Pub Date : 2021-08-23DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2021.114039
Sanibé Emmanuel Traoré
After a few years of cooperation, China has been able to build a very solid relationship with Africa. The Sino-African relationship is therefore far from being a gift from heaven or a gift on a gold platter, but it is the fruit of hard work of strict respect for diplomatic principles and therefore of a real sacrifice on the part of China. In other words, China has developed a grand strategy to maintain its relationship with African countries. Among these strategies we have trade with Africa, the creation of Confucius centers, the training of African executives in China, massive investments in Africa. In other words, China has been able to seduce Africa with its foreign policy and its soft power which has acquired popularity throughout the world today. However, China’s strategy for Africa must still safeguard these bilateral relations and strengthen them against the Western rivalry which still remains jealous.
{"title":"The Strategy of China in Sino-African Relations","authors":"Sanibé Emmanuel Traoré","doi":"10.4236/ojps.2021.114039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2021.114039","url":null,"abstract":"After a few years of cooperation, China has been able to build a very \u0000solid relationship with Africa. The Sino-African relationship is therefore far \u0000from being a gift from heaven or a gift on a gold platter, but it is the fruit \u0000of hard work of strict respect for diplomatic principles and therefore of a \u0000real sacrifice on the part of China. In other words, China has developed a \u0000grand strategy to maintain its relationship with African countries. Among these \u0000strategies we have trade with Africa, the creation of Confucius centers, the \u0000training of African executives in China, massive investments in Africa. In \u0000other words, China has been able to seduce Africa with its foreign policy and its soft power which has \u0000acquired popularity throughout the world today. However, China’s strategy for \u0000Africa must still safeguard these bilateral relations and strengthen them against the Western rivalry which \u0000still remains jealous.","PeriodicalId":91589,"journal":{"name":"Open journal of political science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47511791","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-23DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2021.114037
M. Al-Hammadi
This paper attempts to explore the theme of Trauma and its representation in the Contemporary World; in particular, the logic and argumentation of having museums presenting the sorrow side to people the “trauma”, is unfolded with the rationale of comparison of two cases the Museum of the Occupation of Latvia (MOL) and the National Museum of Qatar mainly dealing with the emerging message of new Qatar National Trauma Museum. The current political incident came to proof the necessity to remind people about historical events and their link to the recent incidents. The museums as a contact zone provide public lessons from the past that is a creative and stored memory. The analysis of the concept of trauma touches on questions such as why Latvia and Qatar need such Trauma Museums, how this museum builds the traumatic narrative and discusses the potential effect on the local people. The aims of this comparison focus on the value of safeguarding of the nation through remembrance and that although museums presenting trauma may seek to educate and evoke pride in visitors for fellow residents, the main task is to avert the recurrence of what led to the trauma, which could be blockade, war or occupation that cut aggressors loose. The methodological tool of the theme follows properly designed exhibitions and making use of new technologies, by contextualizing museum exhibits and practices as made by both Latvia and Qatar on the basis of national identity triggered from the past atrocities, on a holistic approach. This includes, especially, the social effects and movement associated with the blockade in Qatar and the War with Nazi-Russian occupation for Latvia, viewed as the development of presentation of traumatic memories that addresses and understands the interrelationships between politics and culture, political culture and cultural politics.
