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Sharing Territories: Overlapping Self-Determination and Resource Rights Cara Nine, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022, pp. 336 共享领土:重叠的自决权和资源权 Cara Nine,牛津大学出版社,2022 年,第 336 页:牛津大学出版社,2022 年,第 336 页
Pub Date : 2023-11-28 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423923000689
Michael Luoma
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引用次数: 0
The Political Party in Canada William P. Cross, Scott Pruysers and Rob Currie-Wood, Vancouver: UBC Press, 2022, pp. 328 加拿大的政党》,William P. Cross、Scott Pruysers 和 Rob Currie-Wood,温哥华:温哥华:UBC 出版社,2022 年,第 328 页
Pub Date : 2023-11-23 DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000653
Royce Koop
Cross, Pruysers and Currie-Wood set out to provide a comprehensive organizational account of Canada ’ s contemporary political parties. The Political Party in Canada walks readers through the various components and actors of these parties, dedicating a chapter each to members, local associations, candidates, donors, the party bureaucracy
Cross、Pruysers 和 Currie-Wood 打算对加拿大当代政党的组织结构进行全面阐述。加拿大的政党》将带领读者了解这些政党的各个组成部分和参与者,并分别用一章的篇幅介绍党员、地方协会、候选人、捐赠者、政党官僚机构。
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引用次数: 0
“Une pièce d’étoffe que nous aurons à faire”: Louis Riel's Utopia: Between Prophecy and Politics 《我们必须做的一块布》:路易斯·里尔的《乌托邦:预言与政治之间》
Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423923000525
Luc Barter Moulaison
Abstract This article offers a re-evaluation of Louis Riel's political, philosophical and religious writings by reconstructing these writings along utopian lines. In so doing, it supplements the existing literature on Riel's writings that tends to see Riel as either a prophetic figure or a practical man of action, but rarely, if ever, both. In its reconstruction of Riel's utopian vision, this article focuses on three aspects of his writings. First, it addresses his critical conception of Métis self-government before Confederation. Second, it examines his proposals for the overthrow of what he perceived as Anglo-Canadian tyranny in the North-West. Third, it considers his visions of an ideal—that is, utopian—society in the North-West. The article concludes by examining the implications of this reading of Riel's utopian vision for his legacy in Canadian political science.
本文通过沿着乌托邦的思路重构路易·里尔的政治、哲学和宗教著作,对这些著作进行重新评价。在这样做的过程中,它补充了现有的关于里尔作品的文献,这些文献倾向于将里尔视为一个先知人物或一个实际的行动者,但很少,如果有的话,两者兼而有之。本文在对里尔乌托邦愿景进行重构的过程中,着重从三个方面考察了他的作品。首先,它阐述了他的批判观念,即在联邦之前,姆萨姆斯是自治的。其次,本书考察了他关于推翻他所认为的英国-加拿大在西北地区的暴政的建议。第三,它考虑了他对西北乌托邦社会的理想愿景。文章最后考察了这种对里尔乌托邦愿景的解读对他在加拿大政治科学遗产的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Salient Indigenous Acts of Resistance in Canada, 2010–2020: Current Trends 2010-2020年加拿大突出的土著抵抗行为:当前趋势
Pub Date : 2023-10-31 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423923000513
Minh Do
Abstract Indigenous peoples continue to challenge Canadian colonial policies through nonroutine acts of resistance. Sustained scholarly attention on the frequency and characteristics of Indigenous resistance has dropped precipitously, with the time span of this scholarship typically ending by the early 2000s. Research on more recent acts of resistance is directed to small- n case studies. This research note examines Indigenous resistance in Canada between 2010 and 2020 as reported by news articles from the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) to identify key characteristics of salient Indigenous resistance: What issue areas were the subject of resistance movements? Which Indigenous communities or groups contributed to acts of resistance? What strategies were employed? The research note's findings suggest that salient acts of resistance rarely result in immediate policy change from the state; instead, resistance has transformative potential to develop Indigenous governance that departs from settler-colonial state processes.
土著人民继续通过非常规的抵抗行动挑战加拿大的殖民政策。对土著抵抗频率和特征的持续学术关注急剧下降,这种学术研究的时间跨度通常在21世纪初结束。对最近的耐药行为的研究是针对小规模的个案研究。本研究报告考察了2010年至2020年加拿大广播公司(CBC)新闻报道中报道的加拿大土著抵抗运动,以确定突出的土著抵抗运动的关键特征:抵抗运动的主题是哪些问题领域?哪些土著社区或团体促成了抵抗行动?他们采用了什么策略?研究报告的发现表明,明显的抵制行为很少会导致国家立即改变政策;相反,抵抗运动具有变革性的潜力,可以发展与定居者-殖民国家进程不同的土著治理。
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引用次数: 0
Analyse des bulletins de vote rejetés et de l'effet du rally pour l'unité canadienne lors du référendum québécois de 1995 1995年魁北克全民公决中被否决的选票和加拿大团结集会的影响分析
Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423923000677
Evelyne Brie
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引用次数: 0
Do Household Political Campaign Signs Help Win Vote Share? 家庭政治竞选标语有助于赢得选票吗?
