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The Strategy of China in Sino-African Relations 中非关系中的中国战略
Pub Date : 2021-08-23 DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2021.114039
Sanibé Emmanuel Traoré
After a few years of cooperation, China has been able to build a very solid relationship with Africa. The Sino-African relationship is therefore far from being a gift from heaven or a gift on a gold platter, but it is the fruit of hard work of strict respect for diplomatic principles and therefore of a real sacrifice on the part of China. In other words, China has developed a grand strategy to maintain its relationship with African countries. Among these strategies we have trade with Africa, the creation of Confucius centers, the training of African executives in China, massive investments in Africa. In other words, China has been able to seduce Africa with its foreign policy and its soft power which has acquired popularity throughout the world today. However, China’s strategy for Africa must still safeguard these bilateral relations and strengthen them against the Western rivalry which still remains jealous.
经过几年的合作,中国与非洲建立了非常牢固的关系。因此,中非关系远不是上天的恩赐,也不是金盘上的恩赐,而是中国严格遵守外交原则辛勤工作的成果,是中国作出真正牺牲的结果。换言之,中国制定了维护与非洲国家关系的宏伟战略。在这些战略中,我们与非洲进行贸易,建立孔子中心,在中国培训非洲高管,在非洲进行大规模投资。换言之,中国已经能够用其外交政策和软实力来引诱非洲,而软实力在当今世界已经很受欢迎。然而,中国对非洲的战略仍然必须维护这些双边关系,并加强它们以对抗仍然令人嫉妒的西方竞争。
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引用次数: 0
The Presentation of Trauma in Museums: The Museum of the Occupation of Latvia and the National Museum of Qatar as Case Studies 博物馆中创伤的呈现:以拉脱维亚占领博物馆和卡塔尔国家博物馆为个案研究
Pub Date : 2021-08-23 DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2021.114037
M. Al-Hammadi
This paper attempts to explore the theme of Trauma and its representation in the Contemporary World; in particular, the logic and argumentation of having museums presenting the sorrow side to people the “trauma”, is unfolded with the rationale of comparison of two cases the Museum of the Occupation of Latvia (MOL) and the National Museum of Qatar mainly dealing with the emerging message of new Qatar National Trauma Museum. The current political incident came to proof the necessity to remind people about historical events and their link to the recent incidents. The museums as a contact zone provide public lessons from the past that is a creative and stored memory. The analysis of the concept of trauma touches on questions such as why Latvia and Qatar need such Trauma Museums, how this museum builds the traumatic narrative and discusses the potential effect on the local people. The aims of this comparison focus on the value of safeguarding of the nation through remembrance and that although museums presenting trauma may seek to educate and evoke pride in visitors for fellow residents, the main task is to avert the recurrence of what led to the trauma, which could be blockade, war or occupation that cut aggressors loose. The methodological tool of the theme follows properly designed exhibitions and making use of new technologies, by contextualizing museum exhibits and practices as made by both Latvia and Qatar on the basis of national identity triggered from the past atrocities, on a holistic approach. This includes, especially, the social effects and movement associated with the blockade in Qatar and the War with Nazi-Russian occupation for Latvia, viewed as the development of presentation of traumatic memories that addresses and understands the interrelationships between politics and culture, political culture and cultural politics.
