Pub Date : 2023-02-20DOI: 10.1017/S0008423922000981
Cheryl Zurawski
Abstract This article reports on institutional ethnographic research into how texts and talk were mobilized in social relations leading to the Government of Saskatchewan's enactment of the Trespass to Property Amendment Act, 2019. The act, proclaimed January 1, 2022, requires First Nations people to get advance permission from rural landowners before exercising their Indigenous and treaty rights to hunt and fish on land deemed private property. Findings (1) connect the 2018 acquittal of Gerald Stanley for the 2016 killing of Colten Boushie to political developments that paved the way for the new legislation and (2) trace how the advance permission requirement at the heart of the new legislation tramples on Indigenous and treaty rights, making it even more difficult for First Nations people to access their traditional territories for purposes such as hunting and fishing.
{"title":"Trampling on Indigenous and Treaty Rights after R v. Stanley: “That's What You Get for Trespassing”","authors":"Cheryl Zurawski","doi":"10.1017/S0008423922000981","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423922000981","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article reports on institutional ethnographic research into how texts and talk were mobilized in social relations leading to the Government of Saskatchewan's enactment of the Trespass to Property Amendment Act, 2019. The act, proclaimed January 1, 2022, requires First Nations people to get advance permission from rural landowners before exercising their Indigenous and treaty rights to hunt and fish on land deemed private property. Findings (1) connect the 2018 acquittal of Gerald Stanley for the 2016 killing of Colten Boushie to political developments that paved the way for the new legislation and (2) trace how the advance permission requirement at the heart of the new legislation tramples on Indigenous and treaty rights, making it even more difficult for First Nations people to access their traditional territories for purposes such as hunting and fishing.","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"20 1","pages":"72 - 91"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73143958","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-17DOI: 10.1017/S0008423922000932
Robert A. Embree, D. Westlake
Abstract Federal elections between 2008 and 2019 saw a great of volatility in Quebec, with important consequences for election outcomes. The surge in New Democratic Party (NDP) support in Quebec led the party to official opposition, while Liberal gains in 2011 led the party to a majority government, and Bloc Québécois gains in 2019 helped to reduce the Liberals to a minority. To what extent was this volatility driven by voters switching parties and to what degree was it driven by voters entering and exiting the electorate? This article uses ecological inference based on riding-level data to examine the dynamics of party competition in Quebec from 2008 to 2019. We show that while voter mobilization mattered to volatility, vote switching was the important driver of changing party fortunes during this period.
{"title":"New Voters and Old Voters: Understanding Volatility in Quebecers’ Federal Election Votes between 2008 and 2019","authors":"Robert A. Embree, D. Westlake","doi":"10.1017/S0008423922000932","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423922000932","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Federal elections between 2008 and 2019 saw a great of volatility in Quebec, with important consequences for election outcomes. The surge in New Democratic Party (NDP) support in Quebec led the party to official opposition, while Liberal gains in 2011 led the party to a majority government, and Bloc Québécois gains in 2019 helped to reduce the Liberals to a minority. To what extent was this volatility driven by voters switching parties and to what degree was it driven by voters entering and exiting the electorate? This article uses ecological inference based on riding-level data to examine the dynamics of party competition in Quebec from 2008 to 2019. We show that while voter mobilization mattered to volatility, vote switching was the important driver of changing party fortunes during this period.","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"69 1","pages":"49 - 71"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89086846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-09DOI: 10.1017/S0008423922000841
Erick Sourna Loumtouang
Résumé L’étude des imaginaires occupe dans l'historiographie dédiée au nationalisme camerounais une place marginale. Cet article traite d'eux à la fois comme modalités d'invention et de transformation de l’État-Nation depuis la fin du XIXe siècle. L’étude soutient qu'au cœur des multiples césures de l'histoire du Cameroun, l'imaginaire est apparu comme une ressource dans laquelle ont puisé les acteurs pour produire des utopies qui, dans des contextes divers ont pris une dimension performative. La réflexion fait trois principales contributions : elle montre tout d'abord que l'idée du Cameroun en tant qu'entité territoriale indivisible tire ses origines de la période coloniale allemande. Elle révèle qu'au-delà de ses causes structurelles, la question anglophone au Cameroun objective l'idée d'un conflit d'imaginaires entre francophones et anglophones. L'analyse de la question diasporique souligne enfin l'influence des médias dans la production des imaginaires dans la crise anglophone.