Pub Date : 2023-09-28 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423923000501
Gillian K. Maurice, Pat Barclay, Tamara A. Small, Benjamin Giguère
Abstract Canadian election campaigns often see a proliferation of political signs at the start of an election, but are they worth the effort? We examined official results at the poll level ( N = 785) from elections agencies and the quantities of household signs recorded in internal political party databases (Green Parties of Canada, Manitoba, and Ontario). Overall, the results suggest that the use of household signs is an effective form of political campaigning in Canada for nongoverning parties. Analyses suggest that every sign placed per 100 registered electors is associated with an increase of 0.5–1.5 per cent vote share. The presence of household signs was associated with an increase of 1.5–3.4 per cent vote share. Further, preliminary evidence also suggests a possible diminishing returns trend: the per-sign rate of increase in vote share may slow down at higher densities. We discuss the implications of the results, including the possible curvilinear trend.
加拿大的竞选活动经常在选举开始时看到政治标语的扩散,但它们值得努力吗?我们检查了选举机构在民意调查层面的官方结果(N = 785)和政党内部数据库(加拿大绿党、马尼托巴和安大略省)中记录的家庭标志数量。总的来说,结果表明,使用家庭标志是加拿大非执政党政治竞选的有效形式。分析表明,每100名登记选民张贴的每一个标志都与增加0.5%至1.5%的投票份额有关。家庭标志的存在与1.5% - 3.4%的投票份额增加有关。此外,初步证据还表明可能存在收益递减趋势:在密度较高的情况下,每符号的投票份额增长率可能会放缓。我们讨论了结果的含义,包括可能的曲线趋势。
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引用次数: 0
L'interculturalisme majoritariste et les femmes : une relation ambiguë 多数主义跨文化主义与女性:一种模糊的关系
Pub Date : 2023-09-28 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423923000446
Anne Iavarone-Turcotte
Résumé Dans cet article, je propose une analyse critique de la réponse des trois principaux théoriciens de l'interculturalisme majoritariste – Gérard Bouchard, Jérôme Gosselin-Tapp et Michel Seymour – à la question des minorités internes. Cette question est de savoir comment protéger le droit des minorités religieuses de pratiquer leur religion (tel que créé ou facilité par le multiculturalisme ou l'interculturalisme) sans violer le droit des femmes en leur sein de mener une vie exempte d'oppression (tel que défendu par le féminisme). Je soutiens que la réponse de ces auteurs est ambiguë, en ce sens qu'elle embrasse simultanément deux postures – la fermeté et la flexibilité – qui, lorsque considérées ensemble, sont contradictoires et, lorsque considérées séparément, présentent des problèmes spécifiques. Si dans le cas particulier du foulard islamique, ces auteurs élargissent momentanément leur perspective, leurs arguments à ce chapitre commandent des nuances importantes pour le moment absentes de leur raisonnement.
本文对多数主义跨文化主义的三位主要理论家——gerard Bouchard、jerome gosellin - tapp和Michel Seymour——对内部少数民族问题的反应进行了批判性分析。这个问题是如何保护宗教少数的权利设立这样的信仰其宗教(或推动的多元文化交流)在不违反法律或者无压迫的妇女在她们的生活中所倡导的女权主义)。我认为,这些作者的回答是模棱两可的,因为它同时包含了两种立场- -坚定和灵活- -这两种立场合在一起是矛盾的,而单独考虑时则会引起具体问题。虽然在伊斯兰头巾的具体案例中,这些作者暂时扩大了他们的观点,但他们在这一领域的论点需要一些重要的细微差别,这些细微差别目前在他们的推理中是缺失的。
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引用次数: 0
Revue historique de la gouvernance mondiale de l'environnement (1945–2022) 全球环境治理历史回顾(1945 - 2022)
Pub Date : 2023-09-04 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423923000483
S. Beaudoin
Cinquante ans après la Conférence de Stockholm de 1972, la littérature est appelée à offrir un compte rendu sur le passé et informer les décisions à venir. Dans ce contexte, le présent essai critique propose une revue historique de la gouvernance mondiale de l'environnement, couvrant la période de 1945 à 2022. Pour ce faire, il réunit les processus et évènements marquants des dernières décennies et distingue les moments clés ayant façonné la gouvernance mondiale de l'environnement. Informé par la littérature scientifique et des documents officiels, l'article expose l’émergence, la mise à l'agenda et l'institutionnalisation de plusieurs enjeux environnementaux. Il contribue ainsi à situer les développements qu'a connus la gouvernance mondiale de l'environnement et contextualiser les processus en cours. La conclusion de l’étude invite à accorder une plus grande attention aux enjeux environnementaux et à repenser la gouvernance mondiale de l'environnement au-delà des frontières, tant étatiques que disciplinaires.
