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A portent of academic upheaval: The story of John McCarty, W. A. ‘Gus’ Sinclair and the Chair of Economic History at Monash University, 1967–1993 学术动荡的预兆:1967-1993 年约翰-麦卡蒂、W. A. 'Gus' 辛克莱尔和莫纳什大学经济史教席的故事
N/A ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-26 DOI: 10.1111/aehr.12296
Alex Millmow

This article examines the rise and fall of the department of economic history at Monash University, between 1967 and 1993, through the prism of the careers of academics John McCarty and Angus Sinclair. The Monash staff personnel files reveal the importance of a small number of influential ‘God Professors’ in the initial appointment, and in the eventual loss of the department in the face of expanding business education.

本文以约翰-麦卡蒂(John McCarty)和安格斯-辛克莱(Angus Sinclair)两位学者的职业生涯为视角,研究了 1967 年至 1993 年间莫纳什大学经济史系的兴衰。莫纳什大学教职员工的人事档案揭示了少数有影响力的 "上帝教授 "在最初的任命中的重要性,也揭示了该系在商业教育不断扩大的情况下最终消失的原因。
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引用次数: 0
The river Murray as a transport conduit and political barrier: ‘Following the course of that friendly river’ in trade, transport and diplomacy, 1836–1901 作为运输通道和政治屏障的墨累河:1836-1901 年贸易、运输和外交中的 "沿着这条友好的河流前行
N/A ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-25 DOI: 10.1111/aehr.12295
David George Spurr, Jennifer Jones

In 1901 the British Parliament approved the Federation of its Australian Colonies to create the Commonwealth of Australia as a Dominion within the British Empire, ending half a century of border difficulties at a time when a developing settler community was establishing its economic viability. This research examines how the Murray River between Albury in the colony of New South Wales (NSW), and Echuca in Victoria (known as ‘the Upper Murray’), took on dual but contradictory roles. In the absence of developed land transport systems, rivers became avenues of access for the settlement and exploitation of hinterland regions. The Murray River developed as an invaluable transport link between a part of inland Australia and world markets. But it also acted as a physical and political divide between adjacent colonies, following the establishment of South Australia in 1836, and separation of the Port Phillip District from NSW to form the colony of Victoria in 1850. The development of the paddle steamer trade was essential to the Murray River's role as a transport link. The operation of commercial paddle steamers on the Upper Murray lasted only a few decades, but it provided vital trade, communications, and transport links during a period marked by Britain's industrial revolution (which demanded more raw wool), and the dramatic population inflow resulting from gold discoveries in Australia. This thesis contends that the Upper Murray and Riverina communities were influenced by, and reacted to, the development of steam navigation and to the decisions of the Imperial Parliament that made the river a colonial, or quasi-national border, allowing the individual colonial governments to make decisions in their own perceived best interests. The steam trade also fostered problems and movements for separation, annexation, and federation.

Human activity occurs within the bounds of unique bio-physical environments and can be influenced by those environments through direct exploitation or modification to make them more amenable to intended human activity. Just as the Indigenous people have significant belonging to, and influence over the environment, so European and other new settlers influenced the environment and become part of it. Early European settlers saw the Murray River system as valuable but difficult resource to exploit. By the time steamer traffic began on the river, for example, the difficulties posed by fallen trees were well known. Clearing the river for navigation was envisioned as enhancing access to wider markets, but the perceived benefits of a navigable river differed between the colonies. Governments were pressured to help overcome some of the problems the river posed to navigation, leading to discussion, and sometimes disagreement, between the colonial governments on strategies to realise this perceived potential.

Victoria, NSW, and South Australia were colonies within the British Empire and as such were subject to no over-riding loca

