Pub Date : 2025-06-01DOI: 10.1016/j.jge.2025.100149
Yiwen Peng, Weihua Yu
Promoting the carbon efficiency is an accepted issue in China’s sustainable development against the background of carbon neutrality. In order to help China’s resource-exhausted cities overcome their difficulties, the central government has issued an official policy document titled Opinions of Promoting the Sustainable Development of Resource-based Cities, which has announced 69 resource-exhausted cities. The central and local governments have strengthened policy and funds support to set up a long-term mechanism of sustainable development. This paper utilizes a spatial difference-in-difference (SDID) method to investigate how the supporting policy affects carbon performance in those resource-exhausted cities and their neighboring cities, with city-level data from 2004 to 2016. The results show a positive feedback of supporting policy on carbon performance in both local regions and adjacent regions. Furthermore, we find that wage distortion could account for carbon performance improvement. Our results provide evidence for realizing the low-carbon economy of resource-exhausted cities in China.
{"title":"Does the central supporting policy for resource-exhausted cities improve carbon efficiency? Evidence from a quasi-natural experiment in China","authors":"Yiwen Peng, Weihua Yu","doi":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100149","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100149","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Promoting the carbon efficiency is an accepted issue in China’s sustainable development against the background of carbon neutrality. In order to help China’s resource-exhausted cities overcome their difficulties, the central government has issued an official policy document titled Opinions of Promoting the Sustainable Development of Resource-based Cities, which has announced 69 resource-exhausted cities. The central and local governments have strengthened policy and funds support to set up a long-term mechanism of sustainable development. This paper utilizes a spatial difference-in-difference (SDID) method to investigate how the supporting policy affects carbon performance in those resource-exhausted cities and their neighboring cities, with city-level data from 2004 to 2016. The results show a positive feedback of supporting policy on carbon performance in both local regions and adjacent regions. Furthermore, we find that wage distortion could account for carbon performance improvement. Our results provide evidence for realizing the low-carbon economy of resource-exhausted cities in China.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":100785,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Government and Economics","volume":"18 ","pages":"Article 100149"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2025-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144604492","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-06-01DOI: 10.1016/j.jge.2025.100147
Cece Cherif Delamou
This study explores the role of tariffs in addressing the Dutch Disease effect in resource-rich developing economies. By developing a theoretical framework built on existing literature, the study explores the role that the structure of taxes, internationally, can play in mitigating the adverse effects of resource exports on domestic industrial activity. The theoretical analysis finds that tariffs do influence domestic intersectoral labor allocation as well as industrial production in a resource-exporting economy and can counterbalance the effects of resource exports. Empirical data from 40 developing economies (2004–2021) confirms a negative relationship between resource dependence and manufacturing share of labor, and corroborates the theoretical finding that tariffs do reduce this impact.
{"title":"Curing the Dutch disease: The role of tariffs","authors":"Cece Cherif Delamou","doi":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100147","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100147","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>This study explores the role of tariffs in addressing the Dutch Disease effect in resource-rich developing economies. By developing a theoretical framework built on existing literature, the study explores the role that the structure of taxes, internationally, can play in mitigating the adverse effects of resource exports on domestic industrial activity. The theoretical analysis finds that tariffs do influence domestic intersectoral labor allocation as well as industrial production in a resource-exporting economy and can counterbalance the effects of resource exports. Empirical data from 40 developing economies (2004–2021) confirms a negative relationship between resource dependence and manufacturing share of labor, and corroborates the theoretical finding that tariffs do reduce this impact.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":100785,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Government and Economics","volume":"18 ","pages":"Article 100147"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2025-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144240427","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-06-01DOI: 10.1016/j.jge.2025.100151
Zhangkai Huang, David Daokui Li
{"title":"Tariffs, Palestinian economy, Orban’s policy, Central and Local governments of China, and partisan politics' impact on Fed policy: Editor’s note","authors":"Zhangkai Huang, David Daokui Li","doi":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100151","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100151","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":100785,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Government and Economics","volume":"18 ","pages":"Article 100151"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2025-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144757560","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-06-01DOI: 10.1016/j.jge.2025.100148
Gábor Gulácsi , Ádám Kerényi
For decades Hungary, like the other post-socialist Central-Eastern European countries, followed a general policy of establishing and strengthening the institutions of democracy and a market economy. While Hungary initially benefited from the EU's convergence mechanisms, including access to the single market and cohesion funds, its long-term catching-up performance has lagged behind its regional peers. However, since the elections of 2010, when Viktor Orbán returned to power, Hungary has done dramatic changes. This study examines the complex interplay of factors that have shaped Hungary’s economic trajectory within the EU, focusing on two distinct periods: before 2010 and 2010–2023. Through international comparative analysis and country-specific hypotheses, the paper identifies critical governance failures and institutional weaknesses as primary reasons for Hungary's faltering convergence. In the early stages of Hungarian EU membership, the country’s economic development was hampered by a serious failure of governance of social-liberal parties which also triggered an excessive deficit procedure. After 2010 the functioning of the new illiberal government caused the country to lose ground in the economic catching-up process within the European Union. This setback has manifested through two institutional and two resource allocation-related symptoms, which can be traced back to a more fundamental explanation: the core institutional architecture and political objectives underpinning the Orbán model. Our findings underscore the ongoing tensions between Hungary’s domestic political agenda and the principles underpinning EU integration, raising concerns about Hungarian EU membership.
