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Neurociência cognitiva e epistemologia moral: sobre a irredutibilidade do saber ao conhecimento 认知神经科学与道德认识论:论知识对知识的不可还原性
Pub Date : 2020-05-20 DOI: 10.5007/1677-2954.2020v19n1p49
Darlei Dall'Agnol
Trata-se, neste trabalho, de mostrar a irredutibilidade do saber, em especial do saber moral, ao conhecimento de tipo proposicional. A partir das contribuições da neurociência cognitiva para a epistemologia moral, argumenta-se que o saber-como (knowing-how) não pode ser completamente analisado em termos do saber-que (knowing-that). Critica-se, então, as tentativas recentes, em especial de Stanley, de mostrar que todo conhecimento é proposicional. Finalmente, o trabalho ilustra como o saber moral pode ser identificado em atitudes, por exemplo, saber-como cuidar de um indivíduo vulnerável, saber-como respeitar pessoas etc. A conclusão, então, é que o saber moral não é identificável com o conhecimento factual. 
这项工作的目的是显示知识,特别是道德知识,命题知识的不可还原性。从认知神经科学对道德认识论的贡献出发,认为知识不能完全用知识来分析。因此,它批评了最近的尝试,特别是斯坦利,表明所有的知识都是命题的。最后,本文说明了如何在态度中识别道德知识,例如如何照顾弱势群体,如何尊重他人等。因此,结论是道德知识不能与事实知识相识别。
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引用次数: 1
Respeitando biografias até o fim: uma concepção de personalidade mais adequada ao cuidado centrado na pessoa de indivíduos com transtornos graves da consciência 尊重传记到最后:一个更适合以人为本的护理严重意识障碍患者的人格概念
Pub Date : 2020-05-20 DOI: 10.5007/1677-2954.2020v19n1p105
B. Andrade, Marco Antonio Azevedo
A abordagem conhecida como Saúde Centrada na Pessoa (SCP) tem seu foco nos indivíduos tomados como pessoas e não apenas como pacientes. Contudo, em filosofia, segundo as abordagens tradicionais, nem todos os seres humanos são (estritamente) “pessoas”. Ora, se para a SCP, importa tomar a todos os pacientes como pessoas, é preciso repensar as definições e conceitos propostos pelas mais diferentes abordagens ontológicas sobre a personalidade. Afinal, não são apenas os indivíduos com um self maduro e racional que demandam cuidados em saúde. Para a SCP, recém-nascidos, bebês, crianças, deficientes mentais e idosos com demência, e mesmo as pessoas portadoras de transtornos graves de consciência (TGC), também são pessoas com direitos a cuidados de saúde. Portanto, levando a SCP a sério, parece necessário que o conceito de pessoa seja estendido para incluir indivíduos com níveis de consciência insipientes ou imaturos, bem como aqueles com deficiências mentais graves ou permanentes. Neste artigo, discutiremos criticamente alguns conceitos filosóficos influentes sobre o que entendemos ou devemos entender por “pessoa”, buscando uma abordagem mais ampla e inclusiva. Propomos uma abordagem ontológica segundo a qual pessoas são compreendidas como seres dotados de uma biografia socialmente reconhecida, o que implica reconhecer esses indivíduos como portadores não apenas de necessidades em saúde, mas de interesses e demandas legítimas. Tais interesses e demandas, além das necessidades em bem-estar, não são expressos diretamente por elas devido, dadas suas deficiências graves, como ocorre com os indivíduos com TGC. Disso resulta que, no âmbito de uma SCP, para os pacientes que padecem de TGC, não é apenas o cuidado que importa, mas também o respeito. Os cuidadores, portanto, devem não apenas cuidar, movidos por simpatia ou compaixão, do bem-estar desses indivíduos, mas também devem se preocupar em respeitar seus interesses e direitos, interpretando-os de forma empática, à luz de sua história pessoal ou biográfica. Nossa conclusão é que, para ser coerente, a SCP deve considerar pessoas com TGC como pessoas, e que nosso conceito revisado de personalidade se adapta perfeitamente a essa exigência.