本文试图探讨创伤的主题及其在当代世界中的表现;特别是,通过对拉脱维亚占领博物馆(MOL)和卡塔尔国家博物馆这两个主要处理新卡塔尔国家创伤博物馆新兴信息的案例的比较,阐述了让博物馆向人们呈现“创伤”的悲伤一面的逻辑和论证。当前的政治事件证明了提醒人们注意历史事件及其与最近事件的联系的必要性。博物馆作为一个接触区,提供了过去的公共经验教训,这是一种创造性的记忆。对创伤概念的分析涉及到一些问题,例如拉脱维亚和卡塔尔为什么需要这样的创伤博物馆,这个博物馆如何构建创伤叙事,并讨论对当地人的潜在影响。这种比较的目的集中在通过纪念来保护国家的价值上,尽管展示创伤的博物馆可能会试图教育和唤起游客对同胞的自豪感,但主要任务是避免导致创伤的因素再次发生,这些创伤可能是封锁、战争或占领,从而释放侵略者。该主题的方法工具遵循了精心设计的展览和利用新技术的方法,将拉脱维亚和卡塔尔根据过去暴行引发的民族认同而制作的博物馆展品和做法结合起来,采用整体方法。这尤其包括与卡塔尔封锁和纳粹俄罗斯占领拉脱维亚战争有关的社会影响和运动,被视为创伤记忆的发展,涉及和理解政治与文化、政治文化和文化政治之间的相互关系。
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引用次数: 0
The Politics of Shaft: Positioning a Popular Cultural Icon in 1971, 2000 and 2019 轴的政治:1971年、2000年和2019年的大众文化偶像定位
Pub Date : 2021-07-08 DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2021.113029
Peter Ehrström, Magnus Dahlstedt
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引用次数: 0
Race and Caste: Its Impact on the American Political System 种族与种姓:对美国政治制度的影响
Pub Date : 2021-05-18 DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2021.113032
H. Palley
The American Constitution’s commitment to “secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity” did not include the enslaved black population that suffered the cruelty of chattel slavery. The black population was not considered full citizens. This essay contends that the residue of this situation still affects U.S. politics—in a significant manner. This analysis examines the historical background of race and caste in American society. It includes the political history of race and caste in the political process since the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 up until contemporary events—including contemporary politics.
美国宪法中关于“确保我们和我们的子孙后代享有自由的祝福”的承诺,并不包括遭受残酷的奴隶制度奴役的黑人。黑人不被认为是完全的公民。本文认为,这种情况的残余仍然影响着美国政治——以一种重要的方式。这一分析考察了美国社会种族和种姓的历史背景。它包括种族和种姓在政治过程中的政治历史,从1964年民权法案和1965年投票权法案的通过到当代事件——包括当代政治。
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引用次数: 1
Methodological Difficulties in Normative Legal Acts Regulatory Impact Analysis in the Entrepreneurship Sphere in the Kyrgyz Republic Conditions 规范性法律行为的方法论困难:吉尔吉斯共和国条件下创业领域的监管影响分析
Pub Date : 2021-05-18 DOI: 10.4236/OJPS.2021.113027
A. Kalybaeva, Z. Murzabekova, S. Nasbekova, A. Niyazova, A. Ten, Gulsara Kuldusheva, Zhypargul D. Abdullaeva
Relevance in this article is practical analysis issues in the regulating impact connecting with its methodological problems appearing in this process. Authors are suggesting several recommendations about improvement of methodology in regulating impact analysis in the context of legal realities in the Kyrgyz Republic. The regulatory Impact Analysis tool allows to take into account position of entrepreneurs in preparation of regulatory documents at the development stage, those provisions may lead to administrative or financial business or costs to the government or society as a whole. Entrepreneurial activity in Kyrgyzstan today is intending to fulfill a very important goal for general government regulation process to ensure the compliance of the developed adopted normative legal acts with key tasks in the fields of government policy, the market economy, its basic mechanisms and requirements established by the methodology in RIA were described.
本文的关联是对规制影响中的实践分析问题及其在此过程中出现的方法论问题。作者在吉尔吉斯共和国法律现实的背景下提出了几项关于改进规范影响分析的方法的建议。监管影响分析工具允许在制定监管文件时考虑企业家的立场,这些规定可能会给政府或整个社会带来行政或金融业务或成本。今天吉尔吉斯斯坦的企业活动旨在实现一般政府监管过程的一个非常重要的目标,以确保制定的规范性法律行为符合政府政策领域的关键任务,市场经济,其基本机制和RIA方法建立的要求。
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引用次数: 0
The Applicability of Agenda Setting Policy Implementation Theory on COVID-19 Lockdown Policy in Southern African Countries 议程设定政策实施理论在南部非洲国家COVID-19封锁政策中的适用性
Pub Date : 2021-05-18 DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2021.113035
Tariro Portia Tendengu
The COVID-19 outbreak has been declared a pandemic by international and governmental organisations in developed and developing countries. In Southern African countries, policy makers, Veto players and public policy advisors engaged in a policy dialogue so as to curb the COVID-19 pandemic by turning the outbreak of COVID-19 into an actionable government priority. CO- VID-19 pandemic in African countries presents a severe threat to human welfare of people living in rural and urban areas. Policy making involves a series of stages which have to be taken before a policy can be adopted to address an issue. The first stage involves identification of a problem and ensuring that it gets the attention of policy makers and is often referred to as agenda setting. Parsons (1995) termed this level “meso-analysis” where issues and problems are identified and agendas are set. Scholars have often argued that, agenda setting is an important tool in policy making as a decision making catalyst. This is based on the assumption that any government policy and action initiative needs someone to first bring it to their attention. In response to the CO- VID-19 pandemic, agenda setting thus became a starting point for the identification of issues and possible policy instruments. The first stage involves identification of a problem and ensuring that it gets the attention of policy makers and is often referred to as agenda setting. Agenda setting with reference to the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown has been argued to be politically convoluted, it remains a process that involves a number of actors and institutions. The paper seeks to unravel the applicability of the Agenda setting theory as propounded by John Kindon on the implementation of the lockdown policy in Southern African countries.
