Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000276
A. Blanchet, Normand Landry
Résumé Cet article étudie les attitudes des Québécois à l’égard des personnes assistées sociales. Il s'intéresse à la variation du niveau d'aide mensuel que les Québécois sont prêts à leur accorder en fonction du profil de prestataires. L'article vise plus spécifiquement à étudier l'influence de l'aptitude au travail en tant qu'heuristique de mérite structurant l'opinion des Québécois. Nos résultats indiquent que les Québécois sont d'avis que les prestataires de l'assistance sociale devraient recevoir des soutiens mensuels inférieurs à ce qu'ils considèrent être le revenu minimum nécessaire pour couvrir les besoins de base. L'opinion des Québécois quant au niveau adéquat d'aide devant être offerte aux personnes assistées sociales est aussi fortement structurée par la question de l'aptitude au travail et par la perception que les individus sont en contrôle de leur situation. Finalement, la notion d'aptitude au travail se distingue clairement d'une variété d'autres caractéristiques individuelles pouvant influencer les opinions des Québécois.
{"title":"L'aptitude au travail comme heuristique de mérite dans la formation des opinions à l’égard des personnes assistées sociales","authors":"A. Blanchet, Normand Landry","doi":"10.1017/S0008423923000276","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423923000276","url":null,"abstract":"Résumé Cet article étudie les attitudes des Québécois à l’égard des personnes assistées sociales. Il s'intéresse à la variation du niveau d'aide mensuel que les Québécois sont prêts à leur accorder en fonction du profil de prestataires. L'article vise plus spécifiquement à étudier l'influence de l'aptitude au travail en tant qu'heuristique de mérite structurant l'opinion des Québécois. Nos résultats indiquent que les Québécois sont d'avis que les prestataires de l'assistance sociale devraient recevoir des soutiens mensuels inférieurs à ce qu'ils considèrent être le revenu minimum nécessaire pour couvrir les besoins de base. L'opinion des Québécois quant au niveau adéquat d'aide devant être offerte aux personnes assistées sociales est aussi fortement structurée par la question de l'aptitude au travail et par la perception que les individus sont en contrôle de leur situation. Finalement, la notion d'aptitude au travail se distingue clairement d'une variété d'autres caractéristiques individuelles pouvant influencer les opinions des Québécois.","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"11 1","pages":"325 - 348"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85551370","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1017/s0008423923000318
Y. Laberge
{"title":"René Lévesque. Un homme et son siècle Guy Lachapelle (dir.), Québec : Presses de l'Université Laval, pp. 264","authors":"Y. Laberge","doi":"10.1017/s0008423923000318","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0008423923000318","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"116 1","pages":"496 - 497"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79370301","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000252
Antoine Bilodeau, L. Turgeon
Résumé Certaines études suggèrent que le projet de Charte des valeurs du PQ et la loi 21 ont nourri un sentiment d'exclusion chez les membres des religions minoritaires. Cependant, aucune étude ne permet à ce jour de comparer le sentiment d'appartenance des minorités religieuses avant et après la mise à l'agenda de ces projets législatifs. Ancrée dans la recherche sur les « événements focalisateurs » et reposant sur des données de trois sondages réalisés en 2012, 2014 et 2019, notre étude examine l'impact des débats sur laïcité sur le sentiment d'appartenance des immigrants racisés au Québec. Nos résultats démontrent qu'un déficit d'appartenance au Québec par rapport au Canada existait déjà en 2012, mais qu'il était circonscrit à certains groupes, notamment ceux de dénominations non chrétiennes et les non francophones. Nos analyses montrent aussi qu'avec les débats sur la laïcité, le déficit d'appartenance au Québec s'est étendu aux minorités non religieuses et aux francophones.