{"title":"Imaginaires, fabrique des frontières et construction de l’État-nation au Cameroun de la période allemande à nos jours (1884–2018)","authors":"Erick Sourna Loumtouang","doi":"10.1017/S0008423922000841","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423922000841","url":null,"abstract":"Résumé L’étude des imaginaires occupe dans l'historiographie dédiée au nationalisme camerounais une place marginale. Cet article traite d'eux à la fois comme modalités d'invention et de transformation de l’État-Nation depuis la fin du XIXe siècle. L’étude soutient qu'au cœur des multiples césures de l'histoire du Cameroun, l'imaginaire est apparu comme une ressource dans laquelle ont puisé les acteurs pour produire des utopies qui, dans des contextes divers ont pris une dimension performative. La réflexion fait trois principales contributions : elle montre tout d'abord que l'idée du Cameroun en tant qu'entité territoriale indivisible tire ses origines de la période coloniale allemande. Elle révèle qu'au-delà de ses causes structurelles, la question anglophone au Cameroun objective l'idée d'un conflit d'imaginaires entre francophones et anglophones. L'analyse de la question diasporique souligne enfin l'influence des médias dans la production des imaginaires dans la crise anglophone.","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"37 1","pages":"136 - 161"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90514378","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-07DOI: 10.1017/S0008423922000890
Philip Chen, Melanee Thomas, Allison Harell, Tania Gosselin
Abstract In this research note, we document the extent to which negative beliefs about women's capacity to hold public office are widespread in Canada. Using a list experiment, our results demonstrate that many Canadians believe that men are “naturally better” leaders than are women and that women are “too emotional” and “too nice” for politics. While some groups are willing to explicitly own these views when asked directly about them (for example, older people, men, those who are more conservative and religious), others are unwilling to do so unless social desirability is mitigated (for example, younger people, left-leaning). By overcoming concerns with social desirability, we show that women still face explicit, often sexist, barriers in political work.
{"title":"Explicit Gender Stereotyping in Canadian Politics","authors":"Philip Chen, Melanee Thomas, Allison Harell, Tania Gosselin","doi":"10.1017/S0008423922000890","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423922000890","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this research note, we document the extent to which negative beliefs about women's capacity to hold public office are widespread in Canada. Using a list experiment, our results demonstrate that many Canadians believe that men are “naturally better” leaders than are women and that women are “too emotional” and “too nice” for politics. While some groups are willing to explicitly own these views when asked directly about them (for example, older people, men, those who are more conservative and religious), others are unwilling to do so unless social desirability is mitigated (for example, younger people, left-leaning). By overcoming concerns with social desirability, we show that women still face explicit, often sexist, barriers in political work.","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"47 1","pages":"209 - 221"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74460584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-06DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000033
Anthony M. Sayers, Nicole McMahon, Royce Koop
Abstract The Alberta Sovereignty within a United Canada Act is a strategic wedge aimed at raising the salience of western alienation, an issue on which the United Conservative Party and its leader, Danielle Smith, believe they can dominate their opponents and so win the May 2023 provincial election. The act signals the unprecedented circumstances in which the governing party finds itself. It is running neck-and-neck with a formidable opponent and a party leader who previously held the office of premier. Alberta has never experienced such an election.
