This article examines the rise and fall of the department of economic history at Monash University, between 1967 and 1993, through the prism of the careers of academics John McCarty and Angus Sinclair. The Monash staff personnel files reveal the importance of a small number of influential ‘God Professors’ in the initial appointment, and in the eventual loss of the department in the face of expanding business education.
{"title":"A portent of academic upheaval: The story of John McCarty, W. A. ‘Gus’ Sinclair and the Chair of Economic History at Monash University, 1967–1993","authors":"Alex Millmow","doi":"10.1111/aehr.12296","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aehr.12296","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article examines the rise and fall of the department of economic history at Monash University, between 1967 and 1993, through the prism of the careers of academics John McCarty and Angus Sinclair. The Monash staff personnel files reveal the importance of a small number of influential ‘God Professors’ in the initial appointment, and in the eventual loss of the department in the face of expanding business education.</p>","PeriodicalId":100132,"journal":{"name":"Asia‐Pacific Economic History Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141536870","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 1901 the British Parliament approved the Federation of its Australian Colonies to create the Commonwealth of Australia as a Dominion within the British Empire, ending half a century of border difficulties at a time when a developing settler community was establishing its economic viability. This research examines how the Murray River between Albury in the colony of New South Wales (NSW), and Echuca in Victoria (known as ‘the Upper Murray’), took on dual but contradictory roles. In the absence of developed land transport systems, rivers became avenues of access for the settlement and exploitation of hinterland regions. The Murray River developed as an invaluable transport link between a part of inland Australia and world markets. But it also acted as a physical and political divide between adjacent colonies, following the establishment of South Australia in 1836, and separation of the Port Phillip District from NSW to form the colony of Victoria in 1850. The development of the paddle steamer trade was essential to the Murray River's role as a transport link. The operation of commercial paddle steamers on the Upper Murray lasted only a few decades, but it provided vital trade, communications, and transport links during a period marked by Britain's industrial revolution (which demanded more raw wool), and the dramatic population inflow resulting from gold discoveries in Australia. This thesis contends that the Upper Murray and Riverina communities were influenced by, and reacted to, the development of steam navigation and to the decisions of the Imperial Parliament that made the river a colonial, or quasi-national border, allowing the individual colonial governments to make decisions in their own perceived best interests. The steam trade also fostered problems and movements for separation, annexation, and federation.
Human activity occurs within the bounds of unique bio-physical environments and can be influenced by those environments through direct exploitation or modification to make them more amenable to intended human activity. Just as the Indigenous people have significant belonging to, and influence over the environment, so European and other new settlers influenced the environment and become part of it. Early European settlers saw the Murray River system as valuable but difficult resource to exploit. By the time steamer traffic began on the river, for example, the difficulties posed by fallen trees were well known. Clearing the river for navigation was envisioned as enhancing access to wider markets, but the perceived benefits of a navigable river differed between the colonies. Governments were pressured to help overcome some of the problems the river posed to navigation, leading to discussion, and sometimes disagreement, between the colonial governments on strategies to realise this perceived potential.