{"title":"Débats sur la laïcité et sentiment d'appartenance chez les immigrants racisés au Québec : Mieux comprendre l'impact des « événements focalisateurs »","authors":"Antoine Bilodeau, L. Turgeon","doi":"10.1017/S0008423923000252","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423923000252","url":null,"abstract":"Résumé Certaines études suggèrent que le projet de Charte des valeurs du PQ et la loi 21 ont nourri un sentiment d'exclusion chez les membres des religions minoritaires. Cependant, aucune étude ne permet à ce jour de comparer le sentiment d'appartenance des minorités religieuses avant et après la mise à l'agenda de ces projets législatifs. Ancrée dans la recherche sur les « événements focalisateurs » et reposant sur des données de trois sondages réalisés en 2012, 2014 et 2019, notre étude examine l'impact des débats sur laïcité sur le sentiment d'appartenance des immigrants racisés au Québec. Nos résultats démontrent qu'un déficit d'appartenance au Québec par rapport au Canada existait déjà en 2012, mais qu'il était circonscrit à certains groupes, notamment ceux de dénominations non chrétiennes et les non francophones. Nos analyses montrent aussi qu'avec les débats sur la laïcité, le déficit d'appartenance au Québec s'est étendu aux minorités non religieuses et aux francophones.","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"66 1","pages":"349 - 371"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76528434","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1017/s0008423923000380
Lahcen Fatah
Résumé Depuis l'annonce du rachat de Twitter par Elon Musk, les risques quant à l'avenir du réseau social laissent entrevoir l'avènement d'un « Frankenstein 2.0 » – une notion qui fait référence aux grandes entreprises de technologie dont le contrôle échappe à leurs créateurs. Derrière cet événement se pose la question des dérives technologiques et de leurs impacts sur la société. C'est une occasion pour les gouvernements et en particulier celui du Canada, qui encourage l'ouverture des données et les politiques en faveur des technologies, de redéfinir les règles du jeu. En ce sens, quelques recommandations sont proposées en vue de consolider l'encadrement normatif des technologies au Canada. La loi sur l'intelligence artificielle et les données (LIAD), actuellement en discussion au sein du Parlement, devrait en effet aller plus loin concernant la transparence des systèmes automatisés et renforcer ses exigences en matière de gouvernance des données « algorithmiques ».
{"title":"Twitter ou l'avènement d'un « Frankenstein 2.0 » ? L'impact des géants de la technologie sur la société et le poids des gouvernements face aux dérives technologiques","authors":"Lahcen Fatah","doi":"10.1017/s0008423923000380","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0008423923000380","url":null,"abstract":"Résumé Depuis l'annonce du rachat de Twitter par Elon Musk, les risques quant à l'avenir du réseau social laissent entrevoir l'avènement d'un « Frankenstein 2.0 » – une notion qui fait référence aux grandes entreprises de technologie dont le contrôle échappe à leurs créateurs. Derrière cet événement se pose la question des dérives technologiques et de leurs impacts sur la société. C'est une occasion pour les gouvernements et en particulier celui du Canada, qui encourage l'ouverture des données et les politiques en faveur des technologies, de redéfinir les règles du jeu. En ce sens, quelques recommandations sont proposées en vue de consolider l'encadrement normatif des technologies au Canada. La loi sur l'intelligence artificielle et les données (LIAD), actuellement en discussion au sein du Parlement, devrait en effet aller plus loin concernant la transparence des systèmes automatisés et renforcer ses exigences en matière de gouvernance des données « algorithmiques ».","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135642776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-24DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000173
Réal Carrière, Royce Koop
Abstract Despite long-standing academic interest in Indigenous peoples and the Canadian state, there has been little study of Indigenous elected officials as representational actors. We ask: What are the distinctively Indigenous forms of representation practised by Indigenous elected officials in Canada? And how does clarifying the role of Indigenous elected officials as representatives both contribute to and enhance our overall understanding of Indigenous politics, governance and sovereignty? We draw on the existing literatures on substantive representation as well as original interviews conducted with current and former Indigenous elected officials to develop an original conceptualization of Indigenous representation. These actors differ in their perceptions of themselves and their roles as representatives, the representational behaviours they engage in and the outcomes they seek. Our conceptualization of Indigenous representation engages with four themes: Indigenous perspective, Indigenous advocacy, balance with other imperatives including constituency representation and party discipline, and Indigenous nationhood.
{"title":"Indigenous Political Representation in Canada","authors":"Réal Carrière, Royce Koop","doi":"10.1017/S0008423923000173","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423923000173","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Despite long-standing academic interest in Indigenous peoples and the Canadian state, there has been little study of Indigenous elected officials as representational actors. We ask: What are the distinctively Indigenous forms of representation practised by Indigenous elected officials in Canada? And how does clarifying the role of Indigenous elected officials as representatives both contribute to and enhance our overall understanding of Indigenous politics, governance and sovereignty? We draw on the existing literatures on substantive representation as well as original interviews conducted with current and former Indigenous elected officials to develop an original conceptualization of Indigenous representation. These actors differ in their perceptions of themselves and their roles as representatives, the representational behaviours they engage in and the outcomes they seek. Our conceptualization of Indigenous representation engages with four themes: Indigenous perspective, Indigenous advocacy, balance with other imperatives including constituency representation and party discipline, and Indigenous nationhood.","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"205 1","pages":"257 - 278"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84791989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-23DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000203
Tracey Raney, R. McGregor
Abstract Since the #MeToo movement, several countries have taken steps to address sexual harassment in politics (for example, the United States, United Kingdom and Canada). While researchers have evaluated the electability of candidates accused of sexual harassment, less is known about what the public thinks should happen when elected officials engage in this behaviour. Utilizing an innovative module from the 2019 Canadian Election Study, we assess the steps voters believe legislatures should take when an MP sexually harasses someone. Our results demonstrate that a vast majority of the public believes that MPs should face consequences when they commit sexual harassment, including potential removal from office. We also find that women are more likely than men to believe MPs should be punished when they are accused of sexual harassment. These findings have relevance for legislatures globally, revealing the importance of transparent, independent processes to address harassment and violence in the political sphere.