以人为本的健康方法侧重于将个人视为人,而不仅仅是患者。然而,在哲学中,根据传统的方法,并不是所有的人(严格地)都是“人”。现在,对于SCP来说,重要的是把所有的病人都当作人来对待,有必要重新思考由最不同的人格本体论方法提出的定义和概念。毕竟,不仅仅是那些自我成熟、理性的人需要医疗保健。对于cps来说,新生儿、婴儿、儿童、智障人士和老年痴呆症患者,甚至患有严重意识障碍的人,也是享有保健权利的人。因此,认真对待SCP,似乎有必要将人的概念扩展到意识水平不成熟或不成熟的人,以及那些有严重或永久性精神障碍的人。在这篇文章中,我们将批判性地讨论一些有影响力的哲学概念,关于我们理解或应该理解的“人”,寻求一个更广泛和包容的方法。我们提出了一种本体论的方法,根据这种方法,人们被理解为具有社会认可的传记的人,这意味着承认这些人不仅是健康需求的载体,而且是合法利益和需求的载体。这些兴趣和需求,除了福利需求之外,并没有直接由他们表达,因为他们有严重的缺陷,就像gcd患者的情况一样。因此,在SCP的背景下,对于gct患者来说,不仅关心很重要,而且尊重也很重要。因此,照顾者不仅必须出于同情或同情,关心这些人的福祉,而且还必须关心尊重他们的利益和权利,根据他们的个人或传记历史,以移情的方式解释他们的利益和权利。我们的结论是,为了保持一致性,SCP必须将gct患者视为人,而我们修改后的人格概念完全符合这一要求。
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引用次数: 0
A tradição filosófica e o paradoxo do fim do sujeito 哲学传统与主体终结悖论
Pub Date : 2019-12-31 DOI: 10.5007/1677-2954.2019v18n3p299
R. Almeida
Estas reflexões têm como objetivo principal analisar a questão do fim do sujeito a partir da tradição filosófica ocidental. Assim, após uma breve introdução histórica que, partindo de Platão e passando por Aristóteles, Agostinho de Hipona e Tomás de Aquino, o texto se propõe examinar a questão do sujeito e da subjetividade na filosofia moderna e, principalmente, na filosofia contemporânea: Schopenhauer e Nietzsche. Com Freud e Lacan, é finalmente levada em consideração a problemática do fim do sujeito, que se exprime essencialmente como o paradoxo de uma exclusão interna. O sujeito da filosofia e da psicologia é, pois, ressignificado, reinterpretado e superado, mas a partir e através do próprio universo simbólico, no qual ele se move e do qual, paradoxalmente, ele se exclui. 
这些反思的主要目的是从西方哲学传统的角度来分析主体的终结问题。因此,本文从柏拉图开始,经过亚里士多德、希波的奥古斯丁和托马斯·阿奎那的简要历史介绍,提出了现代哲学,特别是当代哲学:叔本华和尼采的主体和主体性问题的检验。在弗洛伊德和拉康的作品中,主体的终结问题最终被考虑在内,这一问题本质上表现为内在排斥的悖论。因此,哲学和心理学的主体被重新定义、重新解释和超越,但来自并通过象征宇宙本身,它在象征宇宙中移动,但矛盾的是,它被排斥在象征宇宙之外。
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引用次数: 1
Interpreting the Claim to Legitimate Authority: an Analysis of Joseph Raz's Objection Against Incorporating Moral Norms into Law 对合法权威要求的解释:约瑟夫·拉兹反对将道德规范纳入法律的分析
Pub Date : 2019-12-31 DOI: 10.5007/1677-2954.2019v18n3p319
R. Peres
From a critical review of the literature, we analyze the incompatibility between the possibility of incorporating moral principles to the law and its authoritative nature, as argued by exclusive positivists, such as J. Raz. After presenting his argument in second section, we argue in the third section that it is incompatible with commonly accepted (even by Raz)  premises of the theory of legal interpretation, or else it would lead to contradiction - unless one presupposes, within the premises, a strong version of the sources thesis (which is what Raz intends to prove). In conclusion, we return to the arguments presented, concluding with a possible difficulty for the adoption of exclusive positivism by people inside a legal practice. 
