Pub Date : 2013-10-22DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.682072
J. Vogels, E. Krahmer, A. Maes
Salient entities are assumed to be more accessible in memory, which makes them more likely to be referred to first and to be referred to with an attenuated expression, such as a pronoun. It is less clear, however, how different types of salience interact in influencing referent accessibility. In this article, we address the question whether non-linguistic factors can affect accessibility in the presence of a linguistic context. We present two story completion experiments in which we investigated the effect of visual salience (foregrounding) in interaction with linguistic salience (subjecthood) of two story characters both on the choice of referent and on the choice of referring expression. In Experiment 1, linguistic salience was moderated by inducing a topic shift in the discourse context. In Experiment 2, contexts in which linguistic salience was unclear were compared to contexts in which one of the characters was highly linguistically salient. The results show that visual salience influences referent choice independently of linguistic salience, but that it does not have an effect on the choice of referring expression. This suggests that visual salience has an influence on the global interpretation of the scene, but does not directly affect the accessibility status of individual entities. This is compatible with a view of language production in which utterance planning is influenced by conceptual and discourse factors rather than by low-level perceptual factors.
{"title":"Who is where referred to how, and why? The influence of visual saliency on referent accessibility in spoken language production","authors":"J. Vogels, E. Krahmer, A. Maes","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.682072","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.682072","url":null,"abstract":"Salient entities are assumed to be more accessible in memory, which makes them more likely to be referred to first and to be referred to with an attenuated expression, such as a pronoun. It is less clear, however, how different types of salience interact in influencing referent accessibility. In this article, we address the question whether non-linguistic factors can affect accessibility in the presence of a linguistic context. We present two story completion experiments in which we investigated the effect of visual salience (foregrounding) in interaction with linguistic salience (subjecthood) of two story characters both on the choice of referent and on the choice of referring expression. In Experiment 1, linguistic salience was moderated by inducing a topic shift in the discourse context. In Experiment 2, contexts in which linguistic salience was unclear were compared to contexts in which one of the characters was highly linguistically salient. The results show that visual salience influences referent choice independently of linguistic salience, but that it does not have an effect on the choice of referring expression. This suggests that visual salience has an influence on the global interpretation of the scene, but does not directly affect the accessibility status of individual entities. This is compatible with a view of language production in which utterance planning is influenced by conceptual and discourse factors rather than by low-level perceptual factors.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.682072","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135439","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-10-22DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.708423
W. Mak, T. Sanders
Research on the processing of causality has shown that causally related sentences lead to faster reading, better recall, and better comprehension than sentences that are not causally related. In this study, we investigate two ways in which causality can influence processing: through the expectation that readers may have of a causal relation and the ease with which the sentences can be related in a causal way on the basis of their content. We ran two eye tracking experiments to investigate the online effects of these factors. In the experiments we looked at the influence of these factors on the process of establishing referential and relational coherence. Experiment 1 shows that immediate effects of causal relatedness on referential processing occur even with a connective that is not explicitly causal (when). Moreover, the results show that the early effect only occurs when readers expect a causal relation. Experiment 1 also shows that causal expectations facilitate the processing of causally related sentences. Experiment 2 shows that this is only the case when the content of the second clause actually allows a causal interpretation. The data show that causal expectations have differential effects on the processing of referential and relational coherence. Referential coherence is influenced proactively by the focusing of one of the referents in the context. Relational coherence, on the other hand, is influenced retroactively: only when there turns out to be a causal link between the sentences is processing facilitated by causal expectation.