{"title":"The Presentation of Trauma in Museums: The Museum of the Occupation of Latvia and the National Museum of Qatar as Case Studies","authors":"M. Al-Hammadi","doi":"10.4236/ojps.2021.114037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2021.114037","url":null,"abstract":"This paper attempts to explore the theme of Trauma and its representation \u0000in the Contemporary World; in particular, the logic and argumentation of having \u0000museums presenting the sorrow side to people the “trauma”, is unfolded with the \u0000rationale of comparison of two cases the Museum of the Occupation of Latvia \u0000(MOL) and the National Museum of Qatar mainly dealing with the emerging message \u0000of new Qatar National Trauma Museum. The current political incident came to \u0000proof the necessity to remind people about historical events and their link to \u0000the recent incidents. The museums as a contact zone provide public lessons from \u0000the past that is a creative and stored memory. The analysis of the concept of \u0000trauma touches on questions such as why Latvia and Qatar need such Trauma \u0000Museums, how this museum builds the traumatic \u0000narrative and discusses the potential effect on the local people. The aims of this comparison \u0000focus on the value of safeguarding of the nation through remembrance and that \u0000although museums presenting trauma may seek to educate and evoke pride in \u0000visitors for fellow residents, the main task is to avert the recurrence of what \u0000led to the trauma, which could be blockade, war or occupation that cut \u0000aggressors loose. The methodological tool of the theme follows properly \u0000designed exhibitions and making use of new technologies, by contextualizing museum \u0000exhibits and practices as made by both Latvia and Qatar on the basis of \u0000national identity triggered from the past atrocities, on a holistic approach. \u0000This includes, especially, the social effects and movement associated with the \u0000blockade in Qatar and the War with Nazi-Russian occupation for Latvia, viewed \u0000as the development of presentation of traumatic memories that addresses and \u0000understands the interrelationships between politics and culture, political \u0000culture and cultural politics.","PeriodicalId":91589,"journal":{"name":"Open journal of political science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48937460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-08DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2021.113029
Peter Ehrström, Magnus Dahlstedt
{"title":"The Politics of Shaft: Positioning a Popular Cultural Icon in 1971, 2000 and 2019","authors":"Peter Ehrström, Magnus Dahlstedt","doi":"10.4236/ojps.2021.113029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2021.113029","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":91589,"journal":{"name":"Open journal of political science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46553192","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-18DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2021.113032
H. Palley
The American Constitution’s commitment to “secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity” did not include the enslaved black population that suffered the cruelty of chattel slavery. The black population was not considered full citizens. This essay contends that the residue of this situation still affects U.S. politics—in a significant manner. This analysis examines the historical background of race and caste in American society. It includes the political history of race and caste in the political process since the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 up until contemporary events—including contemporary politics.
{"title":"Race and Caste: Its Impact on the American Political System","authors":"H. Palley","doi":"10.4236/ojps.2021.113032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2021.113032","url":null,"abstract":"The American Constitution’s commitment to “secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our \u0000posterity” did not include the enslaved black population that suffered the \u0000cruelty of chattel slavery. The black population was not considered full \u0000citizens. This essay contends that the residue of this situation still affects \u0000U.S. politics—in a significant manner. This analysis examines the historical background \u0000of race and caste in American society. It includes the political history of \u0000race and caste in the political process since the passage of the Civil Rights \u0000Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 up until contemporary events—including \u0000contemporary politics.","PeriodicalId":91589,"journal":{"name":"Open journal of political science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42221545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-18DOI: 10.4236/OJPS.2021.113027
A. Kalybaeva, Z. Murzabekova, S. Nasbekova, A. Niyazova, A. Ten, Gulsara Kuldusheva, Zhypargul D. Abdullaeva
Relevance in this article is practical analysis issues in the regulating impact connecting with its methodological problems appearing in this process. Authors are suggesting several recommendations about improvement of methodology in regulating impact analysis in the context of legal realities in the Kyrgyz Republic. The regulatory Impact Analysis tool allows to take into account position of entrepreneurs in preparation of regulatory documents at the development stage, those provisions may lead to administrative or financial business or costs to the government or society as a whole. Entrepreneurial activity in Kyrgyzstan today is intending to fulfill a very important goal for general government regulation process to ensure the compliance of the developed adopted normative legal acts with key tasks in the fields of government policy, the market economy, its basic mechanisms and requirements established by the methodology in RIA were described.
