Pub Date : 2013-09-02DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.701758
Mathilde Fort, S. Kandel, Justine Chipot, C. Savariaux, L. Granjon, E. Spinelli
When the auditory information is deteriorated by noise in a conversation, watching the face of a speaker enhances speech intelligibility. Recent findings indicate that decoding the facial movements of a speaker accelerates word recognition. The objective of this study was to provide evidence that the mere presentation of the first two phonemes—that is, the articulatory gestures of the initial syllable—is enough visual information to activate a lexical unit and initiate the lexical access process. We used a priming paradigm combined with a lexical decision task. The primes were syllables that either shared the initial syllable with an auditory target or not. In Experiment 1, the primes were displayed in audiovisual, auditory-only or visual-only conditions. There was a priming effect in all conditions. Experiment 2 investigated the locus (prelexical vs. lexical or postlexical) of the facilitation effect observed in the visual-only condition by manipulating the target's word frequency. The facilitation produced by the visual prime was significant for low-frequency words but not for high-frequency words, indicating that the locus of the effect is not prelexical. This suggests that visual speech mostly contributes to the word recognition process when lexical access is difficult.
{"title":"Seeing the initial articulatory gestures of a word triggers lexical access","authors":"Mathilde Fort, S. Kandel, Justine Chipot, C. Savariaux, L. Granjon, E. Spinelli","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.701758","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.701758","url":null,"abstract":"When the auditory information is deteriorated by noise in a conversation, watching the face of a speaker enhances speech intelligibility. Recent findings indicate that decoding the facial movements of a speaker accelerates word recognition. The objective of this study was to provide evidence that the mere presentation of the first two phonemes—that is, the articulatory gestures of the initial syllable—is enough visual information to activate a lexical unit and initiate the lexical access process. We used a priming paradigm combined with a lexical decision task. The primes were syllables that either shared the initial syllable with an auditory target or not. In Experiment 1, the primes were displayed in audiovisual, auditory-only or visual-only conditions. There was a priming effect in all conditions. Experiment 2 investigated the locus (prelexical vs. lexical or postlexical) of the facilitation effect observed in the visual-only condition by manipulating the target's word frequency. The facilitation produced by the visual prime was significant for low-frequency words but not for high-frequency words, indicating that the locus of the effect is not prelexical. This suggests that visual speech mostly contributes to the word recognition process when lexical access is difficult.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.701758","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135678","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-02DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.712143
D. Roehm, A. Sorace, Ina Bornkessel-Schlesewsky
Sometimes, the relationship between form and meaning in language is not one-to-one. Here, we used event-related brain potentials (ERPs) to illuminate the neural correlates of such flexible syntax–semantics mappings during sentence comprehension by examining split-intransitivity. While some (“rigid”) verbs consistently select one auxiliary, other (“flexible”) verbs do not. German speakers read sentences including rigid and flexible verbs and the auxiliaries haben (HAVE) and sein (BE). In an additional condition, flexible verbs were presented with a telicity-inducing prefix that led them to select BE via the verb-prefix combination. Auxiliary selection violations engendered an N400-late positivity response for both rigid and prefixed verbs, thus suggesting that the processing system sets up an auxiliary-based expectation for particular verb classes. For unprefixed flexible verbs, average ERPs did not show differential effects of auxiliary choice. However, additional mixed-effects analyses for these verbs including by-participant and by-item acceptabilities as covariates revealed modulations of the N400 and late positivity for HAVE-trials via by-item and by-participant acceptabilities. We argue that the N400 reflects the degree of match between auxiliary choice and the lexical class of the verb, while two distinct positivity effects correlate with (1) a well-formedness categorisation and (2) the degree to which individual participants engage in enriched composition in order to render a flexible (telic) verb compatible with a particular auxiliary choice (HAVE). These results indicate that the gradient behaviour of flexible verbs is not due to indeterminacy, but rather to a higher propensity for enriched composition that results in the coercion of aspectual specification.