{"title":"The role of causality in discourse processing: Effects of expectation and coherence relations","authors":"W. Mak, T. Sanders","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.708423","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.708423","url":null,"abstract":"Research on the processing of causality has shown that causally related sentences lead to faster reading, better recall, and better comprehension than sentences that are not causally related. In this study, we investigate two ways in which causality can influence processing: through the expectation that readers may have of a causal relation and the ease with which the sentences can be related in a causal way on the basis of their content. We ran two eye tracking experiments to investigate the online effects of these factors. In the experiments we looked at the influence of these factors on the process of establishing referential and relational coherence. Experiment 1 shows that immediate effects of causal relatedness on referential processing occur even with a connective that is not explicitly causal (when). Moreover, the results show that the early effect only occurs when readers expect a causal relation. Experiment 1 also shows that causal expectations facilitate the processing of causally related sentences. Experiment 2 shows that this is only the case when the content of the second clause actually allows a causal interpretation. The data show that causal expectations have differential effects on the processing of referential and relational coherence. Referential coherence is influenced proactively by the focusing of one of the referents in the context. Relational coherence, on the other hand, is influenced retroactively: only when there turns out to be a causal link between the sentences is processing facilitated by causal expectation.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.708423","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135731","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-10-22DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.672752
S. Pappert, T. Pechmann
In two experiments, we investigated the primed generation of dative and benefactive alternation structures in German. As benefactive alternation structures differ from dative alternation structures in event semantics but are assumed to inherit some of their syntactic properties, the crucial question here is whether bidirectional cross-alternation priming can be found. Experiment 1 revealed priming of dative alternation structures by benefactive alternation structures whereas Experiment 2 is the first to our knowledge to show priming of benefactive alternation structures by dative alternation structures. We conclude that structural persistence neither hinges on lexical subcategorisation frames nor is it necessarily sensitive to semantic and syntactic differences associated with dative and benefactive alternation structures. However, the effects we found are compatible with both a phrase structural account and a proto-roles account of structural priming. Moreover, the new sentence generation paradigm we designed qualified as an appropriate method to investigate structural priming for nondepictable events.
{"title":"Bidirectional structural priming across alternations: Evidence from the generation of dative and benefactive alternation structures in German","authors":"S. Pappert, T. Pechmann","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.672752","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.672752","url":null,"abstract":"In two experiments, we investigated the primed generation of dative and benefactive alternation structures in German. As benefactive alternation structures differ from dative alternation structures in event semantics but are assumed to inherit some of their syntactic properties, the crucial question here is whether bidirectional cross-alternation priming can be found. Experiment 1 revealed priming of dative alternation structures by benefactive alternation structures whereas Experiment 2 is the first to our knowledge to show priming of benefactive alternation structures by dative alternation structures. We conclude that structural persistence neither hinges on lexical subcategorisation frames nor is it necessarily sensitive to semantic and syntactic differences associated with dative and benefactive alternation structures. However, the effects we found are compatible with both a phrase structural account and a proto-roles account of structural priming. Moreover, the new sentence generation paradigm we designed qualified as an appropriate method to investigate structural priming for nondepictable events.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.672752","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135802","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-10-22DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.685885
Anneloes R. Canestrelli, W. Mak, T. Sanders
Causal connectives are often considered to provide crucial information about the discourse structure; they signal a causal relation between two text segments. However, in many languages of the world causal connectives specialise in either subjective or objective causal relations. We investigate whether this type of (discourse) information is used during the online processing of causal connectives by focusing on the Dutch connectives want and omdat, both translated by because. In three eye-tracking studies we demonstrate that the Dutch connective want, which is a prototypical marker of subjective CLAIM–ARGUMENT relations, leads to an immediate processing disadvantage compared to omdat, a prototypical marker of objective CONSEQUENCE–CAUSE relations. This effect was observed at the words immediately following the connective, at which point readers cannot yet establish the causal relation on the basis of the content, which means that the effect is solely induced by the connectives. In Experiment 2 we demonstrate that this effect is related to the representation of the first clause of a want relation as a mental state. In Experiment 3, we show that the use of omdat in relations that do not allow for a CONSEQUENCE–CAUSE interpretation leads to serious processing difficulties at the end of those relations. On the basis of these results, we argue that want triggers a subjective mental state interpretation of S1, whereas omdat triggers the construction of an objective CONSEQUENCE–CAUSE relation. These results illustrate that causal connectives provide subtle information about semantic-pragmatic distinctions between types of causal relations, which immediately influences online processing.
