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Finance offshore et paradis fiscaux. Légal ou illégal ? Franck Jovanovic, Québec : Presses de l'Université du Québec, 2022, pp. 480 离岸金融和避税天堂。合法还是非法?弗兰克·约瓦诺维奇,魁北克:魁北克大学出版社,2022年,第480页
Pub Date : 2023-07-27 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423923000343
Alain Deneault
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引用次数: 0
Démystifier la formule de financement des universités Pier-André Bouchard-St-Amant, Laurence Vallée, Lucie Raymond-Brousseau et Matis Allali, Québec : Presses de l'Université du Québec, 2022, pp. 246 揭开大学资助公式的神秘面纱pierre - andre Bouchard-St-Amant, Laurence vallee, Lucie Raymond-Brousseau和Matis Allali, quebec: press de l' universite du quebec, 2022,第246页
Pub Date : 2023-07-18 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423923000331
Alexandre Beaupré-Lavallée
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引用次数: 0
Le Fiasco de la politique linguistique canadienne Charles Castonguay, Montréal : Les Éditions du Renouveau québécois, 2021, pp. 65 Charles Castonguay, montreal: Les editions du Renouveau quebecois, 2021,第65页
Pub Date : 2023-07-18 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423923000306
Y. Laberge
separatism and bolster Alberta autonomy, the Fair Deal gamble may end up setting Alberta backwards on both counts” (106). To what extent Kenney intended to quell rather than agitate sentiments of regionalism is debatable. Nevertheless, Wesley’s analysis of the popularity of the Fair Deal strategy among Albertan voters corroborates the claim that these conflict-based politics were unsuccessful by any measure. Finally, Melanee Thomas unpacks how representation theory can contribute to the growing literature on the instrumentalization of gender in Canadian conservatism. In terms of descriptive, substantive, symbolic and affective representation, the UCP is found to be lacking; indeed, Thomas explains that the UCP “use gender and progressive language when it helps craft a useful victim narrative, and otherwise ignore or refuse to sincerely address gendered issues or policies that differently affect women” (163). With Alberta at the heart of the Canadian right, these chapters represent crucial case studies with implications for both provincial and federal politics. The collection’s overarching analysis of the UCP government hits its stride when discussing specific policy sectors through periods of animosity and “boondoggles” (to use Kenney’s terminology). Case studies by Gillian Steward, Charles Webber and Lisa Young cover health care, public education and post-secondary education, respectively. Lori Williams concludes this section with an overarching chapter on the UCP government’s war with labour before and during the COVID-19 pandemic. Williams observes that the aforementioned antagonistic style of rhetoric, which she argues has been “uncompromising and needlessly punitive” (395), was also pointed inward at the public sector in Alberta. Williams concludes that in their negotiations with the Alberta Medical Association and the Alberta Teachers’ Association (among others), Kenney and his cabinet misjudged Alberta’s political culture and the subsequent unpopularity of curbing public spending with such aggression. Duane Bratt’s analysis of “Public Kenney” and “Private Kenney” and their approach to energy and environmental policy is an excellent example of the asymmetry between UCP rhetoric and action. As a whole, the collection successfully scrutinizes this distinct political theatre and Janus-faced nature of Kenney’s campaigns and policies. Nevertheless, Blue Storm’s true strength lies within specific chapters, such as those discussed above, that focus on the most pressing questions and their deeper implications. These chapters do justice to a roller coaster of a brief political era that will have a lasting impact within Alberta, providing a crucial case study for conservatism and politics in Canada.