通过对文献的批判性回顾,我们分析了将道德原则纳入法律的可能性与其权威性质之间的不相容,正如J. Raz等排他性实证主义者所主张的那样。在第二部分提出他的论点之后,我们在第三部分中论证,它与普遍接受的(甚至是拉兹的)法律解释理论的前提是不相容的,否则它将导致矛盾——除非一个人在前提中预设了来源论题的一个强有力的版本(这是拉兹想要证明的)。最后,我们回到所提出的论点,得出结论,在法律实践中人们采用排他性实证主义可能存在困难。
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引用次数: 0
Toward a Capability-Based Account of Intergenerational Justice 迈向以能力为基础的代际正义
Pub Date : 2019-10-25 DOI: 10.5007/1677-2954.2018v17n3p363
Alex Richardson
In this paper, I will draw on the capabilities approach to social justice and human development as advanced, among others, by Martha Nussbaum, and seek to provide some theoretical resources for better understanding our obligations to future persons. My argumentative strategy is as follows: First, I’ll briefly reconstruct a capabilities approach to justice, examining this sort of view’s normative foundations and methodology. Using Nussbaum’s capabilities list as a basis, I will argue that various social and environmental functions which are threatened by climate change are crucial with respect to enabling morally and politically central capabilities for both current and future people. Here, I will draw on recent work by Breena Holland to establish the notion of a sustainable climate system as a necessary precondition for the enablement and protection of these entitlements. Then, I’ll extend this strategy to argue that the capabilities approach provides a uniquely useful threshold conception of harm to inform our thinking about our relationship to our posterity. It is my hope that the capabilities approach so applied can give us a novel way of understanding our responsibilities toward future people in a time where such an understanding is both unfortunately lacking and increasingly dire. Finally, I will discuss some implications of a capability-based account in the intergenerational context and some justifications for applying the approach in this way. Ultimately, I submit that this sort of view seems more well-fitted to this context than other approaches (e.g., contractarianism and consequentialism), and that it offers a unique vehicle for understanding our relations and obligations to future people.
在本文中,我将借鉴玛莎·努斯鲍姆(Martha Nussbaum)等人提出的关于社会正义和人类发展的能力方法,并试图提供一些理论资源,以便更好地理解我们对未来的人的义务。我的论证策略如下:首先,我将简要地重建一种正义的能力方法,考察这种观点的规范基础和方法论。以努斯鲍姆的能力清单为基础,我将论证,受到气候变化威胁的各种社会和环境功能,对于为现在和未来的人们提供道德和政治上的核心能力至关重要。在这里,我将借鉴Breena Holland最近的工作,建立一个可持续气候系统的概念,作为实现和保护这些权利的必要先决条件。然后,我将扩展这一策略,认为能力方法提供了一个独特有用的伤害阈值概念,以告知我们思考我们与子孙后代的关系。我希望,如此应用的能力方法可以给我们一种新的方式来理解我们对未来人民的责任,在这个时代,这种理解既不幸地缺乏,又越来越可怕。最后,我将讨论在代际环境中基于能力的描述的一些含义,以及以这种方式应用该方法的一些理由。最后,我认为,这种观点似乎比其他方法(如契约主义和结果主义)更适合于这种背景,它为理解我们与未来人类的关系和义务提供了一种独特的途径。
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引用次数: 0
Indigenous Environmental Interests and their Connection to Anthropogenic Climate Change 土著环境利益及其与人为气候变化的关系
Pub Date : 2019-10-25 DOI: 10.5007/1677-2954.2018v17n3p445
Reyes Espinoza
This research advocates a strategy to mitigate or prevent further anthropogenic climate change and preserve natural resources. The strategy takes into account mechanisms of social and moral norms, which are innate in humanity due to millions of years of evolution. Social norms themselves are not innate, but the mechanisms to acquire them and implement them are. To slow down anthropogenic climate change global forces, inclusive of governments, NGOs, and collective humanity, should help indigenous peoples to protect their territories and property. Important to the moral argument is highlighting the murder of Berta Caceres, a Honduran environmental activist, in 2015 by military members of Honduras at the instruction of the Honduran joint chiefs of staff as well as the likely involvement of an energy company. To conclude, if global forces were to enforce protection of indigenous communities affected by the negative effects of urbanization and globalization, then there would be a mitigating effect on anthropogenic climate change.
