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From Defiance to Civilizationalism 从反抗到文明
Pub Date : 2022-12-12 DOI: 10.1163/25895893-bja10028
Lien Verpoest
Russia’s complex relationship with the West is the result of a long history of frustration and a perception of humiliation. The Russian empire, Soviet Union and the Russian Federation all have perceived the West alternately as a touchstone and a threat. This article assesses how discourses of humiliation and historical greatness intersect in Russian foreign policy. A first section explains how the discourse of humiliation has always been present Russia’s discourse on East-West relations. The second part of the article discusses how critical junctures in its relations with the west affected Russia’s foreign policy since 1991. As a consequence, Russia’s reactive frustration turned into defiance and a proactive discourse of humiliation, which became strongly intertwined with the legitimation for its attacks on the territorial integrity of sovereign states like Ukraine. Countries warning not to further antagonize or humiliate Russia with an eye on diplomacy and negotiations risk to mainstream this Russian discourse. This would enable Russia to successfully “securitize” humiliation by making the narrative of humiliation an object of security through discursive actions. It is therefore crucial not to perceive Russia’s humiliation rhetoric apart from the internal legitimation of its military invasion of Ukraine.
俄罗斯与西方的复杂关系是长期受挫和耻辱感的结果。俄罗斯帝国、苏联和俄罗斯联邦都将西方视为试金石和威胁。本文评估了羞辱和历史伟大的话语在俄罗斯外交政策中是如何交叉的。第一节解释了羞辱的话语如何一直存在于俄罗斯关于东西方关系的话语中。文章的第二部分讨论了自1991年以来,俄罗斯与西方关系的关键时刻如何影响俄罗斯的外交政策。因此,俄罗斯的被动沮丧变成了反抗和积极的羞辱话语,这与其攻击乌克兰等主权国家领土完整的合法性紧密交织在一起。警告不要以外交和谈判为目的进一步敌视或羞辱俄罗斯的国家有可能将这种俄罗斯言论纳入主流。这将使俄罗斯能够通过话语行动将羞辱的叙事作为安全的对象,从而成功地将羞辱“安全化”。因此,至关重要的是,不要把俄罗斯的羞辱言论视为其军事入侵乌克兰的内部合法性。
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引用次数: 0
World War II Memory Weaponized 二战记忆武器化
Pub Date : 2022-12-12 DOI: 10.1163/25895893-bja10024
Sam Edwards
Focusing on two speeches by Ukrainian President Zelensky (as well as related activities) this article examines the recent diplomatic “use” in the on-going Russo-Ukraine War of World War II memory. It suggests that the Ukrainian government has skilfully—and very deliberately—deployed historical memory in diplomacy focused on both the United States and United Kingdom, and it suggests that part of the success of such endeavours lies in two connected factors. The first concerns the privileged position of World War II in Anglo-American culture; and the second is centred on the personalities of the current US and UK leaders, one of whom (Boris Johnson) has a well-known affection for Churchill, and the other of whom (Joe Biden) has been keen to assume the mantle of Franklin Roosevelt. With this audience, President Zelensky’s decision to invoke World War II memory is both savvy and clearly effective.
本文以乌克兰总统泽连斯基的两次演讲(以及相关活动)为中心,考察了二战记忆中正在进行的俄乌战争中最近的外交“使用”。这表明,乌克兰政府在以美国和英国为重点的外交中巧妙地——而且非常有意地——运用了历史记忆,这表明这些努力的成功部分在于两个相互关联的因素。第一个问题涉及第二次世界大战在英美文化中的特权地位;第二个集中在现任美国和英国领导人的个性上,其中一位(鲍里斯·约翰逊饰)对丘吉尔有着众所周知的感情,另一位(乔·拜登饰)则热衷于继承富兰克林·罗斯福的衣钵。有了这些听众,泽连斯基总统唤起二战记忆的决定既明智又明显有效。
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引用次数: 0
In Schoolbooks and on Telegram 在教科书上和电报上
Pub Date : 2022-12-12 DOI: 10.1163/25895893-bja10033
Tatsiana Astrouskaya
Since 1991 memory politics in Belarus has undergone several shifts, conditioned by the alteration in international and inner policies and the whims of political elites. During the last two years, the civil protest movement and recently, the Russian war in Ukraine afresh prompted the re-interpreting of the past. In this revised interpretation, the already central place of WWII has become even more pronounced. The history of this war has been turned into a weapon by which Belarusian pro-governmental historians and propagandists attempt to combat the “collective West,” the NATO, the Ukrainian and Belarusian nationalists, and the émigré diaspora alike. This paper aims to outline the portrayal of Ukraine and Ukrainians in Belarusian memory politics (in school textbooks and, since 2020, on Telegram). It asks about the place Belarusian southern neighbour and, until recently, the “brotherly people” occupied in the official Belarusian historical narrative, shaped by the mythologisation of WWII.