支持分离主义和支持阿尔伯塔自治权,公平交易的赌博可能最终使阿尔伯塔在这两个方面倒退”(106)。肯尼打算在多大程度上平息而不是煽动地区主义情绪是有争议的。然而,韦斯利对公平交易策略在艾伯塔省选民中受欢迎程度的分析证实了这种基于冲突的政治以任何标准衡量都是不成功的说法。最后,梅拉尼·托马斯(Melanee Thomas)揭示了表征理论如何有助于加拿大保守主义中性别工具化的文献的增长。在描述性、实质性、象征性和情感性表征方面,UCP存在不足;事实上,托马斯解释说,UCP“使用性别和进步的语言,当它有助于制作一个有用的受害者叙述,否则忽视或拒绝真诚地解决性别问题或政策不同地影响妇女”(163)。由于阿尔伯塔是加拿大右翼的核心,这些章节代表了重要的案例研究,对省和联邦政治都有影响。这本书对统一党政府的总体分析在讨论具体的政策部门时表现得非常出色,这些部门经历了充满敌意的时期和“无聊的事情”(用肯尼的术语来说)。Gillian Steward、Charles Webber和Lisa Young的案例研究分别涵盖了医疗保健、公共教育和高等教育。洛里·威廉姆斯在本节的最后一章概述了在COVID-19大流行之前和期间,统一党政府与劳工的战争。Williams注意到,前面提到的对抗性的修辞风格,她认为是“不妥协和不必要的惩罚”(395),也指向了艾伯塔省的公共部门。威廉姆斯的结论是,在与阿尔伯塔医学协会和阿尔伯塔教师协会(以及其他组织)的谈判中,肯尼和他的内阁错误地判断了阿尔伯塔的政治文化,以及随后以这种侵略方式遏制公共支出的不受欢迎程度。Duane Bratt对“公共肯尼”和“私人肯尼”的分析以及他们对能源和环境政策的态度是UCP言论与行动之间不对称的一个很好的例子。总的来说,这个系列成功地审视了这种独特的政治舞台,以及肯尼竞选和政策的两面性。然而,《Blue Storm》的真正优势在于特定章节,例如上面讨论的那些章节,它们专注于最紧迫的问题及其更深层次的含义。这些章节公正地描述了一个短暂的政治时代的过山车,它将对阿尔伯塔省产生持久的影响,为加拿大的保守主义和政治提供了一个重要的案例研究。
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引用次数: 0
James Tully: To Think and Act Differently Alexander Livingston, ed., New York: Routledge, 2022, pp. 324 詹姆斯·塔利:以不同的方式思考和行动亚历山大·利文斯顿编,纽约:劳特利奇,2022年,第324页
Pub Date : 2023-07-18 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423923000392
Aaron J. Service
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引用次数: 1
Explaining Feminist Movement Impact: Provincial Abortion Policies in the Wake of Decriminalization, 1988–2018 解释女权运动的影响:1988-2018年非刑事化后的省级堕胎政策
Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000227
Sylvia Bashevkin
Abstract Focusing on four jurisdictions where abortion facilities and providers faced violent attacks following the Morgentaler decision of 1988, this study compares provincial government responses to core feminist demands in the area of women's reproductive health: enhanced hospital access, public funding of clinic abortions and safe zone protections. Consistent with previous research on childcare and anti-violence policies, the study finds that in neoliberal times, the presence of left governing parties in Alberta, British Columbia and Ontario generally favoured abortion rights interests while conservative regimes disadvantaged them. The article contributes valuable new insights in revealing (1) the importance of centrist leaders in Ontario and at the federal level to pro-choice policy changes, (2) the significance of feminist critical actors to these outcomes, and (3) major variation among New Democratic Party provincial governments on abortion policy. The conclusion discusses implications of these results and proposes directions for further research.
