Pub Date : 2013-05-22DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.746715
Niels Janssen
Roelofs, Piai, and Schriefers discuss a series of results obtained from various word reading tasks in the context of word and picture distractors. They argue that these results support WEAVER++, a computational model of word production that assumes a competitive lexical selection mechanism, and challenge the response exclusion hypothesis, a model that assumes a non-competitive lexical selection mechanism. At odds with this claim, I argue here that these data do not pose problems for the response exclusion hypothesis. I also discuss new avenues of research to advance the debate on the mechanism of lexical selection.
{"title":"Response exclusion in word–word tasks: A comment on Roelofs, Piai and Schriefers","authors":"Niels Janssen","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.746715","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.746715","url":null,"abstract":"Roelofs, Piai, and Schriefers discuss a series of results obtained from various word reading tasks in the context of word and picture distractors. They argue that these results support WEAVER++, a computational model of word production that assumes a competitive lexical selection mechanism, and challenge the response exclusion hypothesis, a model that assumes a non-competitive lexical selection mechanism. At odds with this claim, I argue here that these data do not pose problems for the response exclusion hypothesis. I also discuss new avenues of research to advance the debate on the mechanism of lexical selection.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.746715","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135653","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-05-22DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2011.615663
A. Roelofs, Vitória Piai, H. Schriefers
For several decades, context effects in picture naming and word reading have been extensively investigated. However, researchers have found no agreement on the explanation of the effects. Whereas it has long been assumed that several types of effect reflect competition in word selection, recently it has been argued that these effects reflect the exclusion of articulatory responses from an output buffer. Here, we first critically evaluate the findings on context effects in picture naming that have been taken as evidence against the competition account, and we argue that the findings are, in fact, compatible with the competition account. Moreover, some of the findings appear to challenge rather than support the response exclusion account. Next, we compare the response exclusion and competition accounts with respect to their ability to explain data on word reading. It appears that response exclusion does not account well for context effects on word reading times, whereas computer simulations reveal that a competition model like WEAVER++ accounts for the findings.
{"title":"Context effects and selective attention in picture naming and word reading: Competition versus response exclusion","authors":"A. Roelofs, Vitória Piai, H. Schriefers","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2011.615663","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2011.615663","url":null,"abstract":"For several decades, context effects in picture naming and word reading have been extensively investigated. However, researchers have found no agreement on the explanation of the effects. Whereas it has long been assumed that several types of effect reflect competition in word selection, recently it has been argued that these effects reflect the exclusion of articulatory responses from an output buffer. Here, we first critically evaluate the findings on context effects in picture naming that have been taken as evidence against the competition account, and we argue that the findings are, in fact, compatible with the competition account. Moreover, some of the findings appear to challenge rather than support the response exclusion account. Next, we compare the response exclusion and competition accounts with respect to their ability to explain data on word reading. It appears that response exclusion does not account well for context effects on word reading times, whereas computer simulations reveal that a competition model like WEAVER++ accounts for the findings.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2011.615663","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135003","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-05-22DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2013.770891
A. Mädebach, A. Hantsch
In our original article, we presented a picture–word interference experiment in which pictures had to be named with basic level names, although their naming preference was at the subordinate level (e.g., picture: rose, response: flower). We observed semantic interference for distractor words denoting the subordinate name of the picture, but no effect for distractor words denoting another subordinate name corresponding to the same basic level. We argued that this pattern is inconsistent with the assumption that semantic interference effects in picture–word interference tasks are caused by a post-lexical response-exclusion mechanism which operates over coarse semantic properties of distractor words, but that lexical competition models can account for these results. In their commentary on our article, Navarrete and Mahon come to the opposite conclusion. Here we are addressing the principal objections raised by Navarrete and Mahon, regarding the interpretation of our results. We elaborate on our view that lexical competition models can account for our data and agree that a response-exclusion mechanism, which is part of a general monitoring system and operates over fine-grained semantic information, would be compatible with our data.