1901 年,英国议会批准了澳大利亚殖民地联邦,成立了澳大利亚联邦,成为大英帝国的一个统治区,结束了长达半个世纪的边界困境,而此时,发展中的移民社区正在建立其经济生存能力。本研究探讨了新南威尔士州(NSW)殖民地阿尔伯里和维多利亚州埃丘卡之间的墨累河(被称为 "上墨累河")是如何扮演双重但又相互矛盾的角色的。由于缺乏发达的陆路运输系统,河流成为人们定居和开发腹地的通道。墨累河成为连接澳大利亚内陆地区和世界市场的重要交通纽带。但是,随着 1836 年南澳大利亚州的建立,以及 1850 年菲利普港区从新南威尔士州分离出来,形成维多利亚殖民地,穆雷河也成为相邻殖民地之间的物理和政治分界线。划桨蒸汽船贸易的发展对墨累河作为运输纽带的作用至关重要。上墨累河上商业桨式蒸汽船的运营仅持续了几十年,但它在英国工业革命(需要更多的原羊毛)和澳大利亚发现黄金导致人口急剧流入的时期提供了重要的贸易、通信和运输纽带。本论文认为,上墨累和里弗里纳社区受到了蒸汽航运发展和帝国议会决定的影响,并对这些决定做出了反应,帝国议会决定将河流划为殖民地或准国家边界,允许各个殖民地政府根据自己认为的最佳利益做出决定。人类活动发生在独特的生物物理环境的范围内,并可能通过直接开发或改造这些环境使其更适合预期的人类活动而受到这些环境的影响。正如原住民对环境有着重要的归属感和影响力一样,欧洲人和其他新移民也影响着环境,并成为环境的一部分。早期的欧洲移民将墨累河水系视为宝贵但难以开发的资源。例如,当蒸汽船开始在该河上航行时,倒下的树木所带来的困难已众所周知。清理河道以便通航被认为是为了扩大市场准入,但各殖民地对通航河道带来的好处的认识却不尽相同。维多利亚州、新南威尔士州和南澳大利亚州都是大英帝国的殖民地,因此没有凌驾于地方当局之上的权力,允许它们在帝国规定的范围内根据自己的最佳利益进行立法。英国议会决定建立南澳大利亚州,允许维多利亚州沿墨累河从新南威尔士州分离出来,并给予每个殖民地一定程度的责任政府,使其有能力决定自己的但非歧视性的海关制度,这使得河流边界成为货物和人员流动的政治障碍。殖民地关税必须是非歧视性的法令规定,殖民地给予邻国优惠关税条件是非法的。从新南威尔士州或在任何两个殖民地之间进口到维多利亚州的某种商品所征收的关税率,必须与从另一个殖民地、英国或任何其他国家进口的相同商品所征收的关税率相同。这样的条件使得澳大利亚殖民地无法发展自由贸易联盟。殖民地政府对税收的需求和保护国内工业的压力影响了进口关税的决策。边境居民并不总能看到或理解这一更广泛的情况,他们在经历边境关税的影响后对其做出了反应。随后在墨累河实施的边境措施分裂了习惯于物资和人员自由过河的定居者社区。上墨累和里弗里纳地区距离墨尔本比悉尼更近,这使得前者成为更具吸引力的商业中心和港口。从墨尔本到墨累的铁路网的发展加强了这一吸引力。由于上墨累河和里弗纳河位于墨尔本的经济腹地,进出维多利亚州的边境口岸对贸易和交往至关重要。因此,墨累河在海关方面起到了准国际边界的作用。临近的沿河社区与远方国家的贸易一样,需要遵守相同的关税制度。 商品和人员过境的条件也取决于殖民地政府不断变化的政策。不同的海关制度以及对殖民地之间自由贸易的限制,尤其令边境社区深恶痛绝,也影响了人们对沿海首府殖民地立法机构的态度。这些边境海关问题经常在城市立法机构之间的殖民地间辩论中出现。本论文研究了当地报刊或更广泛的殖民报刊的通讯员所表达的社区对海关问题的反应。研究利用了报纸和政府公报,它们提供了有关地方、殖民地和帝国范围内立法决策和事件的当代描述。通过会议报道、社论和读者来信,表达了边境社区普遍存在的观点和态度。报纸通常会为这些辩论制定议程,并提供解释框架,让人们了解边界问题。墨累河是澳大利亚唯一一条作为殖民地边界的交通干线,这在澳大利亚是独一无二的。在殖民地铁路系统发展之前,在可行的情况下,河运是将羊毛运往南澳大利亚海港的最具成本效益的方式。蒸汽船航线正好位于维多利亚州和新南威尔士州之间的殖民地边界河流沿岸,这阻碍了贸易的运作。维多利亚州和南澳大利亚州的殖民政府都对这条河流运输路线青睐有加,并努力提高其通航能力。南澳大利亚州政府对河船企业家给予补贴,州长也亲自参与其中,这都证明了南澳大利亚州政府对河运的特别关注。在新南威尔士州与维多利亚州交界处,墨累河完全位于新南威尔士州境内,但距离悉尼很远,因此内河航运将贸易引向了其他殖民地。新南威尔士州认为,将稀缺资源用于河流改善并不会带来什么好处。研究揭示了殖民地之间的猜忌和私利如何阻碍了内河贸易的发展。在后来开发水坝和水闸之前,河流的流量是无法控制的,而且流量的变化也给航行带来了问题。清理掉落在河面上的木料,即所谓的 "打捞",需要耗费稀缺的殖民资源。殖民地政府对清理河道的态度取决于他们如何计算影响其殖民地的成本/收益比。南澳大利亚最初是河流清理的最大受益者,但当埃丘卡通过铁路与墨尔本相连时,维多利亚州也从中获益良多。新南威尔士州还需要考虑其他河流的问题,而铁路方面的支出也使可用资金捉襟见肘。因此,勇于承担风险的企业家们相信自己有能力调动资本并运营一个行业并从中获利,他们是利用墨累河进行贸易、运输和通讯的核心人物。弗朗西斯-卡德尔(Francis Cadell)和威廉-兰德尔(William Randell)是蒸汽贸易领域的对立企业家,他们开创了墨累河航运,并最终将服务扩展到了上墨累河。弗朗西斯-卡德尔于 1849 年 1 月从苏格兰来到南澳大利亚,他拥有丰富的航海经验和专业知识,他的家族在煤矿和航运方面都有利益。卡德尔努力争取并游说殖民地政府为河道清理提供资金,通过支付工程费用和减少船只损坏,他的商业利益从中受益。清河工作使汽船贸易受益,但对生态环境造成了长期破坏。虽然内河蒸汽船由私人投资者出资,但清障和码头建设等工作需要公共资金,而公共资金并不总是能到位。需要清理的大部分河段都在新南威尔士州,而新南威尔士州是通过改造河流获益最少的殖民地。与发展中的公共铁路系统不同,私营企业家提供的河流运输设施几乎不需要公共资金。位于埃丘卡的第一条连接墨累河的铁路提供了与墨尔本港的连接,刺激了上墨累河的河流贸易。十年后,维多利亚州的铁路系统延伸至沃东加,并最终延伸至瓦古尼亚(Wahgunyah),这导致了前往阿尔伯里的上墨累蒸汽船贸易的衰落。然而,维多利亚州对来自阿尔伯里和里弗里纳地区的小麦征收的进口税延长了新南威尔士州港口之间沿墨累河的殖民地内部贸易的寿命。巴马的木材供应缺乏铁路出口,这意味着森林资源与埃丘卡港之间的河流贸易一直持续到 20 世纪,而此时大部分上游河流贸易已经结束。 这项研究认识到了河流沿岸社区所产生的怨恨和疏离感。论文详细介绍了决定这些河流社区可能开展的经济活动类型的生物物理条件。当时的条件有利于需要大片土地的畜牧业。英国的情况鼓励在自然环境的限制下将羊毛业作为一种可行的出口商品。因此,当地的既得利益者,包括牧场主,为了方便将其产品运往市场,游说各自的政府发展港口设施,以吸引内河贸易。作为洲际贸易体系的一部分,羊毛业对上墨累河国际、洲际和殖民地内部运输的发展至关重要,但贸易设施也被用于其他进出口活动。墨累河不仅是国际贸易的运输通道,而且与经由埃丘卡的铁路连在
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引用次数: 0
Water and development in the Asian tropics, 1900–1939 1900-1939 年亚洲热带地区的水与发展
N/A ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-05 DOI: 10.1111/aehr.12285
Maanik Nath, Chung-Tang Cheng, Vigyan D. Ratnoo