{"title":"Beyond the Ballot Box: Sexual Harassment and Legislative Accountability in Canadian Politics","authors":"Tracey Raney, R. McGregor","doi":"10.1017/S0008423923000203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423923000203","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Since the #MeToo movement, several countries have taken steps to address sexual harassment in politics (for example, the United States, United Kingdom and Canada). While researchers have evaluated the electability of candidates accused of sexual harassment, less is known about what the public thinks should happen when elected officials engage in this behaviour. Utilizing an innovative module from the 2019 Canadian Election Study, we assess the steps voters believe legislatures should take when an MP sexually harasses someone. Our results demonstrate that a vast majority of the public believes that MPs should face consequences when they commit sexual harassment, including potential removal from office. We also find that women are more likely than men to believe MPs should be punished when they are accused of sexual harassment. These findings have relevance for legislatures globally, revealing the importance of transparent, independent processes to address harassment and violence in the political sphere.","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"4 1","pages":"396 - 412"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87151508","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-22DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000185
Zack Taylor, Jack Lucas, J. Kirby, C. Hewitt
Abstract We introduce new data resources to enable spatial and nonspatial research on Canadian elections, electoral history and political geography. These include a comprehensive set of distinct identification codes for every federal electoral district in Canada from 1867 to the present, a complete set of digital boundary files for these electoral districts, historical census data aggregated to federal electoral districts, and tools to connect our district identification codes to federal election results. After describing the construction and content of these new resources, we provide an example of their use in a comparative-historical analysis of district compactness in Canada and the United States. We find that, in contrast to the United States, postwar institutional changes to district boundary-drawing processes had little effect on district compactness in Canada.
{"title":"Canada's Federal Electoral Districts, 1867–2021: New Digital Boundary Files and a Comparative Investigation of District Compactness","authors":"Zack Taylor, Jack Lucas, J. Kirby, C. Hewitt","doi":"10.1017/S0008423923000185","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423923000185","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract We introduce new data resources to enable spatial and nonspatial research on Canadian elections, electoral history and political geography. These include a comprehensive set of distinct identification codes for every federal electoral district in Canada from 1867 to the present, a complete set of digital boundary files for these electoral districts, historical census data aggregated to federal electoral districts, and tools to connect our district identification codes to federal election results. After describing the construction and content of these new resources, we provide an example of their use in a comparative-historical analysis of district compactness in Canada and the United States. We find that, in contrast to the United States, postwar institutional changes to district boundary-drawing processes had little effect on district compactness in Canada.","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"19 1","pages":"451 - 467"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81861733","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-11DOI: 10.1017/S000842392300015X
Mike Medeiros, Timothy B. Gravelle
Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic has seen opponents of public health mandates deploy a range of populist and anti-elite arguments. The 2021 Canadian federal election was an exceptional “pandemic election” in which the COVID-19 health crisis took centre stage. But the election campaign also saw the populist People's Party of Canada (PPC) rise to prominence by opposing pandemic-related public health restrictions. While the party failed to win a seat, it did manage to triple its vote share (1.6 per cent to 4.9 per cent). It is unclear, however, what factors led to the rise in support for the PPC. To explore this issue, we draw on an original post-election survey (n = 18,950) and focus on populist attitudes and opposition to COVID-19-related public health restrictions. Results from regression models and structural equation models (SEMs) indicate that opposition to public health restrictions was a much stronger factor than populism in shaping support for the PPC.