{"title":"Explaining semantic facilitation and interference effects in the picture–word interference task—A rejoinder to Navarrete and Mahon (2013)","authors":"A. Mädebach, A. Hantsch","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2013.770891","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2013.770891","url":null,"abstract":"In our original article, we presented a picture–word interference experiment in which pictures had to be named with basic level names, although their naming preference was at the subordinate level (e.g., picture: rose, response: flower). We observed semantic interference for distractor words denoting the subordinate name of the picture, but no effect for distractor words denoting another subordinate name corresponding to the same basic level. We argued that this pattern is inconsistent with the assumption that semantic interference effects in picture–word interference tasks are caused by a post-lexical response-exclusion mechanism which operates over coarse semantic properties of distractor words, but that lexical competition models can account for these results. In their commentary on our article, Navarrete and Mahon come to the opposite conclusion. Here we are addressing the principal objections raised by Navarrete and Mahon, regarding the interpretation of our results. We elaborate on our view that lexical competition models can account for our data and agree that a response-exclusion mechanism, which is part of a general monitoring system and operates over fine-grained semantic information, would be compatible with our data.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2013.770891","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-05-22DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.718088
K. Spalek, M. Damian, Jens Bölte
A common assumption in research on spoken word production is that lexical selection is a competition-based process among co-activated lexical representations. This assumption of competitive lexical selection has been challenged by an alternative account, which places competition at a postlexical response selection stage. A complex pattern of empirical findings from picture-word interference and other tasks has emerged which constrains current thinking about word production. In this article we provide an overview over the main positions, empirical findings, and put the various contributions to this Special Issue into a wider context. The theoretical debate is far from closed, but it has drawn attention to some critical points that we emphasise in this Editorial: The speech production process needs an element of competition, but this competition need not necessarily take place during lexical selection. Behavioural interference effects are caused by a combination of facilitation and interference, but there is discord about the processing levels at which these mechanisms are located. Finally, we stress the necessity to use findings from different experimental paradigms for theory-building and advocate a shift from the narrow focus on the picture-word paradigm that has dominated the theoretical discussion in this Special Issue and elsewhere.
{"title":"Is lexical selection in spoken word production competitive? Introduction to the special issue on lexical competition in language production","authors":"K. Spalek, M. Damian, Jens Bölte","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.718088","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.718088","url":null,"abstract":"A common assumption in research on spoken word production is that lexical selection is a competition-based process among co-activated lexical representations. This assumption of competitive lexical selection has been challenged by an alternative account, which places competition at a postlexical response selection stage. A complex pattern of empirical findings from picture-word interference and other tasks has emerged which constrains current thinking about word production. In this article we provide an overview over the main positions, empirical findings, and put the various contributions to this Special Issue into a wider context. The theoretical debate is far from closed, but it has drawn attention to some critical points that we emphasise in this Editorial: The speech production process needs an element of competition, but this competition need not necessarily take place during lexical selection. Behavioural interference effects are caused by a combination of facilitation and interference, but there is discord about the processing levels at which these mechanisms are located. Finally, we stress the necessity to use findings from different experimental paradigms for theory-building and advocate a shift from the narrow focus on the picture-word paradigm that has dominated the theoretical discussion in this Special Issue and elsewhere.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.718088","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135845","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-05-22DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2011.595725
A. Hantsch, A. Mädebach
When participants name pictures in the presence of a distractor word, a semantic relation between distractor word and picture name interferes with the naming response. Some models take this to reflect a lexical-competition process, while other models assume it to result from a postlexical response-exclusion mechanism. According to the latter view, the distractor word has privileged access to an articulatory output buffer and has to be purged from it before the picture name can be produced. This buffer is assumed to have access to information that is relevant within a given task such as gross semantic category information. Any (semantic) similarity between the picture name and the distractor word then should render removal of the distractor more difficult and thus prolong naming latencies. However, more fine-grained semantic information is not accessible to the articulatory output buffer and, thus, should not affect naming performance. We tested this assumption by comparing the effect of two semantic distractor conditions keeping the semantic relation between distractor words and the to-be-produced (basic-level) picture names constant, while manipulating only the relation between the distractor and the pictures' subordinate-level name. Contrary to the predictions of the response-exclusion hypothesis, this manipulation determined whether or not semantic interference was obtained.