{"title":"Causal connectives in discourse processing: How differences in subjectivity are reflected in eye movements","authors":"Anneloes R. Canestrelli, W. Mak, T. Sanders","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.685885","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.685885","url":null,"abstract":"Causal connectives are often considered to provide crucial information about the discourse structure; they signal a causal relation between two text segments. However, in many languages of the world causal connectives specialise in either subjective or objective causal relations. We investigate whether this type of (discourse) information is used during the online processing of causal connectives by focusing on the Dutch connectives want and omdat, both translated by because. In three eye-tracking studies we demonstrate that the Dutch connective want, which is a prototypical marker of subjective CLAIM–ARGUMENT relations, leads to an immediate processing disadvantage compared to omdat, a prototypical marker of objective CONSEQUENCE–CAUSE relations. This effect was observed at the words immediately following the connective, at which point readers cannot yet establish the causal relation on the basis of the content, which means that the effect is solely induced by the connectives. In Experiment 2 we demonstrate that this effect is related to the representation of the first clause of a want relation as a mental state. In Experiment 3, we show that the use of omdat in relations that do not allow for a CONSEQUENCE–CAUSE interpretation leads to serious processing difficulties at the end of those relations. On the basis of these results, we argue that want triggers a subjective mental state interpretation of S1, whereas omdat triggers the construction of an objective CONSEQUENCE–CAUSE relation. These results illustrate that causal connectives provide subtle information about semantic-pragmatic distinctions between types of causal relations, which immediately influences online processing.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.685885","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-10-22DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.672229
Christopher C. Heffner, Laura C. Dilley, J. Devin McAuley, M. Pitt
Spoken language contains few reliable acoustic cues to word boundaries, yet listeners readily perceive words as separated in continuous speech. Dilley and Pitt (2010) showed that the rate of nonlocal (i.e., distal) context speech influences word segmentation, but present theories of word segmentation cannot account for whether and how this cue interacts with other acoustic cues proximal to (i.e., in the vicinity of) the word boundary. Four experiments examined the interaction of distal speech rate with four proximal acoustic cues that have been shown to influence segmentation: intensity (Experiment 1), fundamental frequency (Experiment 2), word duration (Experiment 3), and high frequency noise resembling a consonantal onset (Experiment 4). Participants listened to sentence fragments and indicated which of two lexical interpretations they heard, where one interpretation contained more words than the other. Across all four experiments, both distal speech rate and proximal acoustic manipulations affected the reported lexical interpretation, but the two types of cues did not consistently interact. Overall, the results of the set of experiments are inconsistent with a strictly-ranked hierarchy of cues to word boundaries, and instead highlight the necessity of word segmentation and lexical access theories to allow for flexible rankings of cues to word boundary placement.
{"title":"When cues combine: How distal and proximal acoustic cues are integrated in word segmentation","authors":"Christopher C. Heffner, Laura C. Dilley, J. Devin McAuley, M. Pitt","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.672229","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.672229","url":null,"abstract":"Spoken language contains few reliable acoustic cues to word boundaries, yet listeners readily perceive words as separated in continuous speech. Dilley and Pitt (2010) showed that the rate of nonlocal (i.e., distal) context speech influences word segmentation, but present theories of word segmentation cannot account for whether and how this cue interacts with other acoustic cues proximal to (i.e., in the vicinity of) the word boundary. Four experiments examined the interaction of distal speech rate with four proximal acoustic cues that have been shown to influence segmentation: intensity (Experiment 1), fundamental frequency (Experiment 2), word duration (Experiment 3), and high frequency noise resembling a consonantal onset (Experiment 4). Participants listened to sentence fragments and indicated which of two lexical interpretations they heard, where one interpretation contained more words than the other. Across all four experiments, both distal speech rate and proximal acoustic manipulations affected the reported lexical interpretation, but the two types of cues did not consistently interact. Overall, the results of the set of experiments are inconsistent with a strictly-ranked hierarchy of cues to word boundaries, and instead highlight the necessity of word segmentation and lexical access theories to allow for flexible rankings of cues to word boundary placement.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-10-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.672229","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-02DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.696664
Miroslav Hanke, C. Hamann, E. Ruigendijk
Theoretical accounts of the language production process have claimed that grammatical encoding steps during the formulation stage happen in a largely automatic fashion, unimpeded by other cognitive processes. By eliciting agreement attraction errors, our study tested the effect of external distractor noise on the generation of subject–verb agreement in spoken language. We modelled noisy environments with three different speech-free sounds with spectral, or both spectral and intensity modulation characteristics of speech. In silence and unmodulated noise, we found evidence for a plural mismatch effect, where a plural local noun attracts agreement away from a singular marked head noun. Under modulated noise the error patterns changed, and the number of errors increased in cases where the head noun of the preamble was marked for plural. In addition, background noise led to a reduction of speech rate and a reduction of utterance latency. Our results indicate that unspecific, speech-free noise can create a secondary task load which exerts an influence on the grammatical encoding stage of sentence formulation. We suggest that additional load leads to a slowing down of processing and subsequent difficulty to access the correct number information of the head noun when trying to retrieve an inflected verb form. Subjects overcome this difficulty by resorting to default singular marking on the verb. The results of this study challenge previous claims about the informational encapsulation of the grammatical encoding stage.
