreement in three eye-tracking reading experiments, using collective nouns like “group”, which can be notionally interpreted as either singular or plural. Experiment 1 indicated that pronoun-antecedent agreement is conceptually driven; Experiment 2 indicated that subject-verb agreement is morpho-syntactically driven. Experiment 3 indicated that the morpho-grammatical processes that control the initial processing of subject-verb agreement do not bias later semantic processing of pronoun-antecedent number agreement, even when the anaphor and the verb occur in the same sentence, and the same collective noun is both the subject of the verb and antecedent of the pronoun. In view of these findings we propose that the processes that control number agreement in comprehension show a dissociation between semantic and morpho-syntactic processing that is similar to the dissociation demonstrated in speech-production. We discuss various theoretical frameworks that can account for this similarity.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.667567","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-06-14DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.662279
P. Escudero, M. Broersma, Ellen Simon
This study examines the effect of L2 and L3 proficiency on L3 word learning. Native speakers of Spanish with different proficiencies in L2 English and L3 Dutch and a control group of Dutch native speakers participated in a Dutch word-learning task involving minimal and nonminimal word pairs. The minimal word pairs were divided into “minimal-easy” and “minimal-difficult” pairs on the basis of whether or not they are known to pose perceptual problems for L1 Spanish learners. Spanish speakers’ proficiency in Dutch and English was independently established by their scores on general language comprehension tests. All participants were trained and subsequently tested on the mapping between pseudo-words and nonobjects. The results revealed that, first, both native and non-native speakers produced more errors and longer reaction times (RTs) for minimal than for nonminimal word pairs, and secondly, Spanish learners had more errors and longer RTs for minimal-difficult than for minimal-easy pairs. The latter finding suggests that there is a strong continuity between sound perception and L3 word recognition. With respect to proficiency, only the learner's proficiency in their L2, namely English, predicted their accuracy on L3 minimal pairs. This shows that learning an L2 with a larger vowel inventory than the L1 is also beneficial for word learning in an L3 with a similarly large vowel inventory.
{"title":"Learning words in a third language: Effects of vowel inventory and language proficiency","authors":"P. Escudero, M. Broersma, Ellen Simon","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.662279","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.662279","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the effect of L2 and L3 proficiency on L3 word learning. Native speakers of Spanish with different proficiencies in L2 English and L3 Dutch and a control group of Dutch native speakers participated in a Dutch word-learning task involving minimal and nonminimal word pairs. The minimal word pairs were divided into “minimal-easy” and “minimal-difficult” pairs on the basis of whether or not they are known to pose perceptual problems for L1 Spanish learners. Spanish speakers’ proficiency in Dutch and English was independently established by their scores on general language comprehension tests. All participants were trained and subsequently tested on the mapping between pseudo-words and nonobjects. The results revealed that, first, both native and non-native speakers produced more errors and longer reaction times (RTs) for minimal than for nonminimal word pairs, and secondly, Spanish learners had more errors and longer RTs for minimal-difficult than for minimal-easy pairs. The latter finding suggests that there is a strong continuity between sound perception and L3 word recognition. With respect to proficiency, only the learner's proficiency in their L2, namely English, predicted their accuracy on L3 minimal pairs. This shows that learning an L2 with a larger vowel inventory than the L1 is also beneficial for word learning in an L3 with a similarly large vowel inventory.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.662279","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-05-22DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2011.608026
P. Starreveld, W. La Heij, Rinus G. Verdonschot
The response exclusion account (REA), advanced by Mahon and colleagues, localises the distractor frequency effect and the semantic interference effect in picture naming at the level of the response output buffer. We derive four predictions from the REA: (1) the size of the distractor frequency effect should be identical to the frequency effect obtained when distractor words are read aloud, (2) the distractor frequency effect should not change in size when stimulus-onset asynchrony (SOA) is manipulated, (3) the interference effect induced by a distractor word (as measured from a nonword control distractor) should increase in size with increasing SOA, and (4) the word frequency effect and the semantic interference effect should be additive. The results of the picture-naming task in Experiment 1 and the word-reading task in Experiment 2 refute all four predictions. We discuss a tentative account of the findings obtained within a traditional selection-by-competition model in which both context effects are localised at the level of lexical selection.