{"title":"What does the articulatory output buffer know about alternative picture names? Evidence against the response-exclusion hypothesis","authors":"A. Hantsch, A. Mädebach","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2011.595725","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2011.595725","url":null,"abstract":"When participants name pictures in the presence of a distractor word, a semantic relation between distractor word and picture name interferes with the naming response. Some models take this to reflect a lexical-competition process, while other models assume it to result from a postlexical response-exclusion mechanism. According to the latter view, the distractor word has privileged access to an articulatory output buffer and has to be purged from it before the picture name can be produced. This buffer is assumed to have access to information that is relevant within a given task such as gross semantic category information. Any (semantic) similarity between the picture name and the distractor word then should render removal of the distractor more difficult and thus prolong naming latencies. However, more fine-grained semantic information is not accessible to the articulatory output buffer and, thus, should not affect naming performance. We tested this assumption by comparing the effect of two semantic distractor conditions keeping the semantic relation between distractor words and the to-be-produced (basic-level) picture names constant, while manipulating only the relation between the distractor and the pictures' subordinate-level name. Contrary to the predictions of the response-exclusion hypothesis, this manipulation determined whether or not semantic interference was obtained.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2011.595725","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59134513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-04-19DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2011.650900
Erica Y. Shen, A. Staub, Lisa D. Sanders
The conditions under which speakers make syntactic errors, and the manner in which listeners respond to them, provide insight into how complex computational problems related to the rules of language are solved. One of the important syntactic rules of English is that a subject and its corresponding verb must agree in number. However, the presence of a number-bearing element between the subject and verb results in frequent production errors and has also been shown to complicate comprehension. When asked to press a button in response to anomalies in several narrated short stories, participants in the current study were better able to detect subject–verb agreement violations when there were no intervening words. In a separate event-related potential (ERP) experiment in which participants listened to the same stories for comprehension, simple subject–verb agreement violations elicited the predicted anterior negativity and later posterior positivity (P600). In contrast, when a singular noun phrase appeared between a singular subject and the corresponding verb, agreement violations elicited an early negativity with a distinctly posterior distribution. When a singular subject was followed by a plural noun phrase, there were no differences evident in ERPs elicited by singular and plural verbs. These results indicate that during comprehension of natural speech, the computation of subject–verb agreement is affected by the presence of number-bearing elements other than the subject itself.
{"title":"Event-related brain potential evidence that local nouns affect subject–verb agreement processing","authors":"Erica Y. Shen, A. Staub, Lisa D. Sanders","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2011.650900","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2011.650900","url":null,"abstract":"The conditions under which speakers make syntactic errors, and the manner in which listeners respond to them, provide insight into how complex computational problems related to the rules of language are solved. One of the important syntactic rules of English is that a subject and its corresponding verb must agree in number. However, the presence of a number-bearing element between the subject and verb results in frequent production errors and has also been shown to complicate comprehension. When asked to press a button in response to anomalies in several narrated short stories, participants in the current study were better able to detect subject–verb agreement violations when there were no intervening words. In a separate event-related potential (ERP) experiment in which participants listened to the same stories for comprehension, simple subject–verb agreement violations elicited the predicted anterior negativity and later posterior positivity (P600). In contrast, when a singular noun phrase appeared between a singular subject and the corresponding verb, agreement violations elicited an early negativity with a distinctly posterior distribution. When a singular subject was followed by a plural noun phrase, there were no differences evident in ERPs elicited by singular and plural verbs. These results indicate that during comprehension of natural speech, the computation of subject–verb agreement is affected by the presence of number-bearing elements other than the subject itself.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2011.650900","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59134961","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-04-19DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.658408
Katherine K. White, L. Abrams, Elizabeth A. Frame
Despite evidence that the majority of tip-of-the-tongue (TOT) states occur for proper names, little research has investigated factors that influence their resolution. Although phonological primes typically increase TOT resolution, the present experiment investigated whether priming effects are mitigated by semantic competition. Participants read questions whose answers were proper name targets (e.g., Helen Hunt, Elton John) from various semantic categories (e.g., actor, musician). Following a TOT, another question was presented that either included a prime name that varied in phonological overlap with the target (full first name or first syllable) and semantic category (same profession, different profession) or was phonologically and semantically unrelated to the target. After presenting the target question a second time, participants were more likely to resolve TOTs following first-name primes than unrelated names, independent of semantic category. In contrast, first-syllable primes marginally facilitated TOT resolution when the prime was in a different semantic category but not when the prime was in the same semantic category. These results demonstrate that semantic overlap increases competition from phonologically related names when there is incomplete phonological input, allowing an alternative name to prevent TOT resolution.