{"title":"Methodological Difficulties in Normative Legal Acts Regulatory Impact Analysis in the Entrepreneurship Sphere in the Kyrgyz Republic Conditions","authors":"A. Kalybaeva, Z. Murzabekova, S. Nasbekova, A. Niyazova, A. Ten, Gulsara Kuldusheva, Zhypargul D. Abdullaeva","doi":"10.4236/OJPS.2021.113027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4236/OJPS.2021.113027","url":null,"abstract":"Relevance in this article is practical analysis issues in the regulating \u0000impact connecting with its methodological problems appearing in this process. \u0000Authors are suggesting several recommendations about improvement of methodology \u0000in regulating impact analysis in the context of legal realities in the Kyrgyz \u0000Republic. The regulatory Impact Analysis tool allows to take into account \u0000position of entrepreneurs in preparation of regulatory documents at the \u0000development stage, those provisions may lead to administrative or financial \u0000business or costs to the government or society as a whole. Entrepreneurial \u0000activity in Kyrgyzstan today is intending to fulfill a very important goal for \u0000general government regulation process to ensure the compliance of the developed \u0000adopted normative legal acts with key tasks in the fields of government policy, \u0000the market economy, its basic mechanisms and requirements established by the \u0000methodology in RIA were described.","PeriodicalId":91589,"journal":{"name":"Open journal of political science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42513560","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-18DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2021.113035
Tariro Portia Tendengu
The COVID-19 outbreak has been declared a pandemic by international and governmental organisations in developed and developing countries. In Southern African countries, policy makers, Veto players and public policy advisors engaged in a policy dialogue so as to curb the COVID-19 pandemic by turning the outbreak of COVID-19 into an actionable government priority. CO- VID-19 pandemic in African countries presents a severe threat to human welfare of people living in rural and urban areas. Policy making involves a series of stages which have to be taken before a policy can be adopted to address an issue. The first stage involves identification of a problem and ensuring that it gets the attention of policy makers and is often referred to as agenda setting. Parsons (1995) termed this level “meso-analysis” where issues and problems are identified and agendas are set. Scholars have often argued that, agenda setting is an important tool in policy making as a decision making catalyst. This is based on the assumption that any government policy and action initiative needs someone to first bring it to their attention. In response to the CO- VID-19 pandemic, agenda setting thus became a starting point for the identification of issues and possible policy instruments. The first stage involves identification of a problem and ensuring that it gets the attention of policy makers and is often referred to as agenda setting. Agenda setting with reference to the COVID-19 pandemic lockdown has been argued to be politically convoluted, it remains a process that involves a number of actors and institutions. The paper seeks to unravel the applicability of the Agenda setting theory as propounded by John Kindon on the implementation of the lockdown policy in Southern African countries.
{"title":"The Applicability of Agenda Setting Policy Implementation Theory on COVID-19 Lockdown Policy in Southern African Countries","authors":"Tariro Portia Tendengu","doi":"10.4236/ojps.2021.113035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2021.113035","url":null,"abstract":"The COVID-19 outbreak has been declared a \u0000pandemic by international and governmental \u0000organisations in developed and developing countries. In Southern African \u0000countries, policy makers, Veto players and public policy \u0000advisors engaged in a policy dialogue so as to curb the COVID-19 pandemic by \u0000turning the outbreak of COVID-19 into an actionable government priority. CO- VID-19 pandemic in \u0000African countries presents a severe threat to human welfare of people living in rural and urban \u0000areas. Policy making involves a series of stages which have to be taken before \u0000a policy can be adopted to address an issue. The first stage involves \u0000identification of a problem and ensuring that it gets the attention of policy \u0000makers and is often referred to as agenda setting. Parsons \u0000(1995) termed this level “meso-analysis” where issues and \u0000problems are identified and agendas are set. Scholars have often argued that, \u0000agenda setting is an important tool in policy making as a decision making \u0000catalyst. This is based on the assumption that any government policy and action \u0000initiative needs someone to first bring it to their attention. In response to \u0000the CO- VID-19 pandemic, agenda \u0000setting thus became a starting point for the identification of issues and \u0000possible policy instruments. The first stage involves identification of a \u0000problem and ensuring that it gets the attention of policy makers and is often \u0000referred to as agenda setting. Agenda setting with reference to the COVID-19 \u0000pandemic lockdown has been argued to be politically convoluted, it remains a process that involves a number \u0000of actors and institutions. The paper seeks \u0000to unravel the applicability of the Agenda setting theory as propounded \u0000by John Kindon on the implementation of the lockdown policy in Southern African \u0000countries.","PeriodicalId":91589,"journal":{"name":"Open journal of political science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42816730","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-18DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2021.113034