Environmental conditions significantly affected development in the Asian tropics. This paper investigates the relationship between weather risk and agriculture in four regions with distinct climatological features. Using new data, we estimate the scale of crop output sensitivity to rainfall shocks across ecological zones. Output was sensitive to shocks in regions with low levels, concentrated spells and high volatility of rainfall. Canal irrigation protected some districts while unirrigated regions remained vulnerable. Regions with high rainfall levels and long seasons remained protected. Regions with large interruptions deterred investment and were underdeveloped while regions with small interruptions invited investment-led growth.

环境条件极大地影响了亚洲热带地区的发展。本文研究了气候特征明显的四个地区的天气风险与农业之间的关系。利用新数据,我们估算了不同生态区域作物产量对降雨冲击的敏感程度。在降雨量低、降雨集中和降雨波动性大的地区,产出对冲击非常敏感。运河灌溉保护了一些地区,而未灌溉地区仍然很脆弱。降雨量大、雨季长的地区仍然受到保护。降雨中断次数多的地区阻碍了投资,发展不足,而降雨中断次数少的地区则吸引了以投资为主导的增长。
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引用次数: 0
‘Our land abounds in nature's gifts’: Commodity frontiers, Australian capitalism, and socioecological crisis 我们的土地盛产大自然的馈赠":商品疆界、澳大利亚资本主义和社会生态危机
N/A ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-04 DOI: 10.1111/aehr.12292
Matthew D. J. Ryan

The concept remains heavily contested, but can be summarised as the idea that humanity has, through the emission of greenhouse gases associated with industry and agriculture, begun shaping the very geology of our planet.

My thesis begins from this context, from the pressing contemporary conjuncture of fires, floods, ecosystem collapse and – paradoxically – rapid expansion of fossil capital in the form of natural gas, and other follies. It has been argued that this moment calls for ‘urgent histories’ (Rees & Huf, 2020), that the ‘shock of the Anthropocene’ ought to ramify through how we approach our work as historians. It is for this reason, that my work considers how the radical implications of our current crises might cause us to reconsider histories of capitalism in Australia.

Debates around the conceptualization of the Anthropocene have generated several neologisms that offer to capture this historic process with greater precision: pyrocene, plantationocene, Cthulucene, necrocene, to name a few. Each brings attention to the limitations of the Anthropocene as an analytic frame. This has been consistently argued by Jason W. Moore; ‘the Anthropocene perspective engages the really big questions of historical change… These are questions that the Anthropocene can pose, but cannot answer’ (Moore, 2016, p. 80). This, due to its reinforcement of the philosophical separation of Society and Nature, and its tendency to homogenise all of humanity into the Anthropos. This too-broad analytic also leads to vast differences in periodisation, with dramatic political implications. Within that conceptual debate, the ‘Capitalocene’ has been proffered as a periodization that is historically, analytically, and politically preferable. This concept clearly names the socioecological relations of capitalism as productive of our current crises. By framing the problem in this way, ‘we move from the consequences of environment-making to its conditions and its causes… [In-so-doing] a new set of connections appears…’ (Moore, 2016, p. 78). We begin to identify the ‘world-ecology’ of capitalism as ‘a relation of capital, power, and nature as an organic whole’ (Ibid., p. 81). It is the argument of my thesis, that capitalism is now the primary determinant of the production of nature, and resultant socioecological crises. We live in a conjuncture of socioecological crisis; we live in the Capitalocene.