在1972年斯德哥尔摩会议50年后,文献被要求提供过去的记录,并为未来的决定提供信息。在此背景下,本文对1945年至2022年期间的全球环境治理进行了历史回顾。为了做到这一点,它汇集了过去几十年的关键进程和事件,并区分了塑造全球环境治理的关键时刻。在科学文献和官方文件的指导下,这篇文章揭示了几个环境问题的出现、议程和制度化。因此,它有助于确定全球环境治理的发展情况,并将正在进行的进程置于背景之下。这项研究的结论呼吁更多地关注环境问题,并重新思考跨国界、国家和学科的全球环境治理。
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引用次数: 0
Blue Storm: The Rise and Fall of Jason Kenney Duane Bratt, Richard Sutherland and David Taras, eds., Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2023, pp. 508 《蓝色风暴:杰森·肯尼·杜恩·布拉特的兴衰》,理查德·萨瑟兰和大卫·塔拉斯编。,卡尔加里:卡尔加里大学出版社,2023,第508页
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423923000495
Timothy van den Brink
look upon Heidegger’s ruins in search of signs of lost wisdom? Are we to seek the cause of their fall? Are we to look upon them, like the feet of Ozymandias, as a warning to overmighty philosophers? Are we to cannibalize the ruins to build something else? Or, if nothing else, should we simply use them for target practice? Wolin leaves us in suspense. Heidegger in Ruins is, ultimately, an effective piece of counter-apologetics, one that will arm any critic of Heidegger’s defenders with new, effective weapons but will not greatly satisfy those who hope for substantial engagement with the ambiguities of Heidegger’s thought.
看看海德格尔的废墟,寻找失去智慧的迹象?难道我们要寻找他们堕落的原因吗?难道我们要像奥兹曼迪亚斯的脚一样,把它们看作是对强大的哲学家的警告吗?我们要在废墟上建造别的东西吗?或者,如果没有别的,我们应该简单地用它们来练习射击吗?沃林给我们留下了悬念。最终,《废墟中的海德格尔》是一篇有效的反辩护书,它将用新的、有效的武器武装海德格尔辩护人的任何批评者,但不会极大地满足那些希望与海德格尔思想的模糊性进行实质性接触的人。
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引用次数: 0
Not Hidden but Not Visible: Government Funding of Independent Schools in Canada 不隐而不显:加拿大政府资助私立学校
Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000471
Sophie Borwein, James Farney, Iryna Khovrenkov, Linda A. White
Abstract A growing body of comparative public policy research examines the effects of delegated delivery of public services and the related emergence of what is labelled a submerged state that obscures the role of government in the provision of public services. Data limitations have constrained investigations of these dynamics in Canada, including for K–12 education. In this research note, we draw on charitable tax records and provincial and federal spending data to present the evolution of provincial and federal financial support for independent schools over time, drawing on the case of British Columbia (BC). By factoring in indirect support through various tax mechanisms, we establish that BC independent schools have seen increasing financial support from both the federal and provincial governments in recent decades, primarily via tax expenditures tied to their charitable status—a “not hidden but not visible” shift in public expenditure that has substantial political, distributive and accountability implications.
越来越多的比较公共政策研究机构调查了委托提供公共服务的影响,以及相关的淹没状态的出现,这种状态模糊了政府在提供公共服务中的作用。数据限制限制了对加拿大这些动态的调查,包括对K-12教育的调查。在这份研究报告中,我们以不列颠哥伦比亚省(BC)为例,利用慈善税收记录和省级和联邦支出数据来展示省级和联邦对私立学校的财政支持随时间的演变。通过考虑各种税收机制的间接支持,我们发现卑诗省私立学校在最近几十年里得到了联邦和省政府越来越多的财政支持,主要是通过与他们的慈善地位相关的税收支出——这是一种“不隐藏但不可见”的公共支出转变,具有重大的政治、分配和问责意义。
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引用次数: 0
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Canadian Journal of Political Science
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