{"title":"On the laws of attraction at cocktail parties: Babble noise influences the production of number agreement","authors":"Miroslav Hanke, C. Hamann, E. Ruigendijk","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.696664","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.696664","url":null,"abstract":"Theoretical accounts of the language production process have claimed that grammatical encoding steps during the formulation stage happen in a largely automatic fashion, unimpeded by other cognitive processes. By eliciting agreement attraction errors, our study tested the effect of external distractor noise on the generation of subject–verb agreement in spoken language. We modelled noisy environments with three different speech-free sounds with spectral, or both spectral and intensity modulation characteristics of speech. In silence and unmodulated noise, we found evidence for a plural mismatch effect, where a plural local noun attracts agreement away from a singular marked head noun. Under modulated noise the error patterns changed, and the number of errors increased in cases where the head noun of the preamble was marked for plural. In addition, background noise led to a reduction of speech rate and a reduction of utterance latency. Our results indicate that unspecific, speech-free noise can create a secondary task load which exerts an influence on the grammatical encoding stage of sentence formulation. We suggest that additional load leads to a slowing down of processing and subsequent difficulty to access the correct number information of the head noun when trying to retrieve an inflected verb form. Subjects overcome this difficulty by resorting to default singular marking on the verb. The results of this study challenge previous claims about the informational encapsulation of the grammatical encoding stage.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.696664","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135553","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-02DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.699076
Arnout Koornneef, T. Sanders
Many studies have shown that readers and listeners recruit verb-based implicit causality information rapidly in the service of pronoun resolution. However, since most of these studies focused on constructions in which because connected the two critical clauses, it is unclear to what extent implicit causality information affects the processing of pronouns embedded in other types of coherence relations. In an eye-tracking and completion study we addressed this void by varying whether because, but, and and joined a primary clause containing the implicit causality verb, with a secondary clause containing a critical gender-marked pronoun. The results showed that the claims made for implicit causality hold if the connective because is present (i.e., a reading time delay following a pronoun that is inconsistent with the implicit causality bias of the verb), but do not generalise to other connectives like but and and. This shows that the strength and persistence of implicit causality as a pronoun resolution cue depends on the coherence relation in which the verb, the antecedent and the pronoun appear.
{"title":"Establishing coherence relations in discourse: The influence of implicit causality and connectives on pronoun resolution","authors":"Arnout Koornneef, T. Sanders","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.699076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.699076","url":null,"abstract":"Many studies have shown that readers and listeners recruit verb-based implicit causality information rapidly in the service of pronoun resolution. However, since most of these studies focused on constructions in which because connected the two critical clauses, it is unclear to what extent implicit causality information affects the processing of pronouns embedded in other types of coherence relations. In an eye-tracking and completion study we addressed this void by varying whether because, but, and and joined a primary clause containing the implicit causality verb, with a secondary clause containing a critical gender-marked pronoun. The results showed that the claims made for implicit causality hold if the connective because is present (i.e., a reading time delay following a pronoun that is inconsistent with the implicit causality bias of the verb), but do not generalise to other connectives like but and and. This shows that the strength and persistence of implicit causality as a pronoun resolution cue depends on the coherence relation in which the verb, the antecedent and the pronoun appear.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.699076","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135619","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-02DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.702915
Kahlen W S Chan, J. Hsiao
In auditory perception, a right hemisphere (RH)/left ear advantage(LEA) for low-pass filtered stimuli and a left hemisphere (LH)/right ear advantage(REA) for high-pass filtered stimuli have been reported. Here we investigated how tonal language experience modulates this hemispheric asymmetry. We recruited Cantonese, Mandarin (tonal languages), and English (non-tonal language) speakers, and asked them to recognise dichotically presented Cantonese speech pairs in either high- or low-pass filtered conditions. The results showed that in perception accuracy, whereas English speakers demonstrated the typical RH/LEA for low-pass filtered stimuli and LH/REA for high-pass filtered stimuli, for both high- and low-pass filtered stimuli, Cantonese speakers had similarly high accuracy in the two ears, and Mandarin speakers had higher right ear accuracy. In addition, Cantonese speakers had a preference to report the stimulus presented to the right ear; Mandarin speakers showed a similar, insignificant trend of preference, whereas English speakers showed no preference. This result is consistent with the hypothesis of language-experience-dependent specialisation of the LH in auditory perception, in contrast to an experience-independent general auditory or linguistic mechanism. While English speakers showed the typical hemispheric asymmetry in auditory perception, the automaticity of LH language processing pathways in Cantonese speakers resulted in no accuracy difference between the two ears, and a right ear preference regardless of the frequency condition. In contrast, although Mandarin speakers did not understand Cantonese, they generalised their tonal language experience to Cantonese speech perception and had a REA even in the perception of low-pass filtered Cantonese speech.