For an economic historian, these are strong claims – characterising socioecological relations on the continent of Australia as specifically capitalist, and then arguing that these relations are directly responsible for contemporary socioecological crisis. The twin purpose of this thesis was to develop a theoretical framework to explain and characterise these relations and their internal relationships, but also to specify these theoretical claims historically. The way this was achieved was by deploying the

我的论文正是从这一背景出发,从火灾、洪水、生态系统崩溃以及--矛盾的是--以天然气为形式的化石资本的快速扩张和其他愚蠢行为等当代紧迫问题入手。有人认为,这一时刻需要 "紧迫的历史"(Rees &amp; Huf, 2020),"人类世的冲击 "应该影响我们作为历史学家的工作方式。正是出于这个原因,我的作品考虑了当前危机的激进影响如何促使我们重新考虑澳大利亚的资本主义历史。围绕 "人类世 "概念化的辩论产生了几个新名词,以更精确地捕捉这一历史进程:火世、种植园世、Cthulucene、necrocene,等等。每一种说法都让人注意到 "人类世 "作为一种分析框架的局限性。杰森-W-摩尔(Jason W. Moore)一直认为:"人类世视角涉及历史变迁的真正重大问题......这些问题是人类世可以提出,但无法回答的"(摩尔,2016 年,第 80 页)。这是因为它强化了社会与自然的哲学分离,并倾向于将全人类同质化为人类。这种过于宽泛的分析方法也导致了时期划分上的巨大差异,产生了戏剧性的政治影响。在这场概念辩论中,"资本世 "被认为是一种在历史、分析和政治上都更可取的时期划分。这一概念明确指出,资本主义的社会生态关系是我们当前危机的根源。通过以这种方式界定问题,"我们从环境制造的后果转向其条件和原因......[这样做]出现了一系列新的联系......"(Moore,2016 年,第 78 页)。我们开始将资本主义的'世界生态'视为'资本、权力和自然作为一个有机整体的关系'(同上,第 81 页)。我的论文的论点是,资本主义现在是自然生产的主要决定因素,也是由此产生的社会生态危机的主要决定因素。我们生活在社会生态危机的关头;我们生活在资本世。对于一个经济史学家来说,这些都是强有力的主张--将澳大利亚大陆的社会生态关系描述为特殊的资本主义关系,然后论证这些关系是当代社会生态危机的直接原因。本论文的双重目的是建立一个理论框架来解释和描述这些关系及其内部关系,同时也从历史角度明确这些理论主张。实现这一目标的方法是将 "商品前沿 "的概念作为研究范围和方法。继贝克特(2014)的《棉花帝国》(Empire of Cotton)之后,商品疆域成为全球史和经济史中的一个新兴主题。越来越多的学者将目光投向这些时空时刻,以解释资本主义的扩张动力--在某些情况下,也是为了对资本主义本身的性质进行一般性论证。"那么,什么是'商品前沿'?社会科学各学科出现了一种新趋势,即在捕捉地点和机构的混乱性的同时,关注特定商品以解释资本主义的总体情况--即研究 "商品前沿 "及其与世界系统整体的关系。例如,罗斯(2017)调查了几种商品,将帝国描述为生态帝国,跨越热带地区的棉花、可可、橡胶、锡、铜和石油。戈什(Ghosh,2021 年)将肉豆蔻的故事视为殖民主义和气候危机的故事,认为这具有更广泛的意义。这是一个耐人寻味的最新进展,尤其是考虑到马克思(1976/1992,第 125-138 页)本人曾将商品的一般形式作为其政治经济学批判的出发点。然而,与马克思的抽象开端不同,这一新兴的当代文献立足于对商品边界的实证思考,其论点是 "通过商品边界的视角研究资本主义的全球历史,并将商品制度作为分析框架,对于理解资本主义的起源和性质,进而理解现代世界至关重要"(Beckert et al、然而,贝克特等人并没有意识到,摩尔的著作中蕴含着深厚的历史唯物主义前因,因此他们截断了商品疆域成为一种更激进的认识论出发点的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Frontier of space, frontier of mind: The British invasion of Loonwonnylowe 空间的前沿,思想的前沿:英国入侵伦旺尼洛威
N/A ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-03 DOI: 10.1111/aehr.12294
Don Ranson

Loonwonnylowe is an hour-glass-shaped island, of 353 km2, lying close off the south-east coast of Tasmania, and now known as Bruny Island. It comprises two bioregions that, with a temperate maritime climate, 250 km of coastline, diverse geology, and hills rising over 500 m, encompass highly variable habitats containing rich suites of natural resources. Over the past 6000 years it was the home of 30 or so Aborigines. The inhabitants maintained close relationships with nearby Tasmanian mainland tribes who lived across a swimmable strait, less than 2 km wide in places. This proximity to the mainland contributed to the rapid obliteration of Loonwonnylowe's inhabitants when, in 1804, British colonists established a permanent settlement, Hobart, just 20 km to the north. British hegemony manifested immediately through wide-scale depredation of the natural resources that were fundamental to the daily existence of Loonwonnylowe's inhabitants. This culminated with the murder, kidnapping, rape, and death of the Aborigines from introduced diseases.