新冠肺炎疫情已被发达国家和发展中国家的国际和政府组织宣布为大流行。在南部非洲国家,政策制定者、Veto参与者和公共政策顾问参与了政策对话,以通过将新冠肺炎疫情转变为政府可采取行动的优先事项来遏制新冠肺炎疫情。新冠肺炎疫情在非洲国家对生活在农村和城市地区的人们的福祉构成了严重威胁。政策制定涉及一系列阶段,在采取政策解决问题之前必须采取这些阶段。第一阶段涉及识别问题并确保其得到决策者的关注,通常被称为议程制定。帕森斯(1995)将这一级别称为“中间分析”,即确定问题和问题并制定议程。学者们经常认为,议程设置是政策制定中的一个重要工具,是决策的催化剂。这是基于这样一种假设,即任何政府政策和行动倡议都需要有人首先引起他们的注意。为了应对新冠肺炎疫情,制定议程成为确定问题和可能的政策工具的起点。第一阶段涉及识别问题并确保其得到决策者的关注,通常被称为议程制定。关于新冠肺炎疫情封锁的议程制定被认为在政治上错综复杂,这仍然是一个涉及许多行为者和机构的过程。本文试图揭示约翰·金登提出的议程设定理论在南部非洲国家实施封锁政策方面的适用性。
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引用次数: 0
Examining Civil Society Organizations’ Collaboration Paradox in Confronting Electoral Challenges in Enugu State, Nigeria, 1999-2020 考察1999-2020年尼日利亚埃努古州民间社会组织在面对选举挑战时的合作悖论
Pub Date : 2021-05-18 DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2021.113034
T. C. Leo-Nnoli, M. Biereenu-Nnabugwu
Researches critical of electoral freedom and fairness, integrity, financing, and security in Nigeria have challenged Nigeria’s democratization process. However, not many of them have captured these challenges considering the paradox of the civil society organizations’ collaborations (CSOs) in Nigeria. We argued that for civil society to activate the democratization process, a historically structured imbalance through dualism of political and economic collaborations of the civil society should be resolved. The study made use of the Exploratory Research Design, using the Structural-Functional Analysis and the Post-Colonial State theory as frameworks for analyzing the imperativeness of economic collaborations to direct the political collaborations. It made use of mixed method of data collection and analysis, using a sample of 312 respondents drawn from population of 1434 members of civil society organizations. We used the Multilinear Regression model in the Statistical Packages for the Social Sciences IBM (SPSS) version 20 to test the statistical hypothesis that: civil society organizations’ uncordial relations with government organizations and their uncordial relations with business organizations are significantly related to their detection of electoral challenges in Enugu State, 1999- 2020. It was found that civil society organizations’ uncordial relationship with government organizations rather than uncordial relationship with business organizations is significantly related to help in detecting electoral challenges in Enugu State, 1999-2020.