{"title":"The Electoral Politics of Alberta's Sovereignty Act","authors":"Anthony M. Sayers, Nicole McMahon, Royce Koop","doi":"10.1017/S0008423923000033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423923000033","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Alberta Sovereignty within a United Canada Act is a strategic wedge aimed at raising the salience of western alienation, an issue on which the United Conservative Party and its leader, Danielle Smith, believe they can dominate their opponents and so win the May 2023 provincial election. The act signals the unprecedented circumstances in which the governing party finds itself. It is running neck-and-neck with a formidable opponent and a party leader who previously held the office of premier. Alberta has never experienced such an election.","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"6 1","pages":"229 - 236"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75244598","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-03DOI: 10.1017/S0008423922000919
Anna Drake
Abstract Examining recent developments in deliberative democracy alongside growing attention to system-wide racism, I look at the ways deliberative systems theory and practice deals with the tension between the theory's normative claims and the structural injustice against which deliberative systems unfold. I focus on work aimed at deepening inclusion in deliberative systems, noting that this focus on inclusion into unjust systems stops the deliberative literature from taking full responsibility for structural and systemic racism. Taking a critical approach to the deliberative literature's capacity to confront systemic racism and live up to its normative principles of treating all people as equals, I argue that we need to reframe power to centre the relationship between race and democracy. As I do so, I propose ways to begin dismantling foundational injustice in deliberative systems, centring foundational inequalities in deliberative theory and design, and setting out differential responsibilities for listening as deliberative theorists confront the problem of white supremacy in deliberative systems.
{"title":"Deliberative Democracy and Systemic Racism","authors":"Anna Drake","doi":"10.1017/S0008423922000919","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423922000919","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Examining recent developments in deliberative democracy alongside growing attention to system-wide racism, I look at the ways deliberative systems theory and practice deals with the tension between the theory's normative claims and the structural injustice against which deliberative systems unfold. I focus on work aimed at deepening inclusion in deliberative systems, noting that this focus on inclusion into unjust systems stops the deliberative literature from taking full responsibility for structural and systemic racism. Taking a critical approach to the deliberative literature's capacity to confront systemic racism and live up to its normative principles of treating all people as equals, I argue that we need to reframe power to centre the relationship between race and democracy. As I do so, I propose ways to begin dismantling foundational injustice in deliberative systems, centring foundational inequalities in deliberative theory and design, and setting out differential responsibilities for listening as deliberative theorists confront the problem of white supremacy in deliberative systems.","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"84 1","pages":"92 - 112"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76156247","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-03DOI: 10.1017/S0008423922000993
Paul Gray
In this work of interpretive political theory, Shoikhedbrod contends that Marx’s critique of liberalism has been misunderstood by supporters and detractors alike. In what Shoikhedbrod calls the “orthodox” interpretation, Marx dismisses rights and legality as such. Challenging this orthodoxy, Shoikhedbrod argues that Marx’s critique of liberalism is supported by a theory of communist right and law. Furthermore, Marx’s critique remains relevant in contemporary capitalism with its deepening inequalities. First, Shoikhedbrod offers a “reconstruction” of Marx’s critique of liberal rights and law. This terminology suggests that the materials are there, but they are fragments scattered across Marx’s various works, including newspaper articles and trial defence speeches. For Marx, liberal rights are formal, atomized, and depoliticized, because of the class domination and exploitation inherent to private ownership of the means of production. Nevertheless, Marx acknowledges the historical significance of these rights and believes that their progress beyond unequal feudal privileges will continue through the eventual transcendence of capitalism. Rights and legality will not wither away in communism. Using Hegel’s concept of aufhebung, or “sublation,” Shoikhedbrod argues that, for Marx, the freedom and equality achieved by liberal rights can be preserved while the private property that limits them can be negated. This raises freedom and equality to a higher form in which these rights are more consistently applied. This is why Marx asserts that, in communism, “the freedom of each is the condition of the freedom of all.” Second, Shoikhedbrod brings this reconstructed Marx to bear on contemporary theory and practice. Global financial capitalism has