Frontiers in Australia, particularly Tasmania, have attracted extensive historical treatments. Nevertheless, modern histories (for example, Clements, 2013) barely acknowledge the invasion of Loonwonnylowe, despite it suffering Tasmania's earliest European incursions. Loonwonnylowe provides a remarkable location for a microhistorical study of the evolution of a frontier due to its contained island nature, allied with a wealth of ethnographic and historical evidence related to its people and their destruction. My thesis interrogates this evidence.

Chapter 1 introduces the rationale and methodological approach of the study. As an archaeologist, I am trained to extract the maximum of information from minimal material: to employ, for example, a variety of evidence-based techniques on a single piece of shell, a stone flake, or a fugitive hand-print, in order to tell a coherent story of the past. I have applied the same mindset here to documentary sources. I was influenced by the method of enquiry advocated by Norwegian philosopher Arne Naess of asking ever-deeper questions of a particular norm, term, or concept, until the basis for a fundamental understanding is reached (Hay, 2002). I was also influenced by the ideas of logical positivists, promulgated by the ‘new archaeology’ of the 1960s and 1970s, who sought to use scientific methods to leverage data to promote, refine, and test hypotheses about the past (Binford, 2001). Silberbauer's (1994) recommendation to perform ‘rescue anthropology’ using ethnohistorical sources in the absence of a traditional forager people to study and question about their past, also resonated with me. Drawing on ethnohistorical sources such as diaries, newspaper accounts, advertising, and shipping news, allows for the emergence of a detailed account of the Aboriginal dispossession. In 1829, the British eventually a

本章接着介绍了隆万尼洛岛上的陆生哺乳动物,以及相关的人类捕食行为和狩猎技巧。矛盾的是,尽管有丰富的资源,但卢恩韦洛岛人的饮食却受到严重限制。有袋类动物的肉很瘦,食用过多会有蛋白质中毒的危险。在隆沃尼洛岛上,植物性食物可能对饮食的贡献不大。要获得富含碳水化合物的植物性食物来平衡瘦肉,可能仅限于收获植物根茎,这对妇女来说是一项非常耗费劳力的工作。第三章 "寻找脂肪 "主要集中于以鲸目动物和海豹为中心的沿海食物景观,其次是鸟类和贝类。在这项研究中发现了新的证据,表明 "多刺树皮人 "搜寻和捕猎鲸目动物,这是脂肪的主要来源。乔治-奥古斯都-罗宾逊(George Augustus Robinson)写道,Loonwonnylowe 土著人 "还吃鲸脂海猪(鼠海豚)"(罗宾逊,1837-1865 年:第 1001 帧,约第 1002 帧)。这段话以前的研究者没有注意到,它为研究和解释塔斯马尼亚人的食物追求开辟了一个新的维度。据估计,食用鲸鱼,尤其是食用季节性搁浅的鲸鱼(如今在岛上很常见),对经济、季节性迁移和周期性社会聚集产生了很大影响。海豹和鸟类也是脂肪的来源,但后者不太可能是布鲁尼岛人饮食的主要组成部分。长期以来,历史学家和考古学家一直认为天鹅和羊肉鸟是塔斯马尼亚的主要食物来源,也是人类季节性迁移的驱动力(Bowdler &amp; Ryan, 1987)。然而,对鸟类最近的分布和数量数据进行的仔细分析表明,这些并不是 Loonwonnylowe 居民考虑的重要因素。第 4 章 "stringybark 的居民 "讨论了塔斯马尼亚原住民的群体规模和流动性,这些特征源于他们的食物采集策略。塔斯马尼亚人通常以聚居成部落的群体为典型特征。然而,对所有塔斯马尼亚人种学文献进行的详细分析却表明,家庭是最主要的社会群体,较大的聚居地并不多见。家庭规模的群体似乎是人类自然形成的一种偏好,这种偏好出现在对人类组织的研究中,如对世界各地觅食者社会的分形网络分析、进化心理学,甚至对现代在线游戏社区的分析。穿越地形是塔斯马尼亚原住民的一个显著特征。早期的欧洲定居者对这种行为进行了评论。早期的探险者注意到塔斯马尼亚原住民每天都在不停地移动,这一独特的特征与世界上其他觅食群体一年不到 80 次的移动形成鲜明对比(Kelly,2013 年:标签 4.1)。根据探险家日志中的观察结果重建的一系列日常移动的首次分析显示,塔斯马尼亚原住民每天的移动距离在 400 米到 4.6 千米之间。根据记录,岛民距离隆旺尼洛威岛最远可达 150 公里,以全世界任何狩猎采集社会的标准来看,这是一个非常长的距离,也是维持长距离社会和经济网络的证据。最后,我首次发现了一种不寻常的流动形式--游猎大型森林袋鼠。游猎(或持续狩猎)在全球范围内并不常见,通常仅限于有蹄类动物。大型袋鼠的后肢能够保持弹性储存的能量,因此能够比羚羊更有效地移动,追捕大型袋鼠需要更大的耐力和韧性。第 5 章 "梦幻时光之前--布鲁尼岛的神圣景观 "讨论了这片土地及其上万物的神圣品质。塔斯马尼亚人对土地和土地上的生命形式有着深厚的依赖,因此在精神上与土地产生了深厚的亲近感。由于土地是觅食者生活的核心,因此土地是神圣的。在本章中,我将论证塔斯马尼亚原住民的精神信仰与澳大利亚大陆的 "梦幻 "有着共同之处,并且很可能是 "梦幻时间 "的早期原型。此外,我还描述并分析了最近在 Loonwonnylowe 发现的岩石标记,这些标记是神圣景观的一种表现形式:第 6 章 "被盗的土地:布鲁尼岛的边界 "描述了欧洲人对该岛及其资源的入侵和侵占。
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引用次数: 0
Grease monkeys: A history of Australia's motor mechanic trade, 1900–1970 油猴澳大利亚汽车机械行业史,1900-1970 年
N/A ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-05-28 DOI: 10.1111/aehr.12293
Michael P. R. Pearson