Victoria, NSW, and South Australia were colonies within the British Empire and as such were subject to no over-riding loca
{"title":"The river Murray as a transport conduit and political barrier: ‘Following the course of that friendly river’ in trade, transport and diplomacy, 1836–1901","authors":"David George Spurr, Jennifer Jones","doi":"10.1111/aehr.12295","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aehr.12295","url":null,"abstract":"<p>In 1901 the British Parliament approved the Federation of its Australian Colonies to create the Commonwealth of Australia as a Dominion within the British Empire, ending half a century of border difficulties at a time when a developing settler community was establishing its economic viability. This research examines how the Murray River between Albury in the colony of New South Wales (NSW), and Echuca in Victoria (known as ‘the Upper Murray’), took on dual but contradictory roles. In the absence of developed land transport systems, rivers became avenues of access for the settlement and exploitation of hinterland regions. The Murray River developed as an invaluable transport link between a part of inland Australia and world markets. But it also acted as a physical and political divide between adjacent colonies, following the establishment of South Australia in 1836, and separation of the Port Phillip District from NSW to form the colony of Victoria in 1850. The development of the paddle steamer trade was essential to the Murray River's role as a transport link. The operation of commercial paddle steamers on the Upper Murray lasted only a few decades, but it provided vital trade, communications, and transport links during a period marked by Britain's industrial revolution (which demanded more raw wool), and the dramatic population inflow resulting from gold discoveries in Australia. This thesis contends that the Upper Murray and Riverina communities were influenced by, and reacted to, the development of steam navigation and to the decisions of the Imperial Parliament that made the river a colonial, or quasi-national border, allowing the individual colonial governments to make decisions in their own perceived best interests. The steam trade also fostered problems and movements for separation, annexation, and federation.</p><p>Human activity occurs within the bounds of unique bio-physical environments and can be influenced by those environments through direct exploitation or modification to make them more amenable to intended human activity. Just as the Indigenous people have significant belonging to, and influence over the environment, so European and other new settlers influenced the environment and become part of it. Early European settlers saw the Murray River system as valuable but difficult resource to exploit. By the time steamer traffic began on the river, for example, the difficulties posed by fallen trees were well known. Clearing the river for navigation was envisioned as enhancing access to wider markets, but the perceived benefits of a navigable river differed between the colonies. Governments were pressured to help overcome some of the problems the river posed to navigation, leading to discussion, and sometimes disagreement, between the colonial governments on strategies to realise this perceived potential.</p><p>Victoria, NSW, and South Australia were colonies within the British Empire and as such were subject to no over-riding loca","PeriodicalId":100132,"journal":{"name":"Asia‐Pacific Economic History Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aehr.12295","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141537041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Environmental conditions significantly affected development in the Asian tropics. This paper investigates the relationship between weather risk and agriculture in four regions with distinct climatological features. Using new data, we estimate the scale of crop output sensitivity to rainfall shocks across ecological zones. Output was sensitive to shocks in regions with low levels, concentrated spells and high volatility of rainfall. Canal irrigation protected some districts while unirrigated regions remained vulnerable. Regions with high rainfall levels and long seasons remained protected. Regions with large interruptions deterred investment and were underdeveloped while regions with small interruptions invited investment-led growth.
{"title":"Water and development in the Asian tropics, 1900–1939","authors":"Maanik Nath, Chung-Tang Cheng, Vigyan D. Ratnoo","doi":"10.1111/aehr.12285","DOIUrl":"10.1111/aehr.12285","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Environmental conditions significantly affected development in the Asian tropics. This paper investigates the relationship between weather risk and agriculture in four regions with distinct climatological features. Using new data, we estimate the scale of crop output sensitivity to rainfall shocks across ecological zones. Output was sensitive to shocks in regions with low levels, concentrated spells and high volatility of rainfall. Canal irrigation protected some districts while unirrigated regions remained vulnerable. Regions with high rainfall levels and long seasons remained protected. Regions with large interruptions deterred investment and were underdeveloped while regions with small interruptions invited investment-led growth.</p>","PeriodicalId":100132,"journal":{"name":"Asia‐Pacific Economic History Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aehr.12285","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141384650","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The concept remains heavily contested, but can be summarised as the idea that humanity has, through the emission of greenhouse gases associated with industry and agriculture, begun shaping the very geology of our planet.
My thesis begins from this context, from the pressing contemporary conjuncture of fires, floods, ecosystem collapse and – paradoxically – rapid expansion of fossil capital in the form of natural gas, and other follies. It has been argued that this moment calls for ‘urgent histories’ (Rees & Huf, 2020), that the ‘shock of the Anthropocene’ ought to ramify through how we approach our work as historians. It is for this reason, that my work considers how the radical implications of our current crises might cause us to reconsider histories of capitalism in Australia.