{"title":"Processing flexible form-to-meaning mappings: Evidence for enriched composition as opposed to indeterminacy","authors":"D. Roehm, A. Sorace, Ina Bornkessel-Schlesewsky","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.712143","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.712143","url":null,"abstract":"Sometimes, the relationship between form and meaning in language is not one-to-one. Here, we used event-related brain potentials (ERPs) to illuminate the neural correlates of such flexible syntax–semantics mappings during sentence comprehension by examining split-intransitivity. While some (“rigid”) verbs consistently select one auxiliary, other (“flexible”) verbs do not. German speakers read sentences including rigid and flexible verbs and the auxiliaries haben (HAVE) and sein (BE). In an additional condition, flexible verbs were presented with a telicity-inducing prefix that led them to select BE via the verb-prefix combination. Auxiliary selection violations engendered an N400-late positivity response for both rigid and prefixed verbs, thus suggesting that the processing system sets up an auxiliary-based expectation for particular verb classes. For unprefixed flexible verbs, average ERPs did not show differential effects of auxiliary choice. However, additional mixed-effects analyses for these verbs including by-participant and by-item acceptabilities as covariates revealed modulations of the N400 and late positivity for HAVE-trials via by-item and by-participant acceptabilities. We argue that the N400 reflects the degree of match between auxiliary choice and the lexical class of the verb, while two distinct positivity effects correlate with (1) a well-formedness categorisation and (2) the degree to which individual participants engage in enriched composition in order to render a flexible (telic) verb compatible with a particular auxiliary choice (HAVE). These results indicate that the gradient behaviour of flexible verbs is not due to indeterminacy, but rather to a higher propensity for enriched composition that results in the coercion of aspectual specification.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.712143","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-07-08DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.733013
Kimberley Mulder, R. Schreuder, T. Dijkstra
The present study examined Morphological Family Size effects in first and second language processing. Items with a high or low Dutch (L1) Family Size were contrasted in four experiments involving Dutch–English bilinguals. In two experiments, reaction times (RTs) were collected in English (L2) and Dutch (L1) lexical decision tasks; in two other experiments, an L1 and L2 go/no-go lexical decision task were performed while Event-Related Potentials (ERPs) were recorded. Two questions were addressed. First, is the ERP signal sensitive to the morphological productivity of words? Second, does nontarget language activation in L2 processing spread beyond the item itself, to the morphological family of the activated nontarget word? The two behavioural experiments both showed a facilitatory effect of Dutch Family Size, indicating that the morphological family in the L1 is activated regardless of language context. In the two ERP experiments, Family Size effects were found to modulate the N400 component. Less negative waveforms were observed for words with a high L1 Family Size compared to words with a low L1 Family Size in the N400 time window, in both the L1 and L2 task. In addition, these Family Size effects persisted in later time windows. The data are discussed in light of the Morphological Family Resonance Model (MFRM) model of morphological processing and the BIA + model.
{"title":"Morphological Family Size effects in L1 and L2 processing: An electrophysiological study","authors":"Kimberley Mulder, R. Schreuder, T. Dijkstra","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.733013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.733013","url":null,"abstract":"The present study examined Morphological Family Size effects in first and second language processing. Items with a high or low Dutch (L1) Family Size were contrasted in four experiments involving Dutch–English bilinguals. In two experiments, reaction times (RTs) were collected in English (L2) and Dutch (L1) lexical decision tasks; in two other experiments, an L1 and L2 go/no-go lexical decision task were performed while Event-Related Potentials (ERPs) were recorded. Two questions were addressed. First, is the ERP signal sensitive to the morphological productivity of words? Second, does nontarget language activation in L2 processing spread beyond the item itself, to the morphological family of the activated nontarget word? The two behavioural experiments both showed a facilitatory effect of Dutch Family Size, indicating that the morphological family in the L1 is activated regardless of language context. In the two ERP experiments, Family Size effects were found to modulate the N400 component. Less negative waveforms were observed for words with a high L1 Family Size compared to words with a low L1 Family Size in the N400 time window, in both the L1 and L2 task. In addition, these Family Size effects persisted in later time windows. The data are discussed in light of the Morphological Family Resonance Model (MFRM) model of morphological processing and the BIA + model.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.733013","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135454","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-07-08DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.719082
Kevin Diependaele, Joanna Morris, Raphael M. Serota, Daisy Bertrand, J. Grainger
We tested the predictions of a dual-route model of complex word reading according to which morpho-orthographic segmentation is hypothesised to require a fine-grained orthographic code that would be particularly sensitive to letter order, whereas morpho-semantic representations are hypothesised to be most rapidly accessed via a coarse-grained orthographic code that is less sensitive to letter order. We predicted that letter transpositions would disrupt morpho-orthographic processing more than morpho-semantic processing. In line with these predictions, Experiment 1 showed no priming from opaque pseudo-derived primes containing a letter transposition at the morpheme boundary (masetr-mast) relative to replaced letter controls (masicr-mast) in the presence of significant priming from transposed-letter transparent derived primes (banekr-bank). Similarly, Experiment 2 showed that although complex nonword primes (bankity-bank) generate significant priming effects relative to unrelated primes (farmity-bank), the same primes with letter transpositions (banikty-bank) do not prime relative to transposed unrelated primes (farimty-bank).