自1991年以来,由于国际和内部政策的变化以及政治精英的奇思妙想,白俄罗斯的记忆政治经历了几次转变。在过去的两年里,民间抗议运动和最近的俄罗斯乌克兰战争再次促使人们重新解读过去。在这一修订后的解释中,二战的中心地位变得更加明显。这场战争的历史已经变成了一种武器,白俄罗斯亲政府历史学家和宣传人员试图用它来打击“西方集体”、北约、乌克兰和白俄罗斯民族主义者以及散居国外的移民。本文旨在概述乌克兰和乌克兰人在白俄罗斯记忆政治中的形象(在学校教科书中,自2020年以来,在Telegram上)。它询问了白俄罗斯南部邻国的位置,以及直到最近,由二战神话塑造的白俄罗斯官方历史叙事中的“兄弟人民”。
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引用次数: 0
The Return of History in Russia’s Foreign Policy 俄罗斯外交政策的历史回归
Pub Date : 2022-12-12 DOI: 10.1163/25895893-bja10027
Beatrice de Graaf, Lien Verpoest
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引用次数: 0
Weaponizing History 武器化历史
Pub Date : 2022-12-12 DOI: 10.1163/25895893-bja10029
Grigori Khislavski
This paper deals with Weaponizing History in the Russo-Ukranian War in diachronic perspective focusing on the events of 2014 and 2022. It shall be demonstrated that in 2014 it was medieval narratives that were the main focus: For instance, in the presidential speech addressed to the Federal Assembly on December 4, 2014, the annexation of Crimea was legitimized by the disputed “Korsun Legend”. This firmly established narrative has made it possible to proclaim Crimea to be the cradle of the Russian nation and a sacred place. In the recent war Putin invokes the Great Patriotic War (1941–1945) which has been developed into a central place of remembrance in his regime and according to which Ukraine is to be denazified and delegitimized as a product of Bolshevism. It is significant to note that these narratives synchronize and harmonize rather well with one another in the collective historical consciousness of Russians.
本文以2014年和2022年的俄乌战争事件为中心,从历时的角度探讨了俄乌战争中的武器化历史。需要证明的是,2014年的主要焦点是中世纪的叙事:例如,在2014年12月4日向联邦议会发表的总统演讲中,有争议的“科尔森传说”使吞并克里米亚合法化。这种坚定的叙事使克里米亚成为俄罗斯民族的摇篮和圣地成为可能。在最近的战争中,普京援引了伟大的卫国战争(1941-1945),这场战争已被发展成为其政权的中心纪念地,根据这场战争,乌克兰将被剥夺民主,并被剥夺布尔什维克主义的合法性。值得注意的是,在俄罗斯人的集体历史意识中,这些叙事相互协调一致。
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引用次数: 0
Editorial 社论
Pub Date : 2022-12-12 DOI: 10.1163/25895893-bja10034
J. van Lottum, H.G.J. Kaal
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引用次数: 0
‘New Russia’ and the Legacies of Settler Colonialism in Southern Ukraine “新俄罗斯”与乌克兰南部定居者殖民主义的遗产
Pub Date : 2022-12-12 DOI: 10.1163/25895893-bja10025
Olivia Irena Durand
Russia’s conquest of the northern shores of the Black Sea in the late eighteenth century and their renaming as ‘New Russia’ contributed to a wider movement of colonisation, settlement, and re-signification of territories worldwide under the aegis of imperial ideology. The adoption of the new name was also a way to erase the memory of the former inhabitants of the region—in the case of Southern Ukraine, its Tatar and Cossack populations, as well as its Greek and Jewish minorities. However, the coloniality of ‘New Russia’ was always up for debate in Russian official discourse: because the conquests happened in contiguous territories, Southern Ukraine was both an object of colonisation and an agent of further conquest, especially in the direction of the Caucasus. Inventing ‘New Russia’ thus asserted the colonial and ‘oriental’ significance of the Black Sea steppes, while entrenching Russia’s own imperial status and suggesting a place where Russia’s future might be.