Debates around the conceptualization of the Anthropocene have generated several neologisms that offer to capture this historic process with greater precision: pyrocene, plantationocene, Cthulucene, necrocene, to name a few. Each brings attention to the limitations of the Anthropocene as an analytic frame. This has been consistently argued by Jason W. Moore; ‘the Anthropocene perspective engages the really big questions of historical change… These are questions that the Anthropocene can pose, but cannot answer’ (Moore, 2016, p. 80). This, due to its reinforcement of the philosophical separation of Society and Nature, and its tendency to homogenise all of humanity into the Anthropos. This too-broad analytic also leads to vast differences in periodisation, with dramatic political implications. Within that conceptual debate, the ‘Capitalocene’ has been proffered as a periodization that is historically, analytically, and politically preferable. This concept clearly names the socioecological relations of capitalism as productive of our current crises. By framing the problem in this way, ‘we move from the consequences of environment-making to its conditions and its causes… [In-so-doing] a new set of connections appears…’ (Moore, 2016, p. 78). We begin to identify the ‘world-ecology’ of capitalism as ‘a relation of capital, power, and nature as an organic whole’ (Ibid., p. 81). It is the argument of my thesis, that capitalism is now the primary determinant of the production of nature, and resultant socioecological crises. We live in a conjuncture of socioecological crisis; we live in the Capitalocene.
For an economic historian, these are strong claims – characterising socioecological relations on the continent of Australia as specifically capitalist, and then arguing that these relations are directly responsible for contemporary socioecological crisis. The twin purpose of this thesis was to develop a theoretical framework to explain and characterise these relations and their internal relationships, but also to specify these theoretical claims historically. The way this was achieved was by deploying the
我的论文正是从这一背景出发,从火灾、洪水、生态系统崩溃以及--矛盾的是--以天然气为形式的化石资本的快速扩张和其他愚蠢行为等当代紧迫问题入手。有人认为,这一时刻需要 "紧迫的历史"(Rees & Huf, 2020),"人类世的冲击 "应该影响我们作为历史学家的工作方式。正是出于这个原因,我的作品考虑了当前危机的激进影响如何促使我们重新考虑澳大利亚的资本主义历史。围绕 "人类世 "概念化的辩论产生了几个新名词,以更精确地捕捉这一历史进程:火世、种植园世、Cthulucene、necrocene,等等。每一种说法都让人注意到 "人类世 "作为一种分析框架的局限性。杰森-W-摩尔(Jason W. Moore)一直认为:"人类世视角涉及历史变迁的真正重大问题......这些问题是人类世可以提出,但无法回答的"(摩尔,2016 年,第 80 页)。这是因为它强化了社会与自然的哲学分离,并倾向于将全人类同质化为人类。这种过于宽泛的分析方法也导致了时期划分上的巨大差异,产生了戏剧性的政治影响。在这场概念辩论中,"资本世 "被认为是一种在历史、分析和政治上都更可取的时期划分。这一概念明确指出,资本主义的社会生态关系是我们当前危机的根源。通过以这种方式界定问题,"我们从环境制造的后果转向其条件和原因......[这样做]出现了一系列新的联系......"(Moore,2016 年,第 78 页)。我们开始将资本主义的'世界生态'视为'资本、权力和自然作为一个有机整体的关系'(同上,第 81 页)。我的论文的论点是,资本主义现在是自然生产的主要决定因素,也是由此产生的社会生态危机的主要决定因素。我们生活在社会生态危机的关头;我们生活在资本世。对于一个经济史学家来说,这些都是强有力的主张--将澳大利亚大陆的社会生态关系描述为特殊的资本主义关系,然后论证这些关系是当代社会生态危机的直接原因。本论文的双重目的是建立一个理论框架来解释和描述这些关系及其内部关系,同时也从历史角度明确这些理论主张。实现这一目标的方法是将 "商品前沿 "的概念作为研究范围和方法。继贝克特(2014)的《棉花帝国》(Empire of Cotton)之后,商品疆域成为全球史和经济史中的一个新兴主题。越来越多的学者将目光投向这些时空时刻,以解释资本主义的扩张动力--在某些情况下,也是为了对资本主义本身的性质进行一般性论证。"那么,什么是'商品前沿'?社会科学各学科出现了一种新趋势,即在捕捉地点和机构的混乱性的同时,关注特定商品以解释资本主义的总体情况--即研究 "商品前沿 "及其与世界系统整体的关系。例如,罗斯(2017)调查了几种商品,将帝国描述为生态帝国,跨越热带地区的棉花、可可、橡胶、锡、铜和石油。戈什(Ghosh,2021 年)将肉豆蔻的故事视为殖民主义和气候危机的故事,认为这具有更广泛的意义。这是一个耐人寻味的最新进展,尤其是考虑到马克思(1976/1992,第 125-138 页)本人曾将商品的一般形式作为其政治经济学批判的出发点。然而,与马克思的抽象开端不同,这一新兴的当代文献立足于对商品边界的实证思考,其论点是 "通过商品边界的视角研究资本主义的全球历史,并将商品制度作为分析框架,对于理解资本主义的起源和性质,进而理解现代世界至关重要"(Beckert et al、然而,贝克特等人并没有意识到,摩尔的著作中蕴含着深厚的历史唯物主义前因,因此他们截断了商品疆域成为一种更激进的认识论出发点的可能性。