{"title":"The catching up of the Hungarian economy in the European Union and Hungary’s falling behind among the post socialist member states","authors":"Gábor Gulácsi , Ádám Kerényi","doi":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100148","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100148","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>For decades Hungary, like the other post-socialist Central-Eastern European countries, followed a general policy of establishing and strengthening the institutions of democracy and a market economy. While Hungary initially benefited from the EU's convergence mechanisms, including access to the single market and cohesion funds, its long-term catching-up performance has lagged behind its regional peers. However, since the elections of 2010, when Viktor Orbán returned to power, Hungary has done dramatic changes. This study examines the complex interplay of factors that have shaped Hungary’s economic trajectory within the EU, focusing on two distinct periods: before 2010 and 2010–2023. Through international comparative analysis and country-specific hypotheses, the paper identifies critical governance failures and institutional weaknesses as primary reasons for Hungary's faltering convergence. In the early stages of Hungarian EU membership, the country’s economic development was hampered by a serious failure of governance of social-liberal parties which also triggered an excessive deficit procedure. After 2010 the functioning of the new illiberal government caused the country to lose ground in the economic catching-up process within the European Union. This setback has manifested through two institutional and two resource allocation-related symptoms, which can be traced back to a more fundamental explanation: the core institutional architecture and political objectives underpinning the Orbán model. Our findings underscore the ongoing tensions between Hungary’s domestic political agenda and the principles underpinning EU integration, raising concerns about Hungarian EU membership.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":100785,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Government and Economics","volume":"18 ","pages":"Article 100148"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2025-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144597357","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-05-15DOI: 10.1016/j.jge.2025.100142
J. Kevin Corder
How do the President and the Congress affect the policy choices of the Federal Open Market Committee, the primary policymaking arm of the Federal Reserve System (the Fed)? I draw on a commonly used tool for estimating the sensitivity of Fed responses to output and inflation - the Taylor rule - to learn about the politics of monetary policy. Does the Fed respond more aggressively to inflation under a Republican President or if a Republican majority controls Congress? Does the Fed respond to recession sooner and with lower interest rates if the President is a Democrat? The results indicate that the ideology of the pivotal legislator influences monetary policy choices, rather than the President alone, appointments to the Board, or the Board chair. The Fed is more responsive to inflation when Republicans control the White House and the Congress.
{"title":"Partisan politics and Fed policy choices: A Taylor rule approach","authors":"J. Kevin Corder","doi":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100142","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100142","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>How do the President and the Congress affect the policy choices of the Federal Open Market Committee, the primary policymaking arm of the Federal Reserve System (the Fed)? I draw on a commonly used tool for estimating the sensitivity of Fed responses to output and inflation - the Taylor rule - to learn about the politics of monetary policy. Does the Fed respond more aggressively to inflation under a Republican President or if a Republican majority controls Congress? Does the Fed respond to recession sooner and with lower interest rates if the President is a Democrat? The results indicate that the ideology of the pivotal legislator influences monetary policy choices, rather than the President alone, appointments to the Board, or the Board chair. The Fed is more responsive to inflation when Republicans control the White House and the Congress.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":100785,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Government and Economics","volume":"18 ","pages":"Article 100142"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2025-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144099225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-05-15DOI: 10.1016/j.jge.2025.100143
Mohammad Aref Ibrahim
This study analyzes the determinants of remittance inflow to the Palestinian territories within the framework of chronic political conflict and economic volatility. Remittances are an important source of Palestinian household finance, offering economic security in the face of labor supply shortages, trade barriers, and inflationary stress. Applying an Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) framework, the research studies the short- and long-run interrelations between remittance flows and significant macroeconomic and conflict-related variables such as conflict intensity, poverty, fluctuations in the exchange rate, trade openness, inflation, and unemployment.
The empirical evidence demonstrates that remittance inflows respond sensitively to economic and political shocks. Poverty and conflict intensity have a direct and robust positive impact, consistent with the altruism hypothesis that migrants respond to crises by increasing financial flows. Migrants also respond to increasing living costs by increasing remittances. Economic hardship, however, especially if sustained, negatively affects remittance flows by constricting migration opportunities and decreasing expatriate workers' income potential. Remittance flows are positively affected by trade openness and exchange rate stability, reflecting the influence of economic integration and financial infrastructure on remittance flow behavior.