本研究提倡一种减缓或防止进一步人为气候变化和保护自然资源的策略。该策略考虑到了社会和道德规范的机制,这是人类在数百万年的进化中与生俱来的。社会规范本身并不是天生的,但获取和实施这些规范的机制却是天生的。为了减缓人为的气候变化,包括政府、非政府组织和全人类在内的全球力量应该帮助土著人民保护他们的领土和财产。2015年,洪都拉斯军方成员在洪都拉斯参谋长联席会议的指示下,谋杀了洪都拉斯的环保活动人士贝尔塔·卡塞雷斯(Berta Caceres),一家能源公司可能也参与其中,这对道德争论很重要。综上所述,如果全球力量能够加强对受城市化和全球化负面影响的土著社区的保护,那么就会对人为气候变化产生缓解作用。
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引用次数: 0
Carbon Markets: Rehabilitationg the Egalitarian Objection 碳市场:恢复平等主义的反对
Pub Date : 2019-10-25 DOI: 10.5007/1677-2954.2018v17n3p389
Antoine Verret-Hamelin
While carbon markets have been increasingly scrutinized for their moral merits, the egalitarian critique of carbon markets has been largely neglected. Many admit that emission-trading schemes (ETSs), in their actual form, reproduce pre-existing inequalities. However, this is often seen as a contingent, easily-fixed problem, as carbon markets can fulfill egalitarian goals as long as the initial allocation of permits is made according to an egalitarian ideal. The goal of this paper is to challenge this idealistic rejection of the egalitarian critique of carbon markets by underlying seven structural features of carbon markets that explain why, in all likelihood, ETSs will always reproduce pre-existing inequalities (without even curbing carbonemissions). First, carbon markets are bound to cover mainly the activities of wealthy and powerful corporations. Second, carbon markets are excessively complex and their operations typically lack transparency. Third, information asymmetries persist between public servants and private firms regarding ETSs. Fourth, target setting is a political, highly partisan process. These four features give private firms the power to manipulate at their advantage the rules of a carbon market. Three other features explain why the motivations of agents under an ETS will most of the time be corrupted: carbon markets trivialize the harm done by carbon emissions; they alter our perception of nature’s value; and they crowd-out our intrinsic motivations. Thus, influential private firms will have the power and willingness to bend carbon markets at their advantage.