provoked renewed attention to inequality, precariousness and global justice. Shoikhedbrod engages with four thinkers who, amid these developments, have foregrounded egalitarian concerns: John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas, Axel Honneth and Nancy Fraser. All four thinkers are concerned with the ways in which the formal equalities found in right and law can be undermined by substantive social inequalities. Furthermore, all four have revisited Marx’s critique as part of their own engagement with liberalism. Shoikhedbrod contends that the reconstructed Marx can correct or supplement the shortcomings in each of their theories of liberalism. For example, Rawls’s theory of property-owning democracy could not ensure as full an expression of freedom and equality as the economic democracy of Marx’s associated production. Third, Shoikhedbrod reconsiders the relation between Marxism and the rule of law by interpreting a number of Marx’s scattered assertions about legality and constitutionalism. Shoikhedbrod argues that there are good textual grounds for rebutting the theory, exemplified by the Soviet legal scholar Evgeny Pashukanis, that class domination and state coercion are inherent to all forms of law. Shoikhedbrod contends that si
{"title":"Revisiting Marx's Critique of Liberalism: Rethinking Justice, Legality and Rights Igor Shoikhedbrod, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019, pp. 256","authors":"Paul Gray","doi":"10.1017/S0008423922000993","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423922000993","url":null,"abstract":"In this work of interpretive political theory, Shoikhedbrod contends that Marx’s critique of liberalism has been misunderstood by supporters and detractors alike. In what Shoikhedbrod calls the “orthodox” interpretation, Marx dismisses rights and legality as such. Challenging this orthodoxy, Shoikhedbrod argues that Marx’s critique of liberalism is supported by a theory of communist right and law. Furthermore, Marx’s critique remains relevant in contemporary capitalism with its deepening inequalities. First, Shoikhedbrod offers a “reconstruction” of Marx’s critique of liberal rights and law. This terminology suggests that the materials are there, but they are fragments scattered across Marx’s various works, including newspaper articles and trial defence speeches. For Marx, liberal rights are formal, atomized, and depoliticized, because of the class domination and exploitation inherent to private ownership of the means of production. Nevertheless, Marx acknowledges the historical significance of these rights and believes that their progress beyond unequal feudal privileges will continue through the eventual transcendence of capitalism. Rights and legality will not wither away in communism. Using Hegel’s concept of aufhebung, or “sublation,” Shoikhedbrod argues that, for Marx, the freedom and equality achieved by liberal rights can be preserved while the private property that limits them can be negated. This raises freedom and equality to a higher form in which these rights are more consistently applied. This is why Marx asserts that, in communism, “the freedom of each is the condition of the freedom of all.” Second, Shoikhedbrod brings this reconstructed Marx to bear on contemporary theory and practice. Global financial capitalism has provoked renewed attention to inequality, precariousness and global justice. Shoikhedbrod engages with four thinkers who, amid these developments, have foregrounded egalitarian concerns: John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas, Axel Honneth and Nancy Fraser. All four thinkers are concerned with the ways in which the formal equalities found in right and law can be undermined by substantive social inequalities. Furthermore, all four have revisited Marx’s critique as part of their own engagement with liberalism. Shoikhedbrod contends that the reconstructed Marx can correct or supplement the shortcomings in each of their theories of liberalism. For example, Rawls’s theory of property-owning democracy could not ensure as full an expression of freedom and equality as the economic democracy of Marx’s associated production. Third, Shoikhedbrod reconsiders the relation between Marxism and the rule of law by interpreting a number of Marx’s scattered assertions about legality and constitutionalism. Shoikhedbrod argues that there are good textual grounds for rebutting the theory, exemplified by the Soviet legal scholar Evgeny Pashukanis, that class domination and state coercion are inherent to all forms of law. Shoikhedbrod contends that si","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"20 1","pages":"490 - 491"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82243800","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-23DOI: 10.1017/S000842392300001X
James Collie, R. Bhattacharjee
Abstract Premier of Alberta Danielle Smith's comments comparing the Alberta Sovereignty within a United Canada Act to the Indian Act have sparked widespread outrage and condemnation. Premier Smith would later clarify that these remarks were intended to demonstrate that Alberta and First Nations have a “common problem” with Ottawa. In this brief article, we argue that these comments, as well as the act itself, can be analyzed using Jerald Sabin's contested colonialism framework. We then provide a brief critical discussion of what our analysis means for Canadian politics by addressing the possible intentions and harms of the comments.