{"title":"Hemispheric asymmetry in processing low- and high-pass filtered Cantonese speech in tonal and non-tonal language speakers","authors":"Kahlen W S Chan, J. Hsiao","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.702915","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.702915","url":null,"abstract":"In auditory perception, a right hemisphere (RH)/left ear advantage(LEA) for low-pass filtered stimuli and a left hemisphere (LH)/right ear advantage(REA) for high-pass filtered stimuli have been reported. Here we investigated how tonal language experience modulates this hemispheric asymmetry. We recruited Cantonese, Mandarin (tonal languages), and English (non-tonal language) speakers, and asked them to recognise dichotically presented Cantonese speech pairs in either high- or low-pass filtered conditions. The results showed that in perception accuracy, whereas English speakers demonstrated the typical RH/LEA for low-pass filtered stimuli and LH/REA for high-pass filtered stimuli, for both high- and low-pass filtered stimuli, Cantonese speakers had similarly high accuracy in the two ears, and Mandarin speakers had higher right ear accuracy. In addition, Cantonese speakers had a preference to report the stimulus presented to the right ear; Mandarin speakers showed a similar, insignificant trend of preference, whereas English speakers showed no preference. This result is consistent with the hypothesis of language-experience-dependent specialisation of the LH in auditory perception, in contrast to an experience-independent general auditory or linguistic mechanism. While English speakers showed the typical hemispheric asymmetry in auditory perception, the automaticity of LH language processing pathways in Cantonese speakers resulted in no accuracy difference between the two ears, and a right ear preference regardless of the frequency condition. In contrast, although Mandarin speakers did not understand Cantonese, they generalised their tonal language experience to Cantonese speech perception and had a REA even in the perception of low-pass filtered Cantonese speech.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.702915","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135690","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-02DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.696665
S. Hawelka, Sarah Schuster, Benjamin Gagl, F. Hutzler
The study assessed the eye movements of 60 adult German readers during silent reading of target words, consisting of two and three syllables, embedded in sentences. The first objective was to assess whether the inhibitory effect of first syllable frequency, which was up to now primarily shown for isolated words, generalises to natural reading. The second objective was to assess the effect of orthographic similarity. First syllable frequency was defined phonologically and was based on the SUBTLEX norms for spoken language [Brysbaert et al. (2011). The word frequency effect: A review of recent developments and implications for the choice of frequency estimates in German. Experimental Psychology, 58, 412–424]. Orthographic similarity was indexed by orthographic Levenshtein distance neighbourhood frequency (NF) [Yarkoni, T., Balota, D. & Yap, M. (2008). Moving beyond Coltheart's N: A new measure of orthographic similarity. Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 15, 971–979]. We found inhibitory effects for first syllable frequency and for orthographic NF. First syllable frequency affected first fixation duration which was considered as reflecting early effects in visual word recognition. Orthographic NF affected “late” measures. These findings show that, first, the effect of first syllable frequency does generalise to silent reading. Second, the effect of orthographic NF, up to now investigated only for short words in the context of English, does generalise to multisyllabic words in the German orthography. Relating the effects to the individual reading rate of the participants revealed that the effects were consistent in fast readers but highly variable in slow readers.