{"title":"‘Our land abounds in nature's gifts’: Commodity frontiers, Australian capitalism, and socioecological crisis","authors":"Matthew D. J. Ryan","doi":"10.1111/aehr.12292","DOIUrl":"10.1111/aehr.12292","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The concept remains heavily contested, but can be summarised as the idea that humanity has, through the emission of greenhouse gases associated with industry and agriculture, begun shaping the very geology of our planet.</p><p>My thesis begins from this context, from the pressing contemporary conjuncture of fires, floods, ecosystem collapse and – paradoxically – rapid expansion of fossil capital in the form of natural gas, and other follies. It has been argued that this moment calls for ‘urgent histories’ (Rees & Huf, <span>2020</span>), that the ‘shock of the Anthropocene’ ought to ramify through how we approach our work as historians. It is for this reason, that my work considers how the radical implications of our current crises might cause us to reconsider histories of capitalism in Australia.</p><p>Debates around the conceptualization of the Anthropocene have generated several neologisms that offer to capture this historic process with greater precision: pyrocene, plantationocene, Cthulucene, necrocene, to name a few. Each brings attention to the limitations of the Anthropocene as an analytic frame. This has been consistently argued by Jason W. Moore; ‘the Anthropocene perspective engages the really big questions of historical change… These are questions that the Anthropocene can pose, but cannot answer’ (Moore, <span>2016</span>, p. 80). This, due to its reinforcement of the philosophical separation of Society and Nature, and its tendency to homogenise all of humanity into the <i>Anthropos</i>. This too-broad analytic also leads to vast differences in periodisation, with dramatic political implications. Within that conceptual debate, the ‘Capitalocene’ has been proffered as a periodization that is historically, analytically, and politically preferable. This concept clearly names <i>the socioecological relations of capitalism</i> as productive of our current crises. By framing the problem in this way, ‘we move from the consequences of environment-making to its conditions and its causes… [In-so-doing] a new set of connections appears…’ (Moore, <span>2016</span>, p. 78). We begin to identify the ‘world-ecology’ of capitalism as ‘a relation of capital, power, and nature as an organic whole’ (Ibid., p. 81). It is the argument of my thesis, that capitalism is now the primary determinant of the production of nature, and resultant socioecological crises. We live in a conjuncture of socioecological crisis; we live in the Capitalocene.</p><p>For an economic historian, these are strong claims – characterising socioecological relations on the continent of Australia as specifically capitalist, and then arguing that these relations are directly responsible for contemporary socioecological crisis. The twin purpose of this thesis was to develop a theoretical framework to explain and characterise these relations and their internal relationships, but also to specify these theoretical claims historically. The way this was achieved was by deploying the ","PeriodicalId":100132,"journal":{"name":"Asia‐Pacific Economic History Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aehr.12292","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141265772","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Loonwonnylowe is an hour-glass-shaped island, of 353 km2, lying close off the south-east coast of Tasmania, and now known as Bruny Island. It comprises two bioregions that, with a temperate maritime climate, 250 km of coastline, diverse geology, and hills rising over 500 m, encompass highly variable habitats containing rich suites of natural resources. Over the past 6000 years it was the home of 30 or so Aborigines. The inhabitants maintained close relationships with nearby Tasmanian mainland tribes who lived across a swimmable strait, less than 2 km wide in places. This proximity to the mainland contributed to the rapid obliteration of Loonwonnylowe's inhabitants when, in 1804, British colonists established a permanent settlement, Hobart, just 20 km to the north. British hegemony manifested immediately through wide-scale depredation of the natural resources that were fundamental to the daily existence of Loonwonnylowe's inhabitants. This culminated with the murder, kidnapping, rape, and death of the Aborigines from introduced diseases.