18世纪末,俄罗斯征服了黑海北岸,并将其更名为“新俄罗斯”,这有助于在帝国意识形态的庇护下,在全球范围内进行更广泛的殖民、定居和领土重新意义的运动。采用这个新名字也是为了抹去该地区前居民的记忆——以乌克兰南部、鞑靼人和哥萨克人以及希腊和犹太少数民族为例。然而,“新俄罗斯”的殖民主义在俄罗斯官方话语中总是备受争议:因为征服发生在毗连的领土上,乌克兰南部既是殖民的对象,也是进一步征服的代理人,尤其是在高加索地区。因此,发明“新俄罗斯”肯定了黑海大草原的殖民和“东方”意义,同时巩固了俄罗斯自己的帝国地位,并为俄罗斯的未来指明了方向。
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引用次数: 1
Intercountry Adoption is a Child Protection Measure 跨国收养是一项儿童保护措施
Pub Date : 2022-05-19 DOI: 10.1163/25895893-bja10022
Marinus H. van IJzendoorn, M. Bakermans-Kranenburg
In their article on ‘Investigating historical abuses’ Yannick Balk, Georg Frerks and Beatrice de Graaf (2022) present an applied history of intercountry adoption to the Netherlands over the past 70 years and conclude that a moratorium on intercountry adoption is necessary because of the many adoption abuses. In this paper we comment on their aims, methods, results, and conclusions. Applied historical analysis without considering the numerous empirical studies on the effects of (de-)institutionalization is problematic if the application is to impact policy. Furthermore, using inaccessible archival material and opaque triangulation hinders replication. An estimate of the overall frequency of adoption abuses is absent. Any adoption abuse is a serious violation of children’s rights and needs to be addressed. However, we argue that their findings do not necessitate the recommendation to (temporarily) stop intercountry adoption at the expense of children in institutions for whom intercountry adoption would be the last resort.
Yannick Balk、Georg Frerks和Beatrice de Graaf(2022)在他们关于“调查历史虐待行为”的文章中介绍了荷兰过去70年跨国收养的应用历史,并得出结论,由于存在许多收养虐待行为,暂停跨国收养是必要的。在本文中,我们对它们的目的、方法、结果和结论进行了评论。如果应用是为了影响政策,那么应用历史分析而不考虑对(去)制度化影响的大量实证研究是有问题的。此外,使用无法访问的档案材料和不透明的三角测量阻碍了复制。目前还没有对收养虐待的总体频率进行估计。任何虐待收养行为都是对儿童权利的严重侵犯,需要加以解决。然而,我们认为,他们的调查结果并没有必要建议(暂时)停止跨国收养,以牺牲机构中的儿童为代价,而跨国收养对他们来说是最后的手段。
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引用次数: 0
Reply 答复
Pub Date : 2022-05-19 DOI: 10.1163/25895893-bja10023
Y.S.A. Balk, G. Frerks, Beatrice de Graaf
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引用次数: 0
Applying History in Real Time 实时应用历史
Pub Date : 2022-03-16 DOI: 10.1163/25895893-bja10021
N. Ferguson
Policymakers generally have at least some historical assumptions, even if they have not been trained as historians. Often, these assumptions play a critical part in decision-making, especially in times of crisis. This article compares the reactions of George W. Bush’s administration to two epoch-making events: the 9/11 terrorist attacks of 2001 and the “9/15” bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers in 2008. I argue that historical analogies played a key role in the debates between officials about how to respond to the two crises. However, the two sets of decision-makers inhabited different conceptual worlds. Those concerned with national security in 2001 thought differently about risk from those concerned with financial stability in 2008. This meant that they applied history to the crises they confronted with differing degrees of success.
政策制定者通常至少有一些历史假设,即使他们没有接受过历史学家的培训。通常,这些假设在决策中起着至关重要的作用,尤其是在危机时期。本文比较了乔治•w•布什政府对两个划时代事件的反应:2001年9/11恐怖袭击和2008年“9/15”雷曼兄弟破产。我认为,在官员们关于如何应对这两次危机的辩论中,历史类比发挥了关键作用。然而,这两组决策者居住在不同的概念世界。2001年关心国家安全的人与2008年关心金融稳定的人对风险的看法不同。这意味着他们将历史应用于他们所面临的危机,并取得了不同程度的成功。
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Journal of applied history
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