T. C. Leo-Nnoli, M. Biereenu-Nnabugwu
Researches critical of electoral freedom and fairness, integrity, financing, and security in Nigeria have challenged Nigeria’s democratization process. However, not many of them have captured these challenges considering the paradox of the civil society organizations’ collaborations (CSOs) in Nigeria. We argued that for civil society to activate the democratization process, a historically structured imbalance through dualism of political and economic collaborations of the civil society should be resolved. The study made use of the Exploratory Research Design, using the Structural-Functional Analysis and the Post-Colonial State theory as frameworks for analyzing the imperativeness of economic collaborations to direct the political collaborations. It made use of mixed method of data collection and analysis, using a sample of 312 respondents drawn from population of 1434 members of civil society organizations. We used the Multilinear Regression model in the Statistical Packages for the Social Sciences IBM (SPSS) version 20 to test the statistical hypothesis that: civil society organizations’ uncordial relations with government organizations and their uncordial relations with business organizations are significantly related to their detection of electoral challenges in Enugu State, 1999- 2020. It was found that civil society organizations’ uncordial relationship with government organizations rather than uncordial relationship with business organizations is significantly related to help in detecting electoral challenges in Enugu State, 1999-2020.
{"title":"Examining Civil Society Organizations’ Collaboration Paradox in Confronting Electoral Challenges in Enugu State, Nigeria, 1999-2020","authors":"T. C. Leo-Nnoli, M. Biereenu-Nnabugwu","doi":"10.4236/ojps.2021.113034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2021.113034","url":null,"abstract":"Researches \u0000critical of electoral freedom and fairness, integrity, financing, and security \u0000in Nigeria have challenged Nigeria’s democratization process. However, not many \u0000of them have captured these challenges considering the paradox of the civil \u0000society organizations’ collaborations (CSOs) in Nigeria. We argued that for \u0000civil society to activate the democratization process, a historically \u0000structured imbalance through dualism of political and economic collaborations \u0000of the civil society should be resolved. The study made use of the Exploratory \u0000Research Design, using the Structural-Functional Analysis and the Post-Colonial \u0000State theory as frameworks for analyzing the imperativeness of economic \u0000collaborations to direct the political collaborations. It made use of mixed \u0000method of data collection and analysis, using a sample of 312 respondents drawn \u0000from population of 1434 members of civil society organizations. We used the \u0000Multilinear Regression model in the Statistical Packages for the Social \u0000Sciences IBM (SPSS) version 20 to test the statistical hypothesis that: civil \u0000society organizations’ uncordial relations with government organizations and \u0000their uncordial relations with business organizations are significantly related \u0000to their detection of electoral challenges in Enugu State, 1999- 2020. It \u0000was found that civil society organizations’ uncordial relationship with \u0000government organizations rather than uncordial relationship with business \u0000organizations is significantly related to help in detecting electoral \u0000challenges in Enugu State, 1999-2020.","PeriodicalId":91589,"journal":{"name":"Open journal of political science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46587361","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-18DOI: 10.4236/OJPS.2021.113024
Rauf Akhmatov, Cholpon T Sulaimanova, Z. Dekhkanova, Ailira Abdyraimova, Zhazgul Zheenbekova, Edilbek Begaliev, Zhypargul D. Abdullaeva
Climate change is one of the biggest threats and challenges that humankind has ever faced. Therefore, humankind has to convey the earth’s climate to future generations at its best by all means necessary. In doing so, the law is the instrument that can create, maintain and develop an adequate mitigation and adaptation framework for climate change. It is important to note that the earth’s climate is a common responsibility in the international community and each country has its own obligation concerning climate change. In this sense, authors discuss the international legal framework for climate change influencing legal framework and gaps in the Kyrgyz Republic at the institutional level.