{"title":"Breaking boundaries: Letter transpositions and morphological processing","authors":"Kevin Diependaele, Joanna Morris, Raphael M. Serota, Daisy Bertrand, J. Grainger","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.719082","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.719082","url":null,"abstract":"We tested the predictions of a dual-route model of complex word reading according to which morpho-orthographic segmentation is hypothesised to require a fine-grained orthographic code that would be particularly sensitive to letter order, whereas morpho-semantic representations are hypothesised to be most rapidly accessed via a coarse-grained orthographic code that is less sensitive to letter order. We predicted that letter transpositions would disrupt morpho-orthographic processing more than morpho-semantic processing. In line with these predictions, Experiment 1 showed no priming from opaque pseudo-derived primes containing a letter transposition at the morpheme boundary (masetr-mast) relative to replaced letter controls (masicr-mast) in the presence of significant priming from transposed-letter transparent derived primes (banekr-bank). Similarly, Experiment 2 showed that although complex nonword primes (bankity-bank) generate significant priming effects relative to unrelated primes (farmity-bank), the same primes with letter transpositions (banikty-bank) do not prime relative to transposed unrelated primes (farimty-bank).","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.719082","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135892","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-07-08DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2013.779385
A. Marantz
Any approach to understanding morphological processing must begin with assumptions about the role of morphemes in linguistic representations. Contemporary linguistic theory proposes that such representations are centred on a syntactic organisation of morphemes, where a morpheme is an abstract syntactic unit that finds an interpretation in form and in meaning. From the linguist's perspective, then, morphological processing falls together with syntactic processing, and both involve the central exploitation of a grammar of morphemes. Recent computational work has challenged this perspective, proposing instead that morphological structure emerges from the acquisition of form/meaning connections. Here we show that these challenges to the role of morphemes in word and sentence processing rest on a misunderstanding of the morpheme within linguistic theory. Once we understand the notion of a morpheme and its explanatory role within linguistic theory, we can see that apparent challenges to the morpheme, rather than dispensing with the morpheme in the architecture of linguistic representations, always in fact presuppose a syntactic structure of morphemes as the unlearned input to language learning models. Since computational modelling is indispensable for work connecting theories of linguistic representation to theories of (morphological) processing, it is crucial that those constructing computational models appreciate why there is no escape from morphemes in morphological processing.
{"title":"No escape from morphemes in morphological processing","authors":"A. Marantz","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2013.779385","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2013.779385","url":null,"abstract":"Any approach to understanding morphological processing must begin with assumptions about the role of morphemes in linguistic representations. Contemporary linguistic theory proposes that such representations are centred on a syntactic organisation of morphemes, where a morpheme is an abstract syntactic unit that finds an interpretation in form and in meaning. From the linguist's perspective, then, morphological processing falls together with syntactic processing, and both involve the central exploitation of a grammar of morphemes. Recent computational work has challenged this perspective, proposing instead that morphological structure emerges from the acquisition of form/meaning connections. Here we show that these challenges to the role of morphemes in word and sentence processing rest on a misunderstanding of the morpheme within linguistic theory. Once we understand the notion of a morpheme and its explanatory role within linguistic theory, we can see that apparent challenges to the morpheme, rather than dispensing with the morpheme in the architecture of linguistic representations, always in fact presuppose a syntactic structure of morphemes as the unlearned input to language learning models. Since computational modelling is indispensable for work connecting theories of linguistic representation to theories of (morphological) processing, it is crucial that those constructing computational models appreciate why there is no escape from morphemes in morphological processing.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2013.779385","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59136198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-07-08DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.701757
V. Kuperman, R. Bertram
The present study explores linguistic predictors and behavioural implications of the orthographic alternation between a spaced (bell tower), hyphenated (bell-tower), and concatenated (belltower) format observed in English compound words. On the basis of two English corpora, we model the evolution of spelling for compounds undergoing lexicalisation, as well as define the set of orthographic, distributional, and semantic properties of the compound's constituents that co-determine the preference for one of the available realisations. We explore iconicity and economy as competing motivations for both the diachronic change and synchronous preferences in spelling. Observed patterns of written production closely mirror the demands and strategies of recognition of compound words in reading. Orthographic choices that go against the reader's economy of effort come with a high recognition cost, as evidenced in inflated lexical decision and naming latencies to concatenated compounds that occur in other spelling formats.