{"title":"Pandemic Populism: Explaining Support for the People's Party of Canada in the 2021 Federal Election","authors":"Mike Medeiros, Timothy B. Gravelle","doi":"10.1017/S000842392300015X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S000842392300015X","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic has seen opponents of public health mandates deploy a range of populist and anti-elite arguments. The 2021 Canadian federal election was an exceptional “pandemic election” in which the COVID-19 health crisis took centre stage. But the election campaign also saw the populist People's Party of Canada (PPC) rise to prominence by opposing pandemic-related public health restrictions. While the party failed to win a seat, it did manage to triple its vote share (1.6 per cent to 4.9 per cent). It is unclear, however, what factors led to the rise in support for the PPC. To explore this issue, we draw on an original post-election survey (n = 18,950) and focus on populist attitudes and opposition to COVID-19-related public health restrictions. Results from regression models and structural equation models (SEMs) indicate that opposition to public health restrictions was a much stronger factor than populism in shaping support for the PPC.","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"50 1","pages":"413 - 434"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88449390","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-10DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000161
Joanna Everitt, M. Tremblay
Abstract Recent increases in the number of openly LGBTQ2+ candidates have not resulted in a corresponding rise in the number of LGBTQ2+ politicians elected to the Canadian House of Commons, reviving the hypothesis of the “sacrificial lamb” candidacies. Drawing upon Lovenduski and Norris’ work on political recruitment, we analyze the backgrounds and experiences of the 172 LGBTQ2+ candidates who ran in the 2015, 2019 and 2021 federal elections in Canada. Our approach is based on the idea that LGBTQ2+ candidacies are the new sacrificial lambs of Canadian politics, although some of them seem less likely to be sacrificed than others. Indeed, we highlight how the electoral opportunities (for example, district competitiveness) afforded to LGBTQ2+ cis men are more likely to result in success than those afforded to LGBTQ2+ cis women or gender minority candidates.
{"title":"Are Openly LGBTQ2+ the New Sacrificial Lambs? Campaign Contexts and the Gendered Implications for LGBTQ2+ Candidates","authors":"Joanna Everitt, M. Tremblay","doi":"10.1017/S0008423923000161","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423923000161","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Recent increases in the number of openly LGBTQ2+ candidates have not resulted in a corresponding rise in the number of LGBTQ2+ politicians elected to the Canadian House of Commons, reviving the hypothesis of the “sacrificial lamb” candidacies. Drawing upon Lovenduski and Norris’ work on political recruitment, we analyze the backgrounds and experiences of the 172 LGBTQ2+ candidates who ran in the 2015, 2019 and 2021 federal elections in Canada. Our approach is based on the idea that LGBTQ2+ candidacies are the new sacrificial lambs of Canadian politics, although some of them seem less likely to be sacrificed than others. Indeed, we highlight how the electoral opportunities (for example, district competitiveness) afforded to LGBTQ2+ cis men are more likely to result in success than those afforded to LGBTQ2+ cis women or gender minority candidates.","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"84 1","pages":"300 - 324"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75314923","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-09DOI: 10.1017/S0008423923000264
S. Beaudoin, P. Simard, Annie Chaloux
Résumé Les changements climatiques occupent une place centrale en gouvernance mondiale de l'environnement. Vu l'envergure des défis à résoudre, la plus récente Conférence des Parties (CdP) de la Convention-cadre des Nations Unies sur les changements climatiques (CCNUCC), la CdP-27, faisait face à de grandes attentes. Ce court article offre un bilan critique de la CdP-27. L'article présente une synthèse des résultats de cette CdP en étudiant quatre volets principaux, soit l'atténuation des émissions de gaz à effet de serre (GES), l'augmentation du financement climatique, l'adaptation aux changements climatiques et les pertes et préjudices. Il dresse ainsi un portait des résultats de la CdP-27 au regard des attentes qui avaient été établies au préalable par les parties prenantes. L'article se conclut par une analyse prospective des principaux enjeux à suivre d'ici la CdP-28 et au-delà. Il permet ainsi de faire le point sur les plus récents développements, d’éclairer les avancées à venir et de contribuer aux discussions sur la gouvernance mondiale du climat.
{"title":"La 27e Conférence des Parties de la Convention-cadre des Nations unies sur les changements climatiques : un bilan critique","authors":"S. Beaudoin, P. Simard, Annie Chaloux","doi":"10.1017/S0008423923000264","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008423923000264","url":null,"abstract":"Résumé Les changements climatiques occupent une place centrale en gouvernance mondiale de l'environnement. Vu l'envergure des défis à résoudre, la plus récente Conférence des Parties (CdP) de la Convention-cadre des Nations Unies sur les changements climatiques (CCNUCC), la CdP-27, faisait face à de grandes attentes. Ce court article offre un bilan critique de la CdP-27. L'article présente une synthèse des résultats de cette CdP en étudiant quatre volets principaux, soit l'atténuation des émissions de gaz à effet de serre (GES), l'augmentation du financement climatique, l'adaptation aux changements climatiques et les pertes et préjudices. Il dresse ainsi un portait des résultats de la CdP-27 au regard des attentes qui avaient été établies au préalable par les parties prenantes. L'article se conclut par une analyse prospective des principaux enjeux à suivre d'ici la CdP-28 et au-delà. Il permet ainsi de faire le point sur les plus récents développements, d’éclairer les avancées à venir et de contribuer aux discussions sur la gouvernance mondiale du climat.","PeriodicalId":9491,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of Political Science","volume":"34 1","pages":"474 - 482"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87619068","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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