摘要本研究以1988年摩根塔勒判决后堕胎设施和提供者遭受暴力袭击的四个司法管辖区为研究对象,比较了省级政府对女性生殖健康领域女权主义核心诉求的回应:增加医院准入、诊所堕胎的公共资助和安全区保护。与之前关于儿童保育和反暴力政策的研究一致,该研究发现,在新自由主义时代,阿尔伯塔省、不列颠哥伦比亚省和安大略省的左翼执政党普遍支持堕胎权利益,而保守派政权则不利于他们。本文提供了有价值的新见解,揭示了(1)安大略省和联邦一级的中间派领导人对支持堕胎政策变化的重要性,(2)女权主义批评行为者对这些结果的重要性,以及(3)新民主党省政府在堕胎政策上的主要差异。结论部分讨论了研究结果的意义,并提出了进一步研究的方向。
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引用次数: 0
The Right and the (Provincial) Welfare State: The Case of the Coalition Avenir Québec Government 权利与(省级)福利国家:以联合政府为例
Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000379
D. Béland, S. Dinan, Olivier Jacques, P. Marier
Abstract In this article, we study how political parties located on the right of the political spectrum adapt to changing electoral and political constraints. Drawing on the concept of policy feedback, we turn to the politics of social policy in the province of Quebec to show that the Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ), a right-wing party, embraced a more centrist strategy than the preferences of its electoral base would suggest. The CAQ has rejected the austerity policies associated with the previous government and has favoured social policy expansion rather than tax cuts or a quicker return to balanced budgets. We then explore the reasons for this move toward the centre. Our evidence suggests that self-reinforcing feedback effects from existing policies shape public opinion and electoral strategies, which contribute to moderating the actions of this right-wing governing party.
在本文中,我们研究了位于政治光谱右侧的政党如何适应不断变化的选举和政治约束。利用政策反馈的概念,我们转向魁北克省的社会政策政治,以表明右翼政党Coalition Avenir qubec (CAQ)采取了一种比其选举基础所表明的更中立的战略。CAQ拒绝了与上届政府相关的紧缩政策,并倾向于扩大社会政策,而不是减税或更快地恢复预算平衡。然后,我们将探讨这种向中心移动的原因。我们的证据表明,现有政策的自我强化反馈效应塑造了公众舆论和选举策略,这有助于缓和右翼执政党的行动。
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引用次数: 0
En rupture avec l’État. Comment s'incarne le libertarianisme au Québec? Thomas Laberge, Montréal : Éditions XYZ, 2021, pp. 240 与国家决裂。自由意志主义在魁北克是如何体现的?Thomas Laberge, montreal: editions XYZ, 2021年,第240页
Pub Date : 2023-06-20 DOI: 10.1017/s0008423923000355
Frédéric Boily
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引用次数: 0
Decolonizing Research on the Carceral in Canadian Political Science 加拿大政治科学中非殖民化研究
Pub Date : 2023-06-19 DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000288
Linda Mussell
Abstract In Canada, there is renewed attention to the violence experienced by Indigenous peoples in residential schools, by police, through hyper-imprisonment and child removal, in hospitals, and in the contemporary education system. All of these issues are interlinked and outcomes of the carceral state—defined as the policing, monitoring, surveillance, criminalization and imprisonment of people, especially Indigenous and other racialized peoples. In this article, I define and illustrate what the carceral state looks like in Canada. I articulate the current approach to studying the carceral in political science, note the paucity of research in the Canadian context and show where attention has been cast previously. I describe an improved approach to studying the carceral, arguing that a decolonized approach to studying the carceral must be relational and abolitionist, seeking to reduce and eliminate the use of carceral interventions.
在加拿大,人们重新关注土著人民在寄宿学校、警察、过度监禁和儿童被带走、医院和当代教育系统中所遭受的暴力。所有这些问题都是相互关联的,并且是监禁国家的结果,其定义为对人民,特别是土著和其他种族化人民的警务、监测、监视、定罪和监禁。在本文中,我将定义并说明加拿大的carceral状态是什么样的。我阐述了目前在政治科学中研究癌症的方法,指出了在加拿大背景下研究的缺乏,并展示了以前关注的地方。我描述了一种研究癌症的改进方法,认为研究癌症的非殖民化方法必须是相关的和废除主义的,寻求减少和消除癌症干预的使用。
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引用次数: 0
Toward an Ever Looser Union? Investigating Diverging Trends in Public Opinion in Three Divided Societies 走向一个更加松散的联盟?调查三个分裂社会中民意的分歧趋势
Pub Date : 2023-06-14 DOI: 10.1017/S000842392300029X
D. Stiers, M. Hooghe
Abstract The stability of divided societies is an important and recurring concern in political science research. It has been suggested that distinctive socialization processes in the different regions of divided societies will lead to diverging trends in public opinion. Therefore, we investigate trends in public opinion on key political issues and attitudes in three divided societies: Canada (Quebec), the United Kingdom (Scotland) and Spain (Catalonia). Using over two decades of survey data, we show that these distinct communities indeed have a particular ideological profile but also that there is no indication these differences become larger over time. In other words, we do not observe any evidence for an increasing lack of public opinion coherence in these divided societies. We conclude with some observations on why divergence could not be observed at the level of public opinion but might still be present at the level of party elites.