对尼日利亚选举自由和公平、诚信、资金和安全的批评研究对尼日利亚的民主化进程提出了挑战。然而,考虑到尼日利亚民间社会组织合作的悖论,他们中没有多少人抓住了这些挑战。我们认为,为了让民间社会激活民主化进程,应该解决民间社会政治和经济合作的双重性造成的历史结构失衡。本研究采用探索性研究设计,以结构功能分析和后殖民国家理论为框架,分析经济合作对指导政治合作的迫切性。它采用了数据收集和分析的混合方法,从1434名民间社会组织成员中抽取312名受访者作为样本。我们使用社会科学统计包IBM(SPSS)20版中的多线性回归模型来检验统计假设,即:民间社会组织与政府组织的非核心关系及其与商业组织的非中心关系与他们在1999-2000年埃努古州发现的选举挑战显著相关。研究发现,1999年至2020年,民间社会组织与政府组织的非核心关系,而不是与商业组织的非中心关系,与帮助发现埃努古州的选举挑战有很大关系。
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引用次数: 0
Legislative and Institutional Gaps in the Legal Framework for Adaptation and Mitigation of the Climate Change in the Kyrgyz Republic 吉尔吉斯斯坦共和国适应和缓解气候变化法律框架的立法和体制差距
Pub Date : 2021-05-18 DOI: 10.4236/OJPS.2021.113024
Rauf Akhmatov, Cholpon T Sulaimanova, Z. Dekhkanova, Ailira Abdyraimova, Zhazgul Zheenbekova, Edilbek Begaliev, Zhypargul D. Abdullaeva
Climate change is one of the biggest threats and challenges that humankind has ever faced. Therefore, humankind has to convey the earth’s climate to future generations at its best by all means necessary. In doing so, the law is the instrument that can create, maintain and develop an adequate mitigation and adaptation framework for climate change. It is important to note that the earth’s climate is a common responsibility in the international community and each country has its own obligation concerning climate change. In this sense, authors discuss the international legal framework for climate change influencing legal framework and gaps in the Kyrgyz Republic at the institutional level.
气候变化是人类有史以来面临的最大威胁和挑战之一。因此,人类必须通过一切必要手段,将地球气候的最佳状态传达给子孙后代。在这样做的过程中,法律是一种工具,可以创建、维护和发展一个适当的气候变化缓解和适应框架。值得注意的是,地球气候是国际社会的共同责任,每个国家在气候变化问题上都有自己的义务。从这个意义上讲,作者讨论了影响气候变化的国际法律框架以及吉尔吉斯斯坦共和国在体制层面的差距。
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引用次数: 1
Somalia’s Foreign Policy: Stages and Initial Odds 索马里外交政策:阶段和最初的胜算
Pub Date : 2021-05-18 DOI: 10.4236/OJPS.2021.113025
Abdalgani Aid Almi
Somalia is a state not like the other states in Africa, it’s a state that came into existence after the unification of British Somaliland and Italian Somalia. It was considered to be one of the most democratic and civilized country in the region. But the administration of that time took a very naive initiative to manage the circumstances. Due to the cold war and Ethiopia’s antagonistic design against the newly established state of the Somali Republic, Somalia was compelled to develop close relations with the USSR. The roles, stages and initial odds of Somalia’s foreign policy are discussed in this paper, with the use of primary and secondary sources of information. In conclusion, Somalia has limited options for its foreign policy, because of its financial position. Thus, the sovereignty of the country was compromised many times.