{"title":"Moving spaces: Spelling alternation in English noun-noun compounds","authors":"V. Kuperman, R. Bertram","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.701757","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.701757","url":null,"abstract":"The present study explores linguistic predictors and behavioural implications of the orthographic alternation between a spaced (bell tower), hyphenated (bell-tower), and concatenated (belltower) format observed in English compound words. On the basis of two English corpora, we model the evolution of spelling for compounds undergoing lexicalisation, as well as define the set of orthographic, distributional, and semantic properties of the compound's constituents that co-determine the preference for one of the available realisations. We explore iconicity and economy as competing motivations for both the diachronic change and synchronous preferences in spelling. Observed patterns of written production closely mirror the demands and strategies of recognition of compound words in reading. Orthographic choices that go against the reader's economy of effort come with a high recognition cost, as evidenced in inflated lexical decision and naming latencies to concatenated compounds that occur in other spelling formats.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.701757","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135669","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-07-08DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.759241
Ariel Cohen-Goldberg
Theories of spoken production have not yet addressed the post-lexical processing of multimorphemic words, that is, how a multimorphemic word's phonological form is prepared for production. This paper reviews what is known about how multimorphemic words are represented in production at lexical and post-lexical stages as well as the influence that lexical properties have on post-lexical processes. A proposal linking these facts together is presented which predicts that post-lexical processes (1) should be weaker when acting across morpheme bundaries and (2) should be influenced by the lexical properties of each morpheme. Post-lexical processing is thus predicted to vary, or be “heterogeneous”, across a multimorphemic word. Phoneme competition (as indexed by inhibitory effects of phoneme similarity) is compared within and across morphemes in three analyses of oral reading latencies. Competition is found to be weaker across morpheme boundaries, providing support for heterogeneity.
{"title":"Towards a theory of multimorphemic word production: The heterogeneity of processing hypothesis","authors":"Ariel Cohen-Goldberg","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.759241","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.759241","url":null,"abstract":"Theories of spoken production have not yet addressed the post-lexical processing of multimorphemic words, that is, how a multimorphemic word's phonological form is prepared for production. This paper reviews what is known about how multimorphemic words are represented in production at lexical and post-lexical stages as well as the influence that lexical properties have on post-lexical processes. A proposal linking these facts together is presented which predicts that post-lexical processes (1) should be weaker when acting across morpheme bundaries and (2) should be influenced by the lexical properties of each morpheme. Post-lexical processing is thus predicted to vary, or be “heterogeneous”, across a multimorphemic word. Phoneme competition (as indexed by inhibitory effects of phoneme similarity) is compared within and across morphemes in three analyses of oral reading latencies. Competition is found to be weaker across morpheme boundaries, providing support for heterogeneity.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.759241","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59136149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-07-08DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.679662
M. Taft, C. Nillsen
When a nonword is created from a real word by transposing two medial letters (e.g., oeby from obey), the former is confused with the latter more than when the transposition involves the initial letter (e.g., boey). This is called the “transposed-letter (TL) Position” effect. It is shown here that the addition of a prefix eliminates the TL Position effect (i.e., disboey shows as much interference as disoeby relative to a nontransposed control). The TL Position effect also disappears if the prefix creates a nonword when added to the stem (e.g., reboey shows as much interference as reoeby), but there is no interference at all when a nonprefix is added to the stem instead (e.g., raboey or raoeby). The fact that there is strong TL interference for prefixed nonwords (e.g., reboey and reoeby) strongly points to unavoidable morphological decomposition. The disappearance of the TL Position effect when a prefix is added to the stem is ascribed to the reduction in perceptual salience for the initial letter, and this is confirmed when the TL Position was also shown to disappear when the prefix was replaced by digits. The results of the five experiments lead to a consideration of the way in which models of orthographic processing might handle both TL interference and morphological decomposition.