The research offers solid econometric evidence for the stabilizing function of remittances for conflict economies. Whereas remittances serve as an economic buffer, their developmental contribution in the long term is hampered by consumption-driven expenditures and restrictive investment channels. Policy makers must emphasize improving financial inclusion, lowering the cost of transactions, and an investment-friendly policy to leverage remittances to the fullest extent, toward sustainable economic growth. The research also adds to the existing literature on remittances for conflict-affected economies and provides policy recommendations to maximize remittance use for maintaining economic resiliency and development for Palestine.
{"title":"Remittance flow determinants and the role of government policy in conflict-affected Palestinian territories","authors":"Mohammad Aref Ibrahim","doi":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100143","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100143","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>This study analyzes the determinants of remittance inflow to the Palestinian territories within the framework of chronic political conflict and economic volatility. Remittances are an important source of Palestinian household finance, offering economic security in the face of labor supply shortages, trade barriers, and inflationary stress. Applying an Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) framework, the research studies the short- and long-run interrelations between remittance flows and significant macroeconomic and conflict-related variables such as conflict intensity, poverty, fluctuations in the exchange rate, trade openness, inflation, and unemployment.</div><div>The empirical evidence demonstrates that remittance inflows respond sensitively to economic and political shocks. Poverty and conflict intensity have a direct and robust positive impact, consistent with the altruism hypothesis that migrants respond to crises by increasing financial flows. Migrants also respond to increasing living costs by increasing remittances. Economic hardship, however, especially if sustained, negatively affects remittance flows by constricting migration opportunities and decreasing expatriate workers' income potential. Remittance flows are positively affected by trade openness and exchange rate stability, reflecting the influence of economic integration and financial infrastructure on remittance flow behavior.</div><div>The research offers solid econometric evidence for the stabilizing function of remittances for conflict economies. Whereas remittances serve as an economic buffer, their developmental contribution in the long term is hampered by consumption-driven expenditures and restrictive investment channels. Policy makers must emphasize improving financial inclusion, lowering the cost of transactions, and an investment-friendly policy to leverage remittances to the fullest extent, toward sustainable economic growth. The research also adds to the existing literature on remittances for conflict-affected economies and provides policy recommendations to maximize remittance use for maintaining economic resiliency and development for Palestine.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":100785,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Government and Economics","volume":"18 ","pages":"Article 100143"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2025-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144108265","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-03-01DOI: 10.1016/j.jge.2025.100140
Jamie Bologna Pavlik , Andrew T. Young
We employ “doubly robust” event studies and matching methods to explore whether public participation in Constitution-making can curb political corruption moving forward. Measures of public participation are drawn from the Constitutionalism and Democracy Database (CDD) (Eisenstadt et al., 2015, 2017a, 2017b) while corruption measures come from the Varieties of Democracy Project (V-Dem) (Coppedge et al., 2023; Pemstein et al., 2023). We generally report statistically insignificant effects. When estimates of public participation on corruption are significant – particularly for judicial corruption – they evidence small effects.
{"title":"Can public participation in constitution-making curb corruption?","authors":"Jamie Bologna Pavlik , Andrew T. Young","doi":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100140","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100140","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>We employ “doubly robust” event studies and matching methods to explore whether public participation in Constitution-making can curb political corruption moving forward. Measures of public participation are drawn from the Constitutionalism and Democracy Database (CDD) (Eisenstadt et al., 2015, 2017a, 2017b) while corruption measures come from the Varieties of Democracy Project (V-Dem) (Coppedge et al., 2023; Pemstein et al., 2023). We generally report statistically insignificant effects. When estimates of public participation on corruption are significant – particularly for judicial corruption – they evidence small effects.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":100785,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Government and Economics","volume":"17 ","pages":"Article 100140"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2025-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144098955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-03-01DOI: 10.1016/j.jge.2025.100141
Zhangkai Huang, DavidDaokui Li
{"title":"Editor’s note: Stability and development in Africa, tax reform, public participation and corruption","authors":"Zhangkai Huang, DavidDaokui Li","doi":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100141","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100141","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":100785,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Government and Economics","volume":"17 ","pages":"Article 100141"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2025-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143936130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study defines tax aggressiveness as the extent to which a firm uses interest expense to shield income from tax. Focusing on the period surrounding the debt-to-equity cap reform that restricts the debt tax benefit, we investigate two primary hypotheses: (1) whether thin capitalization, characterized by a higher debt ratio, is positively correlated with tax aggressiveness due to the debt tax benefit, and (2) whether the reform limiting this debt tax benefit (thin capitalization rule) reduces tax aggressiveness. We use the simulated marginal tax rate and the kink – the interest expense percentage at which the marginal tax benefit function curve begins to slope downward – as measures of tax aggressiveness. Applying OLS on a pooled sample from the pre-reform period, we find evidence supporting the first hypothesis. Furthermore, exploiting a natural experiment resulting from the reform and utilizing a difference-in-difference strategy on panel data, we observe that firms affected by the reform, particularly those classified as thinly capitalized, become relatively less tax-aggressive. A lower interest expenses ratio is evidence of a pathway for the finding. In conclusion, tax aggressiveness is associated with thinly capitalized firms, and the tax reform appears to mitigate this behavior.