Frontiers in Australia, particularly Tasmania, have attracted extensive historical treatments. Nevertheless, modern histories (for example, Clements, 2013) barely acknowledge the invasion of Loonwonnylowe, despite it suffering Tasmania's earliest European incursions. Loonwonnylowe provides a remarkable location for a microhistorical study of the evolution of a frontier due to its contained island nature, allied with a wealth of ethnographic and historical evidence related to its people and their destruction. My thesis interrogates this evidence.
Chapter 1 introduces the rationale and methodological approach of the study. As an archaeologist, I am trained to extract the maximum of information from minimal material: to employ, for example, a variety of evidence-based techniques on a single piece of shell, a stone flake, or a fugitive hand-print, in order to tell a coherent story of the past. I have applied the same mindset here to documentary sources. I was influenced by the method of enquiry advocated by Norwegian philosopher Arne Naess of asking ever-deeper questions of a particular norm, term, or concept, until the basis for a fundamental understanding is reached (Hay, 2002). I was also influenced by the ideas of logical positivists, promulgated by the ‘new archaeology’ of the 1960s and 1970s, who sought to use scientific methods to leverage data to promote, refine, and test hypotheses about the past (Binford, 2001). Silberbauer's (1994) recommendation to perform ‘rescue anthropology’ using ethnohistorical sources in the absence of a traditional forager people to study and question about their past, also resonated with me. Drawing on ethnohistorical sources such as diaries, newspaper accounts, advertising, and shipping news, allows for the emergence of a detailed account of the Aboriginal dispossession. In 1829, the British eventually a
{"title":"Frontier of space, frontier of mind: The British invasion of Loonwonnylowe","authors":"Don Ranson","doi":"10.1111/aehr.12294","DOIUrl":"10.1111/aehr.12294","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Loonwonnylowe is an hour-glass-shaped island, of 353 km<sup>2</sup>, lying close off the south-east coast of Tasmania, and now known as Bruny Island. It comprises two bioregions that, with a temperate maritime climate, 250 km of coastline, diverse geology, and hills rising over 500 m, encompass highly variable habitats containing rich suites of natural resources. Over the past 6000 years it was the home of 30 or so Aborigines. The inhabitants maintained close relationships with nearby Tasmanian mainland tribes who lived across a swimmable strait, less than 2 km wide in places. This proximity to the mainland contributed to the rapid obliteration of Loonwonnylowe's inhabitants when, in 1804, British colonists established a permanent settlement, Hobart, just 20 km to the north. British hegemony manifested immediately through wide-scale depredation of the natural resources that were fundamental to the daily existence of Loonwonnylowe's inhabitants. This culminated with the murder, kidnapping, rape, and death of the Aborigines from introduced diseases.</p><p>Frontiers in Australia, particularly Tasmania, have attracted extensive historical treatments. Nevertheless, modern histories (for example, Clements, <span>2013</span>) barely acknowledge the invasion of Loonwonnylowe, despite it suffering Tasmania's earliest European incursions. Loonwonnylowe provides a remarkable location for a microhistorical study of the evolution of a frontier due to its contained island nature, allied with a wealth of ethnographic and historical evidence related to its people and their destruction. My thesis interrogates this evidence.