{"title":"Time course analysis of the effects of distractor frequency and categorical relatedness in picture naming: An evaluation of the response exclusion account","authors":"P. Starreveld, W. La Heij, Rinus G. Verdonschot","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2011.608026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2011.608026","url":null,"abstract":"The response exclusion account (REA), advanced by Mahon and colleagues, localises the distractor frequency effect and the semantic interference effect in picture naming at the level of the response output buffer. We derive four predictions from the REA: (1) the size of the distractor frequency effect should be identical to the frequency effect obtained when distractor words are read aloud, (2) the distractor frequency effect should not change in size when stimulus-onset asynchrony (SOA) is manipulated, (3) the interference effect induced by a distractor word (as measured from a nonword control distractor) should increase in size with increasing SOA, and (4) the word frequency effect and the semantic interference effect should be additive. The results of the picture-naming task in Experiment 1 and the word-reading task in Experiment 2 refute all four predictions. We discuss a tentative account of the findings obtained within a traditional selection-by-competition model in which both context effects are localised at the level of lexical selection.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2011.608026","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135324","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-05-22DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2011.605599
James Hutson, M. Damian, K. Spalek
A number of studies have recently reported that in picture–word interference (PWI) tasks, distractors with a low frequency of occurrence interfere more with picture naming than distractors with high-frequency. This finding is not straightforward to accommodate within traditional accounts of word production in which lexical access is typically conceptualised as competitive. Instead, the distractor frequency effect has been taken to support a view according to which lexical access is not competitive, and PWI effects arise at a postlexical preparation stage. Two experiments are reported which contrasted picture naming with a manual task performed on the picture name (Experiment 1: syllable judgment; Experiment 2: phoneme monitoring). In both studies, an equivalent effect of distractor frequency was observed for vocal and manual tasks, suggesting that the effect arises at a shared, abstract processing level. Consequently, the distractor frequency effect should not be interpreted as evidence for the claim that distractors have to be excluded from an articulatory response buffer before target naming can proceed.
{"title":"Distractor frequency effects in picture–word interference tasks with vocal and manual responses","authors":"James Hutson, M. Damian, K. Spalek","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2011.605599","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2011.605599","url":null,"abstract":"A number of studies have recently reported that in picture–word interference (PWI) tasks, distractors with a low frequency of occurrence interfere more with picture naming than distractors with high-frequency. This finding is not straightforward to accommodate within traditional accounts of word production in which lexical access is typically conceptualised as competitive. Instead, the distractor frequency effect has been taken to support a view according to which lexical access is not competitive, and PWI effects arise at a postlexical preparation stage. Two experiments are reported which contrasted picture naming with a manual task performed on the picture name (Experiment 1: syllable judgment; Experiment 2: phoneme monitoring). In both studies, an equivalent effect of distractor frequency was observed for vocal and manual tasks, suggesting that the effect arises at a shared, abstract processing level. Consequently, the distractor frequency effect should not be interpreted as evidence for the claim that distractors have to be excluded from an articulatory response buffer before target naming can proceed.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2011.605599","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59134726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-05-22DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2013.770890
A. Roelofs, Vitória Piai, H. Schriefers
Roelofs, Piai, and Schriefers argue that several findings on the effect of distractor words and pictures in producing words support a selection-by-competition account and challenge a non-competitive response-exclusion account. Janssen argues that the findings do not challenge response exclusion, and he conjectures that both competitive and non-competitive mechanisms underlie word selection. Here, we maintain that the findings do challenge the response-exclusion account and support the assumption of a single competitive mechanism underlying word selection.
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