分裂社会的稳定性是政治学研究中反复出现的一个重要问题。有人认为,在分裂社会的不同地区,不同的社会化进程将导致公众舆论的不同趋势。因此,我们调查了三个分裂社会中关键政治问题和态度的公众舆论趋势:加拿大(魁北克),英国(苏格兰)和西班牙(加泰罗尼亚)。使用超过二十年的调查数据,我们表明这些不同的社区确实有一个特定的意识形态轮廓,但也没有迹象表明这些差异随着时间的推移而变得更大。换句话说,我们没有观察到任何证据表明,在这些分裂的社会中,公众舆论越来越缺乏一致性。我们总结了一些关于为什么分歧不能在公众舆论层面观察到,但可能仍然存在于党的精英层面的观察。
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引用次数: 0
Inside the Local Campaign: Constituency Elections in Canada Alex Marland et Thierry Giasson (dir.), Vancouver : UBC Press, 2022, pp. 360 《地方竞选内部:加拿大选区选举》亚历克斯·马兰和蒂埃里·贾森(主编),温哥华:UBC出版社,2022年,第360页
Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/s000842392300032x
Marc-Antoine Martel
l’inauguration de la statue de Maurice Duplessis en 1977, lorsque le premier ministre Lévesque incitait ses contemporains voulant condamner tout ce qui précéda la « Révolution tranquille » à mesurer leurs jugements et à ne pas oublier que le duplessisme était le fruit d’une époque lointaine, impossible à appréhender entièrement avec nos critères décalés et notre manque de perspective. De plus, parmi de nombreux textes manquants, plusieurs déclarations combatives faites à l’Assemblée nationale mériteraient également d’être publiées. Je pense notamment à toutes les attaques de Lévesque contre Claude Ryan, l’accusant notamment de vouloir affaiblir le Québec devant le gouvernement fédéral. « On était à genoux, et il voudrait nous faire ramper! », s’indignait Lévesque au lendemain de la campagne référendaire de 1980. On ne peut que recommander l’acquisition de ce René Lévesque. Un homme et son siècle aux bibliothèques publiques et universitaires, même à l’extérieur du Québec, car ces textes reconfirment l’acuité et la pertinence de la pensée d’un grand humaniste, parfois mal compris ou méconnu. Dans d’autres pays, un politicien de sa trempe aurait eu droit à une édition intégrale de ses écrits et discours, en plusieurs volumes annotés et contextualisés.
Maurice Duplessis雕像落成于1977年,当首相Lévesque同时代试图谴责一切宁静革命«»衡量其判决之前,不要忘记duplessisme是很久很久以前的产物,是一个与交错的标准和我们完全无法理解的视角的缺失。此外,在许多缺失的文本中,一些在国会发表的好战声明也值得公布。我特别想到了levesque对克劳德·瑞安(Claude Ryan)的所有攻击,指责他想在联邦政府面前削弱魁北克。“我们跪着,他想让我们爬!”levesque在1980年公投运动后愤怒地说。我们只能推荐购买这个rene levesque。一个人和他的世纪在公共和大学图书馆,甚至在魁北克之外,因为这些文本再次证实了一个伟大的人文主义者的思想的尖锐和相关性,有时被误解或不为人知。在其他国家,像他这样的政治家会有他的著作和演讲的完整版本,有几卷注释和背景。
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引用次数: 0
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Canadian Journal of Political Science
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