</p><p>Chapter 1 introduces the rationale and methodological approach of the study. As an archaeologist, I am trained to extract the maximum of information from minimal material: to employ, for example, a variety of evidence-based techniques on a single piece of shell, a stone flake, or a fugitive hand-print, in order to tell a coherent story of the past. I have applied the same mindset here to documentary sources. I was influenced by the method of enquiry advocated by Norwegian philosopher Arne Naess of asking ever-deeper questions of a particular norm, term, or concept, until the basis for a fundamental understanding is reached (Hay, <span>2002</span>). I was also influenced by the ideas of logical positivists, promulgated by the ‘new archaeology’ of the 1960s and 1970s, who sought to use scientific methods to leverage data to promote, refine, and test hypotheses about the past (Binford, <span>2001</span>). Silberbauer's (<span>1994</span>) recommendation to perform ‘rescue anthropology’ using ethnohistorical sources in the absence of a traditional forager people to study and question about their past, also resonated with me. Drawing on ethnohistorical sources such as diaries, newspaper accounts, advertising, and shipping news, allows for the emergence of a detailed account of the Aboriginal dispossession. In 1829, the British eventually a","PeriodicalId":100132,"journal":{"name":"Asia‐Pacific Economic History Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aehr.12294","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141271284","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The arrival of the motor car in Australia at the turn of the twentieth century was a signifier of modernity that eventually transformed Australian landscapes, economy and society. The car has been much studied in Australian social and cultural historiographies (Conlon & Perkins, 2001; Davison, 2004), but these have mainly focused on the machines themselves and the people who own them. Continually overlooked are the new areas of work created by the arrival of the car, such as car repair and maintenance. Unlike cars, which have clearly evolved throughout the twentieth century, motor mechanics are perceived as iconic members of Australia's working class, associated with the timeless imagery: young men in grease-stained overalls holding wrenches. Rather than contributing to a sense of the mechanic's timelessness, however, this thesis historicises the work they performed and how it changed over the twentieth century.
This thesis explores the emergence of the motor mechanic trade in Australia at the beginning of the twentieth century and follows its development through to 1970. By this time, the key developments this thesis explores – the process through which mechanics became emblematic members of the working-class, associated with the particularly masculine “grease monkey” stereotype – was effectively complete. This study builds upon previous work internationally, notably Borg (2007), which documents a history of the mechanic trade in the United States. In doing so, however, it seeks to build upon our understanding of class in a particularly Australian context. The working-class identity that mechanics are heavily associated with today was not inherent in their origins. Rather, its creation was historical process that aligns to theories of class formation presented in the works of Thompson (1968), Connell and Irving (1992).
The dissertation contains seven chapters, organised by three major time periods. Chapters One and Two explore the origins of the trade and its formalisation. This includes transformations in class relations early in the twentieth century as the motor car arrived in Australia. Chapters Three and Four cover the disruptions of the Second World War, both from a military and civilian perspective, and how the war changed the direction of the trade. The final three chapters present the core developments that led to the lowering of the status of mechanics, both from a sociocultural, labour and economic perspective.