{"title":"Semantic category moderates phonological priming of proper name retrieval during tip-of-the-tongue states","authors":"Katherine K. White, L. Abrams, Elizabeth A. Frame","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.658408","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.658408","url":null,"abstract":"Despite evidence that the majority of tip-of-the-tongue (TOT) states occur for proper names, little research has investigated factors that influence their resolution. Although phonological primes typically increase TOT resolution, the present experiment investigated whether priming effects are mitigated by semantic competition. Participants read questions whose answers were proper name targets (e.g., Helen Hunt, Elton John) from various semantic categories (e.g., actor, musician). Following a TOT, another question was presented that either included a prime name that varied in phonological overlap with the target (full first name or first syllable) and semantic category (same profession, different profession) or was phonologically and semantically unrelated to the target. After presenting the target question a second time, participants were more likely to resolve TOTs following first-name primes than unrelated names, independent of semantic category. In contrast, first-syllable primes marginally facilitated TOT resolution when the prime was in a different semantic category but not when the prime was in the same semantic category. These results demonstrate that semantic overlap increases competition from phonologically related names when there is incomplete phonological input, allowing an alternative name to prevent TOT resolution.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.658408","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-04-19DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2011.649040
R. Breheny, H. Ferguson, N. Katsos
Many contextual inferences in utterance interpretation are explained as following from the nature of conversation and the assumption that participants are rational. Recent psycholinguistic research has focused on certain of these “Gricean” inferences and have revealed that comprehenders can access them in online interpretation. However, there have been mixed results as to the time course of access. Some results show that Gricean inferences can be accessed very rapidly, as rapidly as any other contextually specified information; while other studies looking at the same kind of inference suggest that access to Gricean inferences are delayed relative to other aspects of semantic interpretation. While previous timecourse research has focused on Gricean inferences that support the online assignment of reference to definite expressions, the study reported here examines the timecourse of access to scalar implicatures, which enrich the meaning of an utterance beyond the semantic interpretation. Even if access to Gricean inference in support of reference assignment may be rapid, it is still unknown whether genuinely enriching scalar implicatures are delayed. Our results indicate that scalar implicatures are accessed as rapidly as other contextual inferences. The implications of our results are discussed in reference to the architecture of language comprehension.
{"title":"Investigating the timecourse of accessing conversational implicatures during incremental sentence interpretation","authors":"R. Breheny, H. Ferguson, N. Katsos","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2011.649040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2011.649040","url":null,"abstract":"Many contextual inferences in utterance interpretation are explained as following from the nature of conversation and the assumption that participants are rational. Recent psycholinguistic research has focused on certain of these “Gricean” inferences and have revealed that comprehenders can access them in online interpretation. However, there have been mixed results as to the time course of access. Some results show that Gricean inferences can be accessed very rapidly, as rapidly as any other contextually specified information; while other studies looking at the same kind of inference suggest that access to Gricean inferences are delayed relative to other aspects of semantic interpretation. While previous timecourse research has focused on Gricean inferences that support the online assignment of reference to definite expressions, the study reported here examines the timecourse of access to scalar implicatures, which enrich the meaning of an utterance beyond the semantic interpretation. Even if access to Gricean inference in support of reference assignment may be rapid, it is still unknown whether genuinely enriching scalar implicatures are delayed. Our results indicate that scalar implicatures are accessed as rapidly as other contextual inferences. The implications of our results are discussed in reference to the architecture of language comprehension.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2011.649040","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135403","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-04-19DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2012.658072
Manabu Arai, Frank Keller
Recent research has shown that language comprehenders make predictions about upcoming linguistic information. These studies demonstrate that the processor not only analyses the input that it received but also predicts upcoming unseen elements. Two visual world experiments were conducted to examine the type of syntactic information this prediction process has access to. Experiment 1 examined whether the verb's subcategorisation information is used for predicting a direct object, by comparing transitive verbs (e.g., punish) to intransitive verbs (e.g., disagree). Experiment 2 examined whether verb frequency information is used for predicting a reduced relative clause by contrasting verbs that are infrequent in the past participle form (e.g., watch) with ones that are frequent in that form (e.g., record). Both experiments showed that comprehenders used lexically specific syntactic information to predict upcoming syntactic structure; this information can be used to avoid garden paths in certain cases, as Experiment 2 demonstrated.