虽然碳市场的道德价值受到越来越多的审视,但对碳市场的平等主义批评在很大程度上被忽视了。许多人承认,排放交易计划(ets)的实际形式再现了先前存在的不平等。然而,这通常被视为一个偶然的、容易解决的问题,因为碳市场可以实现平等主义目标,只要许可证的初始分配是根据平等主义理想进行的。本文的目标是通过揭示碳市场的七个结构特征来挑战这种对平等主义对碳市场批判的理想主义拒绝,这些特征解释了为什么碳排放交易体系很可能总是会再现先前存在的不平等(甚至没有遏制碳排放)。首先,碳市场必然主要涵盖有钱有势的企业的活动。其次,碳市场过于复杂,其运作通常缺乏透明度。第三,公务员和私营企业之间关于碳排放交易体系的信息不对称依然存在。第四,设定目标是一个政治性的、高度党派化的过程。这四个特点赋予了私营企业利用自身优势操纵碳市场规则的权力。其他三个特征解释了为什么在碳排放交易体系下,代理人的动机在大多数时候会被破坏:碳市场淡化了碳排放造成的危害;它们改变了我们对自然价值的看法;它们排挤了我们的内在动机。因此,有影响力的私营企业将有能力和意愿按照自己的优势来扭曲碳市场。
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引用次数: 1
Debts, Poverty and Justice 债务、贫穷和正义
Pub Date : 2019-10-25 DOI: 10.5007/1677-2954.2018v17n3p409
C. Dimitriu
In this article, I make the idea that poverty outcomes are not necessarily morally relevant for assessing policies as clear as possible by discussing a specific case within the global justice debate: sovereign debts. The claim I would like to defend is that generating poverty among the population of a poor state as a result of a loan is independent from the fact that such debt is morally binding. People might become poorer as a result of a loan, and the loan might still be binding; and people might not be negatively affected as a result of a loan, and the loan might be non-binding. It is of course often the case that there is something wrong with lending that generates massive poverty. However, in my view, the fact that lending and poverty exist parallel to each other is not what makes a loan binding or non-binding. Thus, it is misguided to measure poverty as a way of testing the bindingness of a debt. I will proceed as follows. First, I will explain in some detail Pogge’s view about lending and justice, as he is the main defender of the outcome-view that I am trying to refute. Second, I will show two possible worries about Pogge’s view. I will call the first one the “agnosticism objection” and the second one the “normative limitation objection”. Third, I will briefly describe my own account of the conditions under which lending would count as non-binding. This account does not necessarily rely on outcomes.
在本文中,我通过讨论全球正义辩论中的一个具体案例:主权债务,尽可能清楚地表明,贫困结果与评估政策在道德上并不一定相关。我想要捍卫的观点是,在一个贫穷国家的人口中,由于贷款而产生的贫困与这种债务具有道德约束力这一事实是独立的。人们可能会因为贷款而变得更穷,而贷款可能仍然具有约束力;人们可能不会因为贷款而受到负面影响,而且贷款可能没有约束力。当然,经常出现的情况是,贷款出了问题,导致了大规模的贫困。然而,在我看来,贷款和贫困并行存在这一事实并不是决定贷款是否具有约束力的原因。因此,把衡量贫困作为检验债务约束力的一种方式是错误的。我将按以下步骤进行。首先,我将详细解释Pogge关于借贷和正义的观点,因为他是我试图反驳的结果观点的主要捍卫者。其次,我将对Pogge的观点提出两个可能的担忧。我将第一个称为“不可知论反对”,第二个称为“规范限制反对”。第三,我将简要描述一下我自己对贷款不具约束力的条件的看法。这种说法不一定依赖于结果。
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引用次数: 0
The Case for Democratic Patients: Epistemic Democracy Goes Green 民主病人的案例:认知民主走向绿色
Pub Date : 2019-10-25 DOI: 10.5007/1677-2954.2018v17n3p423
Andrés Cruz
In mainstream democratic theory, non-agents are only considered indirectly: their interests matter if and only if a group of agents cares about them. In this paper, I argue that democratic patients, non-agents whose interests are affected by democratic decisions, have a place of their own in democratic theory. That is, they are entitled to the fair consideration of their interests in the democratic decision-making process. I defend the case for democratic patients by building upon the idea of epistemic democracy as proposed by David  Estlund . If democratic procedures ought to be epistemically designed towards achieving right decisions, as  Estlund argues, they should consider all relevant evidence fairly, like a jury does. Since democratic patients’ interests are affected by democratic decisions, I argue that they do count as relevant evidence via the All-Affected Principle, which lies at the core of democracy. Then I present some candidates for being democratic patients, which include young children, severely cognitively disabled humans, non-existent future humans, sentient animals and even non-sentient life forms. Whether they turn out to be democratic patients depends on what theories one accepts about agency, interests, and the impact of the outcomes of democracy on interests. I illustrate that point by discussing future humans as possible candidates. Finally, I briefly explore the challenge of designing real-world institutions derived from my argument, outlining what objectives they should aim for and some of the problems they might face.