The arrival of the motor car in Australia at the turn of the twentieth century was a signifier of modernity that eventually transformed Australian landscapes, economy and society. The car has been much studied in Australian social and cultural historiographies (Conlon & Perkins, 2001; Davison, 2004), but these have mainly focused on the machines themselves and the people who own them. Continually overlooked are the new areas of work created by the arrival of the car, such as car repair and maintenance. Unlike cars, which have clearly evolved throughout the twentieth century, motor mechanics are perceived as iconic members of Australia's working class, associated with the timeless imagery: young men in grease-stained overalls holding wrenches. Rather than contributing to a sense of the mechanic's timelessness, however, this thesis historicises the work they performed and how it changed over the twentieth century.

This thesis explores the emergence of the motor mechanic trade in Australia at the beginning of the twentieth century and follows its development through to 1970. By this time, the key developments this thesis explores – the process through which mechanics became emblematic members of the working-class, associated with the particularly masculine “grease monkey” stereotype – was effectively complete. This study builds upon previous work internationally, notably Borg (2007), which documents a history of the mechanic trade in the United States. In doing so, however, it seeks to build upon our understanding of class in a particularly Australian context. The working-class identity that mechanics are heavily associated with today was not inherent in their origins. Rather, its creation was historical process that aligns to theories of class formation presented in the works of Thompson (1968), Connell and Irving (1992).

The dissertation contains seven chapters, organised by three major time periods. Chapters One and Two explore the origins of the trade and its formalisation. This includes transformations in class relations early in the twentieth century as the motor car arrived in Australia. Chapters Three and Four cover the disruptions of the Second World War, both from a military and civilian perspective, and how the war changed the direction of the trade. The final three chapters present the core developments that led to the lowering of the status of mechanics, both from a sociocultural, labour and economic perspective.

This thesis begins by exploring skill as a historical concept, drawing on the work of Ben Maddison, who himself adopts the theories of Antonio Gramsci. Maddison (1995, 2007) suggests the old understanding of ‘artisanal skill’ was characteristically mysterious, unknowable to outsiders but instinctual to – and thus controlled by – craftsmen. Industrialisation undermined this ‘mystery’, removing the control of knowle