{"title":"Morphological decomposition and the transposed-letter (TL) position effect","authors":"M. Taft, C. Nillsen","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.679662","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.679662","url":null,"abstract":"When a nonword is created from a real word by transposing two medial letters (e.g., oeby from obey), the former is confused with the latter more than when the transposition involves the initial letter (e.g., boey). This is called the “transposed-letter (TL) Position” effect. It is shown here that the addition of a prefix eliminates the TL Position effect (i.e., disboey shows as much interference as disoeby relative to a nontransposed control). The TL Position effect also disappears if the prefix creates a nonword when added to the stem (e.g., reboey shows as much interference as reoeby), but there is no interference at all when a nonprefix is added to the stem instead (e.g., raboey or raoeby). The fact that there is strong TL interference for prefixed nonwords (e.g., reboey and reoeby) strongly points to unavoidable morphological decomposition. The disappearance of the TL Position effect when a prefix is added to the stem is ascribed to the reduction in perceptual salience for the initial letter, and this is confirmed when the TL Position was also shown to disappear when the prefix was replaced by digits. The results of the five experiments lead to a consideration of the way in which models of orthographic processing might handle both TL interference and morphological decomposition.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.679662","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135868","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-07-08DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.713972
J. Duñabeitia, M. Dimitropoulou, Joanna Morris, Kevin Diependaele
This article explores how bilinguals perform automatic morphological decomposition processes, focusing on within- and cross-language masked morphological priming effects. In Experiment 1, unbalanced Spanish (L1)–English (L2) bilingual participants completed a lexical decision task on English targets that could be preceded by morphologically related or unrelated derived masked English and Spanish prime words. The cognate status of the masked Spanish primes was manipulated, in order to explore to what extent form overlap mediates cross-language morphological priming. In Experiment 2, a group of balanced native Basque–Spanish speakers completed a lexical decision task on Spanish targets preceded by morphologically related or unrelated Basque or Spanish masked primes. In this experiment, a large number of items were tested and the cognate status was manipulated according to a continuous measure of orthographic overlap, allowing for a fine-grained analysis of the role of form overlap in cross-language morphological priming. Results demonstrated the existence of between-language masked morphological priming, which was exclusively found for cognate prime-target pairs. Furthermore, the results from balanced and unbalanced bilinguals were highly similar showing that proficiency in the two languages at test does not seem to modulate the pattern of data. These results are correctly accounted for by mechanisms of early morpho-orthographic decomposition that do not necessarily imply an automatic translation of the prime. In contrast, other competing accounts that are based on translation processes do not seem to capture the present results.
{"title":"The role of form in morphological priming: Evidence from bilinguals","authors":"J. Duñabeitia, M. Dimitropoulou, Joanna Morris, Kevin Diependaele","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.713972","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.713972","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores how bilinguals perform automatic morphological decomposition processes, focusing on within- and cross-language masked morphological priming effects. In Experiment 1, unbalanced Spanish (L1)–English (L2) bilingual participants completed a lexical decision task on English targets that could be preceded by morphologically related or unrelated derived masked English and Spanish prime words. The cognate status of the masked Spanish primes was manipulated, in order to explore to what extent form overlap mediates cross-language morphological priming. In Experiment 2, a group of balanced native Basque–Spanish speakers completed a lexical decision task on Spanish targets preceded by morphologically related or unrelated Basque or Spanish masked primes. In this experiment, a large number of items were tested and the cognate status was manipulated according to a continuous measure of orthographic overlap, allowing for a fine-grained analysis of the role of form overlap in cross-language morphological priming. Results demonstrated the existence of between-language masked morphological priming, which was exclusively found for cognate prime-target pairs. Furthermore, the results from balanced and unbalanced bilinguals were highly similar showing that proficiency in the two languages at test does not seem to modulate the pattern of data. These results are correctly accounted for by mechanisms of early morpho-orthographic decomposition that do not necessarily imply an automatic translation of the prime. In contrast, other competing accounts that are based on translation processes do not seem to capture the present results.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.713972","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-07-08DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2013.776696
K. Gor, Scott A. Jackson
This study tests the hypothesis that second language (L2) learners move developmentally from decomposition of inflected words with less complex stem allomorphy to words with more complex stem allomorphy in lexical access. Robust auditory priming effects were observed for three types of Russian high- and low-frequency inflected verbs with graded regularity treated as complexity and productivity in stem allomorphy in native speakers (NS) of Russian. Similar effects were found in American L2 learners of Russian at three proficiency levels for high-frequency verbs. Low-frequency verbs showed an interaction of the degree of regularity with proficiency level, with priming effects present for regular verbs at all three proficiency levels, semi-regular verbs at two higher levels, and irregular verbs only at the highest level. Lemma and surface frequency effects were observed in irregular verbs only in L2 learners. Results suggest that in Russian, a highly inflected language, auditory lexical access occurs in two stages: first, decomposition into stem and inflectional affix, and second, access of the stem representation at the lemma level, which can occur directly or by further decomposing the stem into root and suffix (the nesting doll pattern). The first stage takes place automatically both in NS and L2 learners for all productive inflections, while the second is gradually acquired by late learners, from productive and less complex to unproductive and more complex stem allomorphy. This developmental tendency is in contrast to the claims that late second language learners store and access regularly inflected words undecomposed and supports the view that L2 learners beyond low proficiency levels process inflectional morphology.
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