{"title":"Legislative and Institutional Gaps in the Legal Framework for Adaptation and Mitigation of the Climate Change in the Kyrgyz Republic","authors":"Rauf Akhmatov, Cholpon T Sulaimanova, Z. Dekhkanova, Ailira Abdyraimova, Zhazgul Zheenbekova, Edilbek Begaliev, Zhypargul D. Abdullaeva","doi":"10.4236/OJPS.2021.113024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4236/OJPS.2021.113024","url":null,"abstract":"Climate \u0000change is one of the biggest threats and challenges that humankind has ever faced. \u0000Therefore, humankind has to convey the earth’s climate to future generations at \u0000its best by all means necessary. In doing so, the law is the instrument that \u0000can create, maintain and develop an adequate mitigation and adaptation \u0000framework for climate change. It is important to note that the earth’s climate \u0000is a common responsibility in the international community and each country has \u0000its own obligation concerning climate change. In this sense, authors discuss \u0000the international legal framework for climate change influencing legal \u0000framework and gaps in the Kyrgyz Republic at the institutional level.","PeriodicalId":91589,"journal":{"name":"Open journal of political science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47470311","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-18DOI: 10.4236/OJPS.2021.113025
Abdalgani Aid Almi
Somalia is a state not like the other states in Africa, it’s a state that came into existence after the unification of British Somaliland and Italian Somalia. It was considered to be one of the most democratic and civilized country in the region. But the administration of that time took a very naive initiative to manage the circumstances. Due to the cold war and Ethiopia’s antagonistic design against the newly established state of the Somali Republic, Somalia was compelled to develop close relations with the USSR. The roles, stages and initial odds of Somalia’s foreign policy are discussed in this paper, with the use of primary and secondary sources of information. In conclusion, Somalia has limited options for its foreign policy, because of its financial position. Thus, the sovereignty of the country was compromised many times.
{"title":"Somalia’s Foreign Policy: Stages and Initial Odds","authors":"Abdalgani Aid Almi","doi":"10.4236/OJPS.2021.113025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4236/OJPS.2021.113025","url":null,"abstract":"Somalia is a state not like the other states \u0000in Africa, it’s a state that came into existence after the unification of \u0000British Somaliland and Italian Somalia. It was considered to be one of the most \u0000democratic and civilized country in the region. But the administration of that \u0000time took a very naive initiative to manage the circumstances. Due to the cold \u0000war and Ethiopia’s antagonistic design against the newly established state of \u0000the Somali Republic, Somalia was compelled to develop close relations with the \u0000USSR. The roles, stages and initial odds of Somalia’s foreign policy are \u0000discussed in this paper, with the use of primary and secondary sources of \u0000information. In conclusion, Somalia has limited options for its foreign policy, \u0000because of its financial position. Thus, the sovereignty of the country was \u0000compromised many times.","PeriodicalId":91589,"journal":{"name":"Open journal of political science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45161342","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-18DOI: 10.4236/ojps.2021.113030
B. Makengo
By taking the subprime crisis as its historical fact of analysis and game theory as its theoretical explanatory basis, this paper aims to explain and demonstrate why Sino-African relations may well withstand in the ongoing “conservative-progressive power games” in Africa under COVID-19 wind, even though they are being further jostled by the “conservative’s offensive”. To support my central point, I start from the assumption that, as was just the case with the subprime crisis, the socioeconomic and financial dimension will once again become a compass [but also a barometer] in the decisions and actions of all the states at stake—the “conservatives”, the “progressives”, as well as the different African countries. Thus, the improvement of the socioeconomic and financial situation on its own territory will become the major challenge of almost all these states at stake. And China, which is less affected by the socioeconomic and financial crisis caused by COVID-19 than the “conservatives”, will be well able to bear the costs of its increasing engagement on the African continent. Although a relative decline or quasi-stagnation of its engagement on the continent can be noted—but rather less than in the case of the “conservatives”, due of course to the comparative shocks of this crisis caused by COVID-19 on their economic activities. In this same logic, another explanatory point is that, if Sino-African relations fall, a big hole will be left in African economies—because of China’s pronounced economic integration in Africa. A hole that the “conservatives”—hit hard by this crisis due to COVID-19, will not be able to fill during this critical moment, in the sense of satisfying the demands of Africa—which is also hit hard by the same crisis. Finally, the game theory as an explanatory theoretical basis, via the five (5) points game, imagined in terms of gain on the African continent, according to the costs of “conservative-progressive engagements”—which are conditioned here by the socioeconomic and financial crisis due to COVID-19, demonstrates as well this affirmation of the resistance of Sino-African relations. In this game, following the assumptions put forward, the most possible scenario is the one that affirms that: Sino-African relations and “conservatives” both withstand. Because, China, less affected by the socioeconomic and financial crisis due to COVID-19, will still be able to bear the costs of its engagement on the African continent. But also, in the case of the fall of the “conservatives”, China alone will not be able to fully cover the gap left by them due to the crisis caused by COVID-19, which also negatively impacted its economy and finances. And the point remains to think about the post- COVID-19 scenario of these “conservative-progressive power games” on the African continent.