{"title":"Does the limiting debt tax benefits curb tax aggressiveness? Evidence from Indonesia 2016 debt-to-equity reform","authors":"Timbul Parasian Hutahean , Wawan Hermawan , Bayu Kharisma , Alfiah Hasanah","doi":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100139","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100139","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>This study defines <em>tax aggressiveness</em> as the extent to which a firm uses interest expense to shield income from tax. Focusing on the period surrounding the debt-to-equity cap reform that restricts the debt tax benefit, we investigate two primary hypotheses: (1) whether thin capitalization, characterized by a higher debt ratio, is positively correlated with tax aggressiveness due to the debt tax benefit, and (2) whether the reform limiting this debt tax benefit (thin capitalization rule) reduces tax aggressiveness. We use the <em>simulated marginal tax rate</em> and the <em>kink</em> – the interest expense percentage at which the marginal tax benefit function curve begins to slope downward – as measures of tax aggressiveness. Applying OLS on a pooled sample from the pre-reform period, we find evidence supporting the first hypothesis. Furthermore, exploiting a natural experiment resulting from the reform and utilizing a difference-in-difference strategy on panel data, we observe that firms affected by the reform, particularly those classified as thinly capitalized, become relatively less tax-aggressive. A lower interest expenses ratio is evidence of a pathway for the finding. In conclusion, tax aggressiveness is associated with thinly capitalized firms, and the tax reform appears to mitigate this behavior.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":100785,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Government and Economics","volume":"17 ","pages":"Article 100139"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2025-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143868618","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-03-01DOI: 10.1016/j.jge.2025.100137
Temitope Adebayo
This study investigates the effectiveness of government expenditure in combating the incidence of poverty in Nigeria from 1981 to 2022, employing a Vector Error Correction Model (VECM) framework. The research analyzes the relationship between poverty incidence and key variables including government expenditure, GDP per capita, Agricultural Credit Guarantee Scheme Fund (ACGSF), and gross enrollment ratio in secondary education. Using time series data and cointegration analysis, the study reveals a significant long-run relationship between government expenditure and poverty reduction, with a 1 % increase corresponding to a 0.05 percentage point reduction in poverty incidence. However, the error correction mechanism indicates a notably slow adjustment process (-0.000376), suggesting structural impediments to poverty reduction efforts. While government expenditure demonstrates significant poverty-reducing effects in the long run, the analysis reveals weak short-run dynamics and limited effectiveness of other policy instruments. The study finds evidence of a self-reinforcing poverty cycle, with past poverty levels significantly influencing current poverty rates. These findings underscore the need for more comprehensive and sustained policy interventions, particularly in addressing structural barriers to poverty reduction and improving the efficiency of government expenditure allocation in Nigeria's socioeconomic development initiatives.
{"title":"Funding the future: Nigeria's battle against poverty through government expenditure","authors":"Temitope Adebayo","doi":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100137","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.jge.2025.100137","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>This study investigates the effectiveness of government expenditure in combating the incidence of poverty in Nigeria from 1981 to 2022, employing a Vector Error Correction Model (VECM) framework. The research analyzes the relationship between poverty incidence and key variables including government expenditure, GDP per capita, Agricultural Credit Guarantee Scheme Fund (ACGSF), and gross enrollment ratio in secondary education. Using time series data and cointegration analysis, the study reveals a significant long-run relationship between government expenditure and poverty reduction, with a 1 % increase corresponding to a 0.05 percentage point reduction in poverty incidence. However, the error correction mechanism indicates a notably slow adjustment process (-0.000376), suggesting structural impediments to poverty reduction efforts. While government expenditure demonstrates significant poverty-reducing effects in the long run, the analysis reveals weak short-run dynamics and limited effectiveness of other policy instruments. The study finds evidence of a self-reinforcing poverty cycle, with past poverty levels significantly influencing current poverty rates. These findings underscore the need for more comprehensive and sustained policy interventions, particularly in addressing structural barriers to poverty reduction and improving the efficiency of government expenditure allocation in Nigeria's socioeconomic development initiatives.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":100785,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Government and Economics","volume":"17 ","pages":"Article 100137"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2025-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143601125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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