{"title":"Problematizing Settler Grievances: Danielle Smith and Contested Colonialism","authors":"James Collie, R. Bhattacharjee","doi":"10.1017/S000842392300001X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S000842392300001X","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Premier of Alberta Danielle Smith's comments comparing the Alberta Sovereignty within a United Canada Act to the Indian Act have sparked widespread outrage and condemnation. Premier Smith would later clarify that these remarks were intended to demonstrate that Alberta and First Nations have a “common problem” with Ottawa. In this brief article, we argue that these comments, as well as the act itself, can be analyzed using Jerald Sabin's contested colonialism framework. We then provide a brief critical discussion of what our analysis means for Canadian politics by addressing the possible intentions and harms of the comments.","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"2 1","pages":"222 - 228"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75050286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-19DOI: 10.1017/s0008423922001007
A. B. Sajoo
{"title":"Reclaiming Populism: How Economic Fairness Can Win Back Disenchanted Voters Eric Protzer and Paul Summerville, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2022, pp. 213 (paperback)","authors":"A. B. Sajoo","doi":"10.1017/s0008423922001007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0008423922001007","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"60 1","pages":"243 - 245"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78206608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-06DOI: 10.1017/s0008423922000956
N. Gauvin
Quelle part de l’humanité n’est pas encore totalement intégrée au capitalisme ambiant ? Y’a-t-il un espace de résistance politique au capital qui peut encore agir en tant que catalyseur des luttes sociales ? Voilà le questionnement que Gavin Walker articule dans Marx et la politique du dehors. Dans une ère où la mondialisation économique se déploie sans grande résistance et où la gauche peine à formuler un projet de société alternatif, un tel questionnement est hautement à-propos. Pour Walker, le « dehors » du capital renvoie à divers éléments de la structure sociale (travail, sexe, genre, nation), dont il ne peut faire l’économie. Autrement dit, le capital en soi ne peut produire ni réguler plusieurs aspects du monde social dont il dépend pourtant (18). Walker pose du même coup l’omniprésence du capital. Un dehors pur du capital serait un objet fantasmé. Penser un dehors sans capitalisme c’est autrement dit se condamner à l’impuissance politique, d’où la nécessité de penser leur articulation de manière dialectique. Dans les deux premières parties de l’ouvrage (chapitres 1 à 7), Walker revient sur le moment originaire du capital, celui de l’accumulation initiale. En effet, l’accumulation initiale instaure un ordre dans lequel les producteurs sont séparés des moyens de production par une violence légale. Sans moyens de production, les producteurs sont contraints de vendre leur force de travail et de créer de la plus-value. En tant que force planétaire, le capital se territorialise pour capturer les éléments malléables de la force de travail. C’est dans le cadre de ce processus qu’apparaît l’État-nation. Convoquant Étienne Balibar, Walker affirme que l’accumulation initiale est productrice d’une « différence anthropologique » (141). La construction de la citoyenneté va de pair avec celle d’une subjectivité nationale (113). C’est dans le cadre de ce même processus qu’apparaît la distinction entre périphérie et colonie. Le discours de la citoyenneté sert de fondement non seulement à l’État moderne, mais aussi « à sa genèse impériale et coloniale » (135). À cet égard, s’appuyant sur les travaux de Gilles Deleuze et de Félix Guattari, Walker montre bien que l’Occident est une notion abstraite dont le fonctionnement interne nécessite le recours à une territorialité extérieure. Ce schéma d’un monde divisé en régions découle d’un appareil de capture qui trace des frontières. Cette capture s’opère ainsi : le flux des corps qui existaient auparavant sera désormais un groupe territorialisé, le flux des mots qui circule une langue nationale, le flux des rituels une culture (158). Le capital a donc besoin de ce « dehors » national pour pouvoir étendre son emprise. C’est aussi dans ce contexte que se déploie la pensée postcoloniale qui a le potentiel de devenir un lieu d’investigations militantes, pour autant qu’elle renonce au fantasme de « la plénitude de la substantialité ethnique » (253). Cette compréhension des rapports sociaux s’avère pertinente dans la m