{"title":"Conservative-Progressive Power Games, Mutual Jostling in Africa and Resilience of Sino-African Relations under COVID-19 Wind","authors":"B. Makengo","doi":"10.4236/ojps.2021.113030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2021.113030","url":null,"abstract":"By taking \u0000the subprime crisis as its historical fact of analysis and game theory as its \u0000theoretical explanatory basis, this paper aims to explain and demonstrate why \u0000Sino-African relations may well withstand in the ongoing “conservative-progressive \u0000power games” in Africa under COVID-19 wind, even though they are being further \u0000jostled by the “conservative’s offensive”. To support my central point, I start \u0000from the assumption that, as was just the case with the subprime crisis, the \u0000socioeconomic and financial dimension will once again become a compass [but \u0000also a barometer] in the decisions and actions of all the states at stake—the “conservatives”, \u0000the “progressives”, as well as the different African countries. Thus, the \u0000improvement of the socioeconomic and financial situation on its own territory \u0000will become the major challenge of almost all these states at stake. And China, \u0000which is less affected by the socioeconomic and financial crisis caused by \u0000COVID-19 than the “conservatives”, will be well able to bear the costs of its \u0000increasing engagement on the African continent. \u0000Although a relative decline or quasi-stagnation of its engagement on the \u0000continent can be noted—but rather less than in the case of the “conservatives”, \u0000due of course to the comparative shocks of this crisis caused by COVID-19 on \u0000their economic activities. In this same logic, another explanatory point is \u0000that, if Sino-African relations fall, a big hole will be left in African \u0000economies—because of China’s pronounced economic integration in Africa. A hole \u0000that the “conservatives”—hit hard by this crisis due to COVID-19, will not be \u0000able to fill during this critical moment, in the sense of satisfying the \u0000demands of Africa—which is also hit hard by the same crisis. Finally, the game \u0000theory as an explanatory theoretical basis, via the five (5) points game, \u0000imagined in terms of gain on the African continent, according to the costs of “conservative-progressive \u0000engagements”—which are conditioned here by the socioeconomic and financial \u0000crisis due to COVID-19, demonstrates as well this affirmation of the resistance \u0000of Sino-African relations. In this game, following the assumptions put forward, \u0000the most possible scenario is the one that affirms that: Sino-African relations \u0000and “conservatives” both withstand. Because, China, less affected by the socioeconomic and \u0000financial crisis due to COVID-19, will still be able to bear the costs of its \u0000engagement on the African continent. But also, in the case of the fall of the “conservatives”, \u0000China alone will not be able to fully cover the gap left by them due to the crisis \u0000caused by COVID-19, which also negatively impacted its economy and finances. \u0000And the point remains to think about the post- COVID-19 \u0000scenario of these “conservative-progressive power games” on the African \u0000continent.","PeriodicalId":91589,"journal":{"name":"Open journal of political science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49482129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}