索马里和非洲其他国家不一样,它是在英属索马里兰和意大利索马里统一后成立的。它被认为是该地区最民主和文明的国家之一。但当时的政府采取了非常幼稚的举措来应对这种情况。由于冷战和埃塞俄比亚对新成立的索马里共和国的敌对意图,索马里被迫与苏联发展密切关系。本文利用主要和次要的信息来源,讨论了索马里外交政策的作用、阶段和最初的可能性。最后,由于索马里的财政状况,其外交政策的选择有限。因此,这个国家的主权多次受到损害。
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引用次数: 0
Conservative-Progressive Power Games, Mutual Jostling in Africa and Resilience of Sino-African Relations under COVID-19 Wind 新冠肺炎风下的保守-进步权力博弈、非洲相互博弈与中非关系韧性
Pub Date : 2021-05-18 DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2021.113030
B. Makengo
By taking the subprime crisis as its historical fact of analysis and game theory as its theoretical explanatory basis, this paper aims to explain and demonstrate why Sino-African relations may well withstand in the ongoing “conservative-progressive power games” in Africa under COVID-19 wind, even though they are being further jostled by the “conservative’s offensive”. To support my central point, I start from the assumption that, as was just the case with the subprime crisis, the socioeconomic and financial dimension will once again become a compass [but also a barometer] in the decisions and actions of all the states at stake—the “conservatives”, the “progressives”, as well as the different African countries. Thus, the improvement of the socioeconomic and financial situation on its own territory will become the major challenge of almost all these states at stake. And China, which is less affected by the socioeconomic and financial crisis caused by COVID-19 than the “conservatives”, will be well able to bear the costs of its increasing engagement on the African continent. Although a relative decline or quasi-stagnation of its engagement on the continent can be noted—but rather less than in the case of the “conservatives”, due of course to the comparative shocks of this crisis caused by COVID-19 on their economic activities. In this same logic, another explanatory point is that, if Sino-African relations fall, a big hole will be left in African economies—because of China’s pronounced economic integration in Africa. A hole that the “conservatives”—hit hard by this crisis due to COVID-19, will not be able to fill during this critical moment, in the sense of satisfying the demands of Africa—which is also hit hard by the same crisis. Finally, the game theory as an explanatory theoretical basis, via the five (5) points game, imagined in terms of gain on the African continent, according to the costs of “conservative-progressive engagements”—which are conditioned here by the socioeconomic and financial crisis due to COVID-19, demonstrates as well this affirmation of the resistance of Sino-African relations. In this game, following the assumptions put forward, the most possible scenario is the one that affirms that: Sino-African relations and “conservatives” both withstand. Because, China, less affected by the socioeconomic and financial crisis due to COVID-19, will still be able to bear the costs of its engagement on the African continent. But also, in the case of the fall of the “conservatives”, China alone will not be able to fully cover the gap left by them due to the crisis caused by COVID-19, which also negatively impacted its economy and finances. And the point remains to think about the post- COVID-19 scenario of these “conservative-progressive power games” on the African continent.
本文以次贷危机为分析的历史事实,以博弈论为理论解释基础,解释和论证中非关系在新冠肺炎肆虐下,在非洲正在进行的“保守-进步权力博弈”中,尽管受到“保守派攻势”的进一步推挤,但仍能很好地承受。为了支持我的中心观点,我首先假设,就像次贷危机一样,社会经济和金融层面将再次成为所有相关国家——“保守派”、“进步派”以及不同非洲国家——决策和行动的指南针[但也是晴雨表]。因此,改善其领土上的社会经济和金融状况将成为几乎所有这些州面临的主要挑战。与“保守派”相比,中国受新冠肺炎引发的社会经济和金融危机的影响较小,它将能够很好地承担其在非洲大陆日益增加的参与所带来的成本。尽管可以注意到其在非洲大陆的参与相对减少或准停滞,但与“保守派”的情况相比,这种情况更少,这当然是由于新冠肺炎对其经济活动造成的这场危机的相对冲击。按照同样的逻辑,另一个解释点是,如果中非关系破裂,非洲经济将留下一个大洞——因为中国在非洲的明显经济一体化。由于新冠肺炎而遭受这场危机重创的“保守派”将无法在这一关键时刻填补一个漏洞,以满足同样遭受同样危机重创的非洲的需求。最后,博弈论作为解释性理论基础,通过五(5)点博弈,根据新冠肺炎导致的社会经济和金融危机所造成的“保守-进步参与”的成本,在非洲大陆的收益方面进行想象,也证明了中非关系阻力的这种肯定。在这个游戏中,按照提出的假设,最有可能的情况是肯定的:中非关系和“保守派”都能承受。因为,受新冠肺炎造成的社会经济和金融危机影响较小的中国仍将能够承担其在非洲大陆的参与成本。但同时,在“保守派”倒台的情况下,中国本身将无法完全弥补他们因新冠肺炎引发的危机而留下的缺口,这也对其经济和财政产生了负面影响。重点仍然是思考新冠肺炎后非洲大陆“保守-进步权力游戏”的情景。
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引用次数: 1
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Open journal of political science
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