在主流民主理论中,非代理人只被间接考虑:当且仅当一群代理人关心他们时,他们的利益才重要。在本文中,我认为民主患者,其利益受到民主决策影响的非代理人,在民主理论中有自己的一席之地。也就是说,他们有权在民主决策过程中公平考虑他们的利益。我通过David Estlund提出的认知民主来为民主病人辩护。正如埃斯特伦德所主张的那样,如果民主程序应该在认识论上旨在实现正确的决定,那么它们应该像陪审团一样公平地考虑所有相关证据。由于民主患者的利益受到民主决策的影响,我认为它们确实可以通过全影响原则(All-Affected Principle)作为相关证据,这是民主的核心。然后我提出了一些民主病人的候选人,包括年幼的孩子,严重认知障碍的人,不存在的未来人类,有知觉的动物,甚至没有知觉的生命形式。他们是否成为民主病人,取决于人们对代理、利益以及民主结果对利益的影响所接受的理论。我通过讨论未来人类作为可能的候选人来说明这一点。最后,我简要探讨了从我的论点中衍生出来的设计现实世界机构的挑战,概述了它们应该瞄准的目标以及它们可能面临的一些问题。
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引用次数: 1
Non-Ideal Theory in Climate Agreements 气候协定中的非理想理论
Pub Date : 2019-10-25 DOI: 10.5007/1677-2954.2018v17n3p461
Ushana Jayasuriya
My research explores climate justice and non-ideal theory. Using Laura Valentini’s conception of non-ideal theory, this is applied to the distribution of climate mitigation obligations, with a particular focus on the common but differentiated responsibilities of developed and developing countries. I wish to evaluate this distribution of obligations and determine whether it is an effective method of climate change mitigation, with consideration to non-ideal elements of partial or non-compliance. Climate change is one of the biggest challenges faced by the international community, and it is a problem that requires collective action. However, due to ineffective international agreements and a lack of willingness to alter lifestyles, this action is often not achieved. Agreements commonly result in targets that are not sufficient to exact the change required, instead representing only the states’ willingness to mitigate the destructive aspects of climate change while maintaining economic growth. I suggest that a shift in focus is required to obtain relevant and effective agreements that will reach the required targets. I propose that an Ability to Pay approach and a turn to investment incentives may result in more favourable outcomes. Recent climate agreements have focused more on the investment in clean energy and sharing of resources, however, I argue that this needs to be taken further in order to achieve the collective goal of mitigating climate change.
我的研究探讨了气候正义和非理想理论。利用劳拉·瓦伦蒂尼的非理想理论概念,这适用于减缓气候变化义务的分配,特别侧重于发达国家和发展中国家共同但有区别的责任。我希望评价这种义务分配,并在考虑到部分或不遵守的非理想因素的情况下,确定这是否是缓解气候变化的有效方法。气候变化是国际社会面临的最大挑战之一,需要采取集体行动。然而,由于无效的国际协定和缺乏改变生活方式的意愿,这一行动往往无法实现。协议的目标通常不足以实现所需的变化,而只是代表了各国在保持经济增长的同时减轻气候变化破坏性方面的意愿。我建议,需要改变重点,以达成将达到所需目标的有关和有效的协议。我建议,采用支付能力方法和转向投资激励措施可能会产生更有利的结果。最近的气候协议更多地关注清洁能源的投资和资源共享,然而,我认为,为了实现减缓气候变化的集体目标,这需要进一步采取行动。
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引用次数: 0
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