{"title":"The use of verb-specific information for prediction in sentence processing","authors":"Manabu Arai, Frank Keller","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2012.658072","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.658072","url":null,"abstract":"Recent research has shown that language comprehenders make predictions about upcoming linguistic information. These studies demonstrate that the processor not only analyses the input that it received but also predicts upcoming unseen elements. Two visual world experiments were conducted to examine the type of syntactic information this prediction process has access to. Experiment 1 examined whether the verb's subcategorisation information is used for predicting a direct object, by comparing transitive verbs (e.g., punish) to intransitive verbs (e.g., disagree). Experiment 2 examined whether verb frequency information is used for predicting a reduced relative clause by contrasting verbs that are infrequent in the past participle form (e.g., watch) with ones that are frequent in that form (e.g., record). Both experiments showed that comprehenders used lexically specific syntactic information to predict upcoming syntactic structure; this information can be used to avoid garden paths in certain cases, as Experiment 2 demonstrated.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2012.658072","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59135072","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-04-19DOI: 10.1080/01690965.2011.649041
Michael Ramscar, Melody Dye
Although psychological theories of inflectional morphology have traditionally considered phonological and grammatical information to be the only factors affecting inflection, there is ample evidence indicating that semantic information can play a vital role in determining the past-tense forms of homophone verb stems. In this paper, we present two experiments that use on-line measures to test the prediction that semantic context shapes readers' expectations about the past-tense form of an upcoming verb. Consistent with the predictions of “single-route” accounts that model inflection using a uniform process of comparison to stored forms in memory, and contrary to the predictions of theories that posit context-independent rules, semantics are found to strongly influence reaction time data for both irregular and regular verbs, and for both existing and nonce verb forms. At the same time, no dissociation between regular and irregulars is observed, a finding which undercuts “dual-route” arguments for a grammatical constraint on denominal verb inflection. We discuss how these results may be understood in terms of discrimination learning.
{"title":"When the fly flied and when the fly flew: How semantics affect the processing of inflected verbs","authors":"Michael Ramscar, Melody Dye","doi":"10.1080/01690965.2011.649041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2011.649041","url":null,"abstract":"Although psychological theories of inflectional morphology have traditionally considered phonological and grammatical information to be the only factors affecting inflection, there is ample evidence indicating that semantic information can play a vital role in determining the past-tense forms of homophone verb stems. In this paper, we present two experiments that use on-line measures to test the prediction that semantic context shapes readers' expectations about the past-tense form of an upcoming verb. Consistent with the predictions of “single-route” accounts that model inflection using a uniform process of comparison to stored forms in memory, and contrary to the predictions of theories that posit context-independent rules, semantics are found to strongly influence reaction time data for both irregular and regular verbs, and for both existing and nonce verb forms. At the same time, no dissociation between regular and irregulars is observed, a finding which undercuts “dual-route” arguments for a grammatical constraint on denominal verb inflection. We discuss how these results may be understood in terms of discrimination learning.","PeriodicalId":87410,"journal":{"name":"Language and cognitive processes","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/01690965.2011.649041","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"59134952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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