{"title":"Marx et la politique du dehors Gavin Walker, traduit de l'anglais par Jonathan Martineau, Montréal: Lux Éditeur, 2022, pp. 456","authors":"N. Gauvin","doi":"10.1017/s0008423922000956","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0008423922000956","url":null,"abstract":"Quelle part de l’humanité n’est pas encore totalement intégrée au capitalisme ambiant ? Y’a-t-il un espace de résistance politique au capital qui peut encore agir en tant que catalyseur des luttes sociales ? Voilà le questionnement que Gavin Walker articule dans Marx et la politique du dehors. Dans une ère où la mondialisation économique se déploie sans grande résistance et où la gauche peine à formuler un projet de société alternatif, un tel questionnement est hautement à-propos. Pour Walker, le « dehors » du capital renvoie à divers éléments de la structure sociale (travail, sexe, genre, nation), dont il ne peut faire l’économie. Autrement dit, le capital en soi ne peut produire ni réguler plusieurs aspects du monde social dont il dépend pourtant (18). Walker pose du même coup l’omniprésence du capital. Un dehors pur du capital serait un objet fantasmé. Penser un dehors sans capitalisme c’est autrement dit se condamner à l’impuissance politique, d’où la nécessité de penser leur articulation de manière dialectique. Dans les deux premières parties de l’ouvrage (chapitres 1 à 7), Walker revient sur le moment originaire du capital, celui de l’accumulation initiale. En effet, l’accumulation initiale instaure un ordre dans lequel les producteurs sont séparés des moyens de production par une violence légale. Sans moyens de production, les producteurs sont contraints de vendre leur force de travail et de créer de la plus-value. En tant que force planétaire, le capital se territorialise pour capturer les éléments malléables de la force de travail. C’est dans le cadre de ce processus qu’apparaît l’État-nation. Convoquant Étienne Balibar, Walker affirme que l’accumulation initiale est productrice d’une « différence anthropologique » (141). La construction de la citoyenneté va de pair avec celle d’une subjectivité nationale (113). C’est dans le cadre de ce même processus qu’apparaît la distinction entre périphérie et colonie. Le discours de la citoyenneté sert de fondement non seulement à l’État moderne, mais aussi « à sa genèse impériale et coloniale » (135). À cet égard, s’appuyant sur les travaux de Gilles Deleuze et de Félix Guattari, Walker montre bien que l’Occident est une notion abstraite dont le fonctionnement interne nécessite le recours à une territorialité extérieure. Ce schéma d’un monde divisé en régions découle d’un appareil de capture qui trace des frontières. Cette capture s’opère ainsi : le flux des corps qui existaient auparavant sera désormais un groupe territorialisé, le flux des mots qui circule une langue nationale, le flux des rituels une culture (158). Le capital a donc besoin de ce « dehors » national pour pouvoir étendre son emprise. C’est aussi dans ce contexte que se déploie la pensée postcoloniale qui a le potentiel de devenir un lieu d’investigations militantes, pour autant qu’elle renonce au fantasme de « la plénitude de la substantialité ethnique » (253). Cette compréhension des rapports sociaux s’avère pertinente dans la m","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"11 1","pages":"237 - 238"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80153113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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