This thesis begins by exploring skill as a historical concept, drawing on the work of Ben Maddison, who himself adopts the theories of Antonio Gramsci. Maddison (1995, 2007) suggests the old understanding of ‘artisanal skill’ was characteristically mysterious, unknowable to outsiders but instinctual to – and thus controlled by – craftsmen. Industrialisation undermined this ‘mystery’, removing the control of knowle
{"title":"Grease monkeys: A history of Australia's motor mechanic trade, 1900–1970","authors":"Michael P. R. Pearson","doi":"10.1111/aehr.12293","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aehr.12293","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The arrival of the motor car in Australia at the turn of the twentieth century was a signifier of modernity that eventually transformed Australian landscapes, economy and society. The car has been much studied in Australian social and cultural historiographies (Conlon & Perkins, <span>2001</span>; Davison, <span>2004</span>), but these have mainly focused on the machines themselves and the people who own them. Continually overlooked are the new areas of work created by the arrival of the car, such as car repair and maintenance. Unlike cars, which have clearly evolved throughout the twentieth century, motor mechanics are perceived as iconic members of Australia's working class, associated with the timeless imagery: young men in grease-stained overalls holding wrenches. Rather than contributing to a sense of the mechanic's timelessness, however, this thesis historicises the work they performed and how it changed over the twentieth century.</p><p>This thesis explores the emergence of the motor mechanic trade in Australia at the beginning of the twentieth century and follows its development through to 1970. By this time, the key developments this thesis explores – the process through which mechanics became emblematic members of the working-class, associated with the particularly masculine “grease monkey” stereotype – was effectively complete. This study builds upon previous work internationally, notably Borg (<span>2007</span>), which documents a history of the mechanic trade in the United States. In doing so, however, it seeks to build upon our understanding of class in a particularly Australian context. The working-class identity that mechanics are heavily associated with today was not inherent in their origins. Rather, its creation was historical process that aligns to theories of class formation presented in the works of Thompson (<span>1968</span>), Connell and Irving (<span>1992</span>).</p><p>The dissertation contains seven chapters, organised by three major time periods. Chapters One and Two explore the origins of the trade and its formalisation. This includes transformations in class relations early in the twentieth century as the motor car arrived in Australia. Chapters Three and Four cover the disruptions of the Second World War, both from a military and civilian perspective, and how the war changed the direction of the trade. The final three chapters present the core developments that led to the lowering of the status of mechanics, both from a sociocultural, labour and economic perspective.</p><p>This thesis begins by exploring skill as a historical concept, drawing on the work of Ben Maddison, who himself adopts the theories of Antonio Gramsci. Maddison (<span>1995</span>, <span>2007</span>) suggests the old understanding of ‘artisanal skill’ was characteristically mysterious, unknowable to outsiders but instinctual to – and thus controlled by – craftsmen. Industrialisation undermined this ‘mystery’, removing the control of knowle","PeriodicalId":100132,"journal":{"name":"Asia‐Pacific Economic History Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aehr.12293","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141537052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the human toll of the 1944–1945 famine in Java, Indonesia's main island. It estimates birth and death rates for the Indonesian population in Java during 1941–1951. Using the net population loss method, the article approximates a net loss of 3.3 million people during the 1942–1945 Japanese occupation period. This includes 1.8 million excess deaths; 0.7 million during 1944 and 1.1 million during 1945. The remainder are 1.4 million missing births in 1944 and 1945, associated with the malnutrition of women of childbearing ages and physical separation of wives from husbands recruited by Japanese authorities for forced labour.
{"title":"Mortality from the 1944–1945 famine in Java, Indonesia","authors":"Pierre van der Eng","doi":"10.1111/aehr.12287","DOIUrl":"10.1111/aehr.12287","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This article examines the human toll of the 1944–1945 famine in Java, Indonesia's main island. It estimates birth and death rates for the Indonesian population in Java during 1941–1951. Using the net population loss method, the article approximates a net loss of 3.3 million people during the 1942–1945 Japanese occupation period. This includes 1.8 million excess deaths; 0.7 million during 1944 and 1.1 million during 1945. The remainder are 1.4 million missing births in 1944 and 1945, associated with the malnutrition of women of childbearing ages and physical separation of wives from husbands recruited by Japanese authorities for forced labour.</p>","PeriodicalId":100132,"journal":{"name":"Asia‐Pacific Economic History Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aehr.12287","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141018241","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Land pawning is considered inefficient because it causes property rights to be unclearly delineated. Despite this, it once prevailed worldwide. We propose that this system flourished when state capacity was weak and the private sector spontaneously managed public affairs. Local collaboration made it difficult to sell land outright to an outsider who might be an unreliable collaborator. Land pawning granted the pawner's family and neighbours a ‘probation’ period to observe the pawnee's behaviour. If they found the pawnee irresponsible, they could still redeem the land. Data compiled from contracts in Qing Taiwan support our hypothesis.