二十世纪之交,汽车进入澳大利亚,成为现代性的标志,最终改变了澳大利亚的景观、经济和社会。澳大利亚社会和文化史学界对汽车进行了大量研究(Conlon &amp; Perkins, 2001; Davison, 2004),但这些研究主要集中在机器本身和拥有机器的人身上。一直被忽视的是汽车的出现所创造的新的工作领域,如汽车维修和保养。与汽车不同的是,汽车在整个二十世纪都有明显的发展,而汽车修理工则被视为澳大利亚工人阶级的标志性成员,与永恒的形象联系在一起:穿着沾满油污的工作服、手持扳手的年轻人。本论文探讨了澳大利亚汽车修理工行业在二十世纪初的兴起,并跟踪其发展直至 1970 年。至此,本论文所探讨的关键发展--机械师成为工人阶级的标志性成员,并与特别男性化的 "油猴 "刻板印象联系在一起的过程--实际上已经完成。本研究借鉴了以前的国际研究成果,特别是 Borg(2007 年),该研究记录了美国机械师行业的历史。不过,在此过程中,本研究还试图加深我们对澳大利亚阶级的理解。今天,机械工与工人阶级身份紧密相连,但这一身份并非与生俱来。相反,它的产生是一个历史过程,与汤普森(Thompson,1968 年)、康奈尔和欧文(Connell and Irving,1992 年)著作中提出的阶级形成理论相一致。第一章和第二章探讨了该行业的起源及其正规化。其中包括二十世纪初汽车进入澳大利亚后阶级关系的转变。第三章和第四章从军事和民用角度探讨了第二次世界大战的干扰,以及战争如何改变了该行业的发展方向。最后三章从社会文化、劳工和经济角度介绍了导致技工地位下降的核心发展。本论文首先借鉴本-麦迪逊(Ben Maddison)的研究成果,将技能作为一个历史概念进行探讨,麦迪逊本人也采用了安东尼奥-葛兰西(Antonio Gramsci)的理论。麦迪逊(1995 年,2007 年)认为,过去对 "工匠技能 "的理解具有神秘性,外人无法知晓,但工匠本能地掌握这种技能。工业化破坏了这种 "神秘性",使工人失去了对知识的控制,取而代之的是结构化的机构。十九世纪末,在这种手工业工作结构即将消亡之际,出现了汽车机械师(Taksa,1998 年)。由于进入汽车修理工作的障碍很少,机械师来自各种现有的手工业。另外一些人则是富有创造力和冒险精神的人,他们把头伸进汽车底下,想弄明白汽车是如何工作的。有些机械师来自金属加工行业,有些则是小企业主、中产阶级工程师和富有的汽车驾驶员(Birney,1984 年)。参与早期技工行业的界限比人们想象的要少,无论是在阶级、背景、地区性、性别方面,甚至在某种程度上是种族方面,因为原住民社区培训他们自己的技工(Bolognese,2017;Clarsen,2017)。因此,掌握了汽车机械技能的各种各样的人都能从事不同种类的现代工程工作。除了确定电机技工行业的这些多变和未定义的起源之外,本论文还描绘了围绕该行业的边界是如何、为何以及何时出现的。早年汽车修理工作中汽车修理工的多样性也抑制了他们的团结和组织能力。因此,管理该行业的组织结构是由多个外部团体强加的。这些俱乐部几乎是在汽车出现后立即成立的;到 1905 年,澳大利亚大陆的每个州都成立了汽车俱乐部。顾名思义,这些俱乐部是精英组织,允许当时富裕的车主们行使集体权力,这一点与工会并无二致。他们以细微的方式利用自己的资产,通过资本、组织能力和权威对行业进行控制,这与埃里克-奥林-赖特(1985 年)的阶级理论不谋而合。
{"title":"Grease monkeys: A history of Australia's motor mechanic trade, 1900–1970","authors":"Michael P. R. Pearson","doi":"10.1111/aehr.12293","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/aehr.12293","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The arrival of the motor car in Australia at the turn of the twentieth century was a signifier of modernity that eventually transformed Australian landscapes, economy and society. The car has been much studied in Australian social and cultural historiographies (Conlon &amp; Perkins, <span>2001</span>; Davison, <span>2004</span>), but these have mainly focused on the machines themselves and the people who own them. Continually overlooked are the new areas of work created by the arrival of the car, such as car repair and maintenance. Unlike cars, which have clearly evolved throughout the twentieth century, motor mechanics are perceived as iconic members of Australia's working class, associated with the timeless imagery: young men in grease-stained overalls holding wrenches. Rather than contributing to a sense of the mechanic's timelessness, however, this thesis historicises the work they performed and how it changed over the twentieth century.</p><p>This thesis explores the emergence of the motor mechanic trade in Australia at the beginning of the twentieth century and follows its development through to 1970. By this time, the key developments this thesis explores – the process through which mechanics became emblematic members of the working-class, associated with the particularly masculine “grease monkey” stereotype – was effectively complete. This study builds upon previous work internationally, notably Borg (<span>2007</span>), which documents a history of the mechanic trade in the United States. In doing so, however, it seeks to build upon our understanding of class in a particularly Australian context. The working-class identity that mechanics are heavily associated with today was not inherent in their origins. Rather, its creation was historical process that aligns to theories of class formation presented in the works of Thompson (<span>1968</span>), Connell and Irving (<span>1992</span>).</p><p>The dissertation contains seven chapters, organised by three major time periods. Chapters One and Two explore the origins of the trade and its formalisation. This includes transformations in class relations early in the twentieth century as the motor car arrived in Australia. Chapters Three and Four cover the disruptions of the Second World War, both from a military and civilian perspective, and how the war changed the direction of the trade. The final three chapters present the core developments that led to the lowering of the status of mechanics, both from a sociocultural, labour and economic perspective.</p><p>This thesis begins by exploring skill as a historical concept, drawing on the work of Ben Maddison, who himself adopts the theories of Antonio Gramsci. Maddison (<span>1995</span>, <span>2007</span>) suggests the old understanding of ‘artisanal skill’ was characteristically mysterious, unknowable to outsiders but instinctual to – and thus controlled by – craftsmen. Industrialisation undermined this ‘mystery’, removing the control of knowle","PeriodicalId":100132,"journal":{"name":"Asia‐Pacific Economic History Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/aehr.12293","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141537052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Mortality from the 1944–1945 famine in Java, Indonesia 印度尼西亚爪哇 1944-1945 年饥荒造成的死亡率
N/A ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-05-02 DOI: 10.1111/aehr.12287
Pierre van der Eng

This article examines the human toll of the 1944–1945 famine in Java, Indonesia's main island. It estimates birth and death rates for the Indonesian population in Java during 1941–1951. Using the net population loss method, the article approximates a net loss of 3.3 million people during the 1942–1945 Japanese occupation period. This includes 1.8 million excess deaths; 0.7 million during 1944 and 1.1 million during 1945. The remainder are 1.4 million missing births in 1944 and 1945, associated with the malnutrition of women of childbearing ages and physical separation of wives from husbands recruited by Japanese authorities for forced labour.