这项研究评估了60名成年德国读者在默读句子中包含的目标单词时的眼球运动，这些单词由两个音节和三个音节组成。第一个目的是评估第一音节频率的抑制作用，目前主要显示在孤立的单词，是否推广到自然阅读。第二个目标是评估正字法相似度的影响。第一个音节的频率是根据语音定义的，并基于口语的精妙规范[Brysbaert et al.(2011)]。词频效应:对德语中频率估计选择的最新发展和影响的回顾。心理科学学报，2009,33(4):444 - 444。正字法相似度由正字法Levenshtein距离邻域频率(NF)索引[Yarkoni, T.， Balota, D. & Yap, M.(2008)]。超越科尔哈特的N:一种新的正字法相似度测量方法。心理通报，15,971-979]。我们发现第一音节频率和正字法NF有抑制作用。首音节频率影响首注视时间，反映了视觉词识别的早期效应。正字法NF影响“后期”测量。这些发现表明，首先，第一个音节频率的影响确实适用于默读。第二，正字法NF的影响，到目前为止只研究了英语语境下的短单词，在德语正字法中确实推广到多音节单词。将影响与参与者的个人阅读速度联系起来，结果显示，这种影响在快速阅读者中是一致的，但在慢速阅读者中变化很大。
{"title":"Beyond single syllables: The effect of first syllable frequency and orthographic similarity on eye movements during silent reading","authors":"S. Hawelka, Sarah Schuster, Benjamin Gagl, F. Hutzler","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.696665","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.696665","url":null,"abstract":"The study assessed the eye movements of 60 adult German readers during silent reading of target words, consisting of two and three syllables, embedded in sentences. The first objective was to assess whether the inhibitory effect of first syllable frequency, which was up to now primarily shown for isolated words, generalises to natural reading. The second objective was to assess the effect of orthographic similarity. First syllable frequency was defined phonologically and was based on the SUBTLEX norms for spoken language [Brysbaert et al. (2011). The word frequency effect: A review of recent developments and implications for the choice of frequency estimates in German. Experimental Psychology, 58, 412–424]. Orthographic similarity was indexed by orthographic Levenshtein distance neighbourhood frequency (NF) [Yarkoni, T., Balota, D. & Yap, M. (2008). Moving beyond Coltheart's N: A new measure of orthographic similarity. Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 15, 971–979]. We found inhibitory effects for first syllable frequency and for orthographic NF. First syllable frequency affected first fixation duration which was considered as reflecting early effects in visual word recognition. Orthographic NF affected “late” measures. These findings show that, first, the effect of first syllable frequency does generalise to silent reading. Second, the effect of orthographic NF, up to now investigated only for short words in the context of English, does generalise to multisyllabic words in the German orthography. Relating the effects to the individual reading rate of the participants revealed that the effects were consistent in fast readers but highly variable in slow readers.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.696665","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-02DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.689306
A. Tremblay, E. Spinelli
Listeners use several cues to segment speech into words. However, it is unclear how these cues work together. This study examines the relative weight of distributional and (natural) acoustic–phonetic cues in French listeners' recognition of temporarily ambiguous vowel-initial words in liaison contexts (e.g., parfai t [t]abri “perfect shelter”) and corresponding consonant-initial words (e.g., parfait tableau “perfect painting”). Participants completed a visual-world eye-tracking experiment in which they heard adjective–noun sequences where the pivotal consonant was /t/ (more frequent as word-initial consonant and thus expected advantage for consonant-initial words), /z/ (more frequent as liaison consonant and thus expected advantage for liaison-initial words), or /n/ (roughly as frequent as word-initial and liaison consonants and thus no expected advantage). The results for /t/ and /z/ were as expected, but those for /n/ showed an advantage for consonant-initial words over liaison-initial ones. These results are consistent with speech segmentation theories in which distributional information supersedes acoustic–phonetic information, but they also suggest a privileged status for consonant-initial words when the input does not strongly favour liaison-initial words.
{"title":"Segmenting liaison-initial words: The role of predictive dependencies","authors":"A. Tremblay, E. Spinelli","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.689306","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.689306","url":null,"abstract":"Listeners use several cues to segment speech into words. However, it is unclear how these cues work together. This study examines the relative weight of distributional and (natural) acoustic–phonetic cues in French listeners' recognition of temporarily ambiguous vowel-initial words in liaison contexts (e.g., parfai t [t]abri “perfect shelter”) and corresponding consonant-initial words (e.g., parfait tableau “perfect painting”). Participants completed a visual-world eye-tracking experiment in which they heard adjective–noun sequences where the pivotal consonant was /t/ (more frequent as word-initial consonant and thus expected advantage for consonant-initial words), /z/ (more frequent as liaison consonant and thus expected advantage for liaison-initial words), or /n/ (roughly as frequent as word-initial and liaison consonants and thus no expected advantage). The results for /t/ and /z/ were as expected, but those for /n/ showed an advantage for consonant-initial words over liaison-initial ones. These results are consistent with speech segmentation theories in which distributional information supersedes acoustic–phonetic information, but they also suggest a privileged status for consonant-initial words when the input does not strongly favour liaison-initial words.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.689306","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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