{"title":"Property rights in a weak state: Evidence from land pawning in Qing Taiwan (1683–1895)","authors":"Shao-yu Jheng, Hui-wen Koo, Kun-jung Wu","doi":"10.1111/aehr.12288","DOIUrl":"10.1111/aehr.12288","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Land pawning is considered inefficient because it causes property rights to be unclearly delineated. Despite this, it once prevailed worldwide. We propose that this system flourished when state capacity was weak and the private sector spontaneously managed public affairs. Local collaboration made it difficult to sell land outright to an outsider who might be an unreliable collaborator. Land pawning granted the pawner's family and neighbours a ‘probation’ period to observe the pawnee's behaviour. If they found the pawnee irresponsible, they could still redeem the land. Data compiled from contracts in Qing Taiwan support our hypothesis.</p>","PeriodicalId":100132,"journal":{"name":"Asia‐Pacific Economic History Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141057247","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Using 1930s panel data from Osaka City, we estimate the production function in the metal and machinery sectors in Japan to identify the factors that influence the establishment of mass-production methods. Subcontracting income per total revenue had a positive correlation with metal and machinery output. While material-intensive technology was used, scale-economy-type technology was not observed in this sector. The greater return on capital for smaller plants was attributed to efficient capital stock utilisation and subsistence wages. The division of labour between firms, through which materials and parts were traded, contributed to output expansions in the 1930s.
{"title":"Division of labour in the production structure and mass production in pre-war Japan: Lessons from the metal and machinery sectors in Osaka City","authors":"Shota Moriwaki","doi":"10.1111/aehr.12286","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aehr.12286","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Using 1930s panel data from Osaka City, we estimate the production function in the metal and machinery sectors in Japan to identify the factors that influence the establishment of mass-production methods. Subcontracting income per total revenue had a positive correlation with metal and machinery output. While material-intensive technology was used, scale-economy-type technology was not observed in this sector. The greater return on capital for smaller plants was attributed to efficient capital stock utilisation and subsistence wages. The division of labour between firms, through which materials and parts were traded, contributed to output expansions in the 1930s.</p>","PeriodicalId":100132,"journal":{"name":"Asia‐Pacific Economic History Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141536877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This special issue of the Asia Pacific Economic History Review explores the impact of colonisation on Indigenous populations across the Pacific and American West from the late eighteenth to the early twentieth century. Three of the contributing articles examine ways of modelling Indigeous populations at point of contact and the scale and pace of subsequent declines. A further two explore the problematics of counting violent deaths on the frontier and reconstructing the factors motivating settler aggression. The last article examines the impact of colonisation on sex ratios and the implications of this for marriage rates between and within different ethnicities.
{"title":"Indigenous populations of the Pacific and American West","authors":"Sumner La Croix, Hamish Maxwell-Stewart","doi":"10.1111/aehr.12284","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aehr.12284","url":null,"abstract":"<p>This special issue of the Asia Pacific Economic History Review explores the impact of colonisation on Indigenous populations across the Pacific and American West from the late eighteenth to the early twentieth century. Three of the contributing articles examine ways of modelling Indigeous populations at point of contact and the scale and pace of subsequent declines. A further two explore the problematics of counting violent deaths on the frontier and reconstructing the factors motivating settler aggression. The last article examines the impact of colonisation on sex ratios and the implications of this for marriage rates between and within different ethnicities.</p>","PeriodicalId":100132,"journal":{"name":"Asia‐Pacific Economic History Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aehr.12284","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140000729","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}