本文探讨了 1944-1945 年印尼主要岛屿爪哇岛饥荒造成的人员伤亡。文章估算了 1941-1951 年间爪哇岛印尼人口的出生率和死亡率。使用人口净损失法,文章估算出 1942-1945 年日本占领期间净损失人口约为 330 万。其中包括 180 万超额死亡;1944 年 70 万,1945 年 110 万。其余为 1944 年和 1945 年出生的 140 万失踪人口,这与育龄妇女营养不良以及妻子与日本当局招募的强迫劳动的丈夫实际分离有关。
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引用次数: 0
Property rights in a weak state: Evidence from land pawning in Qing Taiwan (1683–1895) 弱国的财产权:清代台湾(1683-1895 年)土地典当的证据
N/A ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-05-01 DOI: 10.1111/aehr.12288
Shao-yu Jheng, Hui-wen Koo, Kun-jung Wu

Land pawning is considered inefficient because it causes property rights to be unclearly delineated. Despite this, it once prevailed worldwide. We propose that this system flourished when state capacity was weak and the private sector spontaneously managed public affairs. Local collaboration made it difficult to sell land outright to an outsider who might be an unreliable collaborator. Land pawning granted the pawner's family and neighbours a ‘probation’ period to observe the pawnee's behaviour. If they found the pawnee irresponsible, they could still redeem the land. Data compiled from contracts in Qing Taiwan support our hypothesis.

土地典当被认为效率低下,因为它会导致产权划分不清。尽管如此,这种制度曾经在全世界盛行。我们认为,当国家能力薄弱、私营部门自发管理公共事务时,这种制度就会蓬勃发展。地方合作使得很难将土地直接卖给可能是不可靠合作者的外来者。土地典当给予典当者的家人和邻居一段 "试用期",以观察当户的行为。如果他们发现当户不负责任,仍可赎回土地。从清代台湾的契约中收集的数据支持了我们的假设。
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引用次数: 0
Division of labour in the production structure and mass production in pre-war Japan: Lessons from the metal and machinery sectors in Osaka City 战前日本的生产结构分工和大规模生产:大阪市金属和机械行业的经验教训
N/A ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-04-26 DOI: 10.1111/aehr.12286
Shota Moriwaki

Using 1930s panel data from Osaka City, we estimate the production function in the metal and machinery sectors in Japan to identify the factors that influence the establishment of mass-production methods. Subcontracting income per total revenue had a positive correlation with metal and machinery output. While material-intensive technology was used, scale-economy-type technology was not observed in this sector. The greater return on capital for smaller plants was attributed to efficient capital stock utilisation and subsistence wages. The division of labour between firms, through which materials and parts were traded, contributed to output expansions in the 1930s.

我们利用大阪市 1930 年代的面板数据,对日本金属和机械行业的生产函数进行了估算,以确定影响大规模生产方式建立的因素。总收入中的分包收入与金属和机械产量呈正相关。虽然该行业采用了材料密集型技术,但并未发现规模经济型技术。规模较小的工厂的资本回报率较高,这归因于资本存量的有效利用和维持生计的工资。20 世纪 30 年代,企业间的分工(通过分工进行材料和零部件交易)促进了产出的增长。
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引用次数: 0
Indigenous populations of the Pacific and American West 太平洋和美洲西部的土著居民
Pub Date : 2024-02-20 DOI: 10.1111/aehr.12284
Sumner La Croix, Hamish Maxwell-Stewart

This special issue of the Asia Pacific Economic History Review explores the impact of colonisation on Indigenous populations across the Pacific and American West from the late eighteenth to the early twentieth century. Three of the contributing articles examine ways of modelling Indigeous populations at point of contact and the scale and pace of subsequent declines. A further two explore the problematics of counting violent deaths on the frontier and reconstructing the factors motivating settler aggression. The last article examines the impact of colonisation on sex ratios and the implications of this for marriage rates between and within different ethnicities.

本期《亚太经济史评论》特刊探讨了十八世纪末至二十世纪初殖民化对太平洋和美洲西部土著居民的影响。其中三篇特约文章探讨了在接触点建立土著人口模型的方法以及随后人口减少的规模和速度。另外两篇文章探讨了计算边境暴力死亡人数和重建定居者侵略动机的问题。最后一篇文章探讨了殖民化对性别比例的影响,以及这种影响对不同种族之间和种族内部结婚率的影响。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Asia‐Pacific Economic History Review
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