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Education Policies and Systems Across Modern History: A Global Dataset 现代史上的教育政策和制度:全球数据集
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-14 DOI: 10.1177/00104140241252075
Adrián del Río, C. Knutsen, Philipp M. Lutscher
We introduce a global dataset on education policies and systems across modern history (EPSM), which includes measures on compulsory education, ideological guidance and content of education, governmental intervention and level of education centralization, and teacher training. EPSM covers 157 countries with populations exceeding 1 million people, and time series extend from 1789 to the present. The new dataset opens up for studying several questions concerning political control and the politicized nature of education systems. In addition to describing the measures, we detail how the data were collected and discuss validity and reliability issues. Thereafter, we describe historical trends in various education system characteristics. Finally, we illustrate how our data can be used to address key questions about education and politics, replicating and extending recent analyses on the (reciprocal) relationship between education and democratization, the impact of education on political attitudes, and how rural inequality interacts with regime type in influencing education systems.
我们介绍了一个有关近代史上教育政策和制度的全球数据集(EPSM),其中包括有关义务教育、意识形态指导和教育内容、政府干预和教育集权程度以及教师培训的衡量指标。EPSM 涵盖 157 个人口超过 100 万的国家,时间序列从 1789 年至今。新数据集为研究有关政治控制和教育系统政治化性质的若干问题提供了思路。除了描述测量方法,我们还详细介绍了数据的收集方法,并讨论了有效性和可靠性问题。随后,我们描述了各种教育系统特征的历史趋势。最后,我们说明了如何利用我们的数据来解决有关教育和政治的关键问题,复制并扩展了近期有关教育和民主化之间的(互惠)关系、教育对政治态度的影响以及农村不平等如何与政权类型相互作用影响教育体系的分析。
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引用次数: 0
‘The Economy is Rigged’: Inequality Narratives, Fairness, and Support for Redistribution in Six Countries 经济被操纵":六个国家的不平等叙事、公平性和对再分配的支持
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-13 DOI: 10.1177/00104140241252072
Pepper D. Culpepper, Ryan Shandler, Jae-Hee Jung, Taeku Lee
Do narratives about the causes of inequality influence support for redistribution? Scholarship suggests that information about levels of inequality does not easily shift redistributive attitudes. We embed information about inequality within a commentary article depicting the economy as being rigged to advantage elites, a common populist narrative of both the left and right. Drawing on the media effects and political economy literature, we expect articles employing narratives that portray inequality as the consequence of systemic unfairness to increase demands for redistribution. We test this proposition via an online survey experiment with 7426 respondents in Australia, France, Germany, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Our narrative treatment significantly increases attitudes favoring redistribution in five of the countries. In the US the treatment has no effect. We consider several reasons for the non-result in the US – highlighting beliefs about government inefficiency – and conclude by discussing general implications of our findings.
关于不平等原因的叙述是否会影响对再分配的支持?研究表明,有关不平等程度的信息不会轻易改变人们对再分配的态度。我们在一篇评论文章中嵌入了有关不平等的信息,这篇文章描述了经济被操纵以有利于精英的情况,这是左翼和右翼常见的民粹主义叙事。借鉴媒体效应和政治经济学方面的文献,我们预计,将不平等描述为系统性不公平后果的文章会增加对再分配的需求。我们通过对澳大利亚、法国、德国、瑞士、英国和美国的 7426 名受访者进行在线调查实验来验证这一观点。在其中五个国家,我们的叙述性处理方法大大提高了人们对再分配的态度。而在美国,这种处理方法没有任何效果。我们考虑了在美国没有结果的几个原因--强调了人们对政府效率低下的看法--并在最后讨论了我们的研究结果的普遍意义。
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引用次数: 0
The Violent Legacy of Fascism: Evidence From Italy 法西斯主义的暴力遗产:意大利的证据
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-10 DOI: 10.1177/00104140241252089
Stefano Costalli, Daniele Guariso, Patricia Justino, Andrea Ruggeri
Can legacies of fascism threaten democracies with political violence? Democracies aim to peacefully manage incompatible interests in a society. Yet, few democracies avoid violence altogether. Legacies of fascism may re-emerge because local networks can transfer their ideational tenets - supremacist identities and anti-democratism ( know what), violent practices ( know how), and paramilitary networks ( know whom) - to the new generations. Thanks to an original subnational dataset, we study if the Italian fascist movement that emerged in the 1920s affected political violence in the 1970s–1980s. The local strength of the fascist party before the institutionalization of the fascist regime predicts neofascist political violence more than forty years later. New catalysing events facilitate the resurfacing of local fascist legacies: when a Minister of Interior is appointed, we observe higher levels of neofascist violence in provinces where the early presence of the fascist party was stronger.
法西斯主义的遗产会以政治暴力威胁民主政体吗?民主政体旨在和平管理社会中互不相容的利益。然而,很少有民主国家能完全避免暴力。法西斯主义遗产之所以可能重新出现,是因为地方网络可以将其意识形态信条--至上主义身份和反民主主义(知道什么)、暴力实践(知道如何)和准军事网络(知道谁)--传递给新一代。借助原始的国家以下一级数据集,我们研究了 20 世纪 20 年代兴起的意大利法西斯运动是否影响了 20 世纪 70-80 年代的政治暴力。在法西斯政权制度化之前,法西斯政党在当地的力量预示着四十多年后的新法西斯政治暴力。新的催化事件促进了当地法西斯主义遗产的重新出现:当内政部长被任命时,我们观察到在法西斯党早期势力较强的省份,新法西斯主义暴力程度较高。
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引用次数: 0
The Political Origins of Colonial Land Policy: Evidence From British India and French Algeria 殖民地土地政策的政治起源:英属印度和法属阿尔及利亚的证据
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-08 DOI: 10.1177/00104140241252093
Adria K. Lawrence, Fahad M. Sajid
Whereas the literature on colonial legacies has flourished in recent years, relatively less attention has been paid to the origins of colonial institutions. What explains variation in the design of colonial institutions? Some scholars have stressed the importance of precolonial factors, arguing that institutions were designed to reflect the environmental and socio-political conditions that the colonizers encountered in the colonies. Others hold that policymaking reflected the colonial powers’ metropolitan identity and aims. We believe these literature have been insufficiently attentive to the colonial state and the political ideals of colonial bureaucrats. Drawing on evidence from British India and French Algeria, we show that land policy was shaped by intense competition between ideologically motivated officials, who disagreed over the uses and aims of state power. Theorizing the role of ideas allows us to explain variation in colonial policies across both space and time while highlighting the indispensability of qualitative methods of analysis.
近年来,有关殖民遗产的文献蓬勃发展,但对殖民制度起源的关注却相对较少。是什么解释了殖民地制度设计的差异?一些学者强调了殖民前因素的重要性,认为制度的设计反映了殖民者在殖民地遇到的环境和社会政治条件。还有一些学者认为,政策制定反映了殖民国家的大都市身份和目标。我们认为,这些文献对殖民地国家和殖民地官僚的政治理想关注不够。根据英属印度和法属阿尔及利亚的证据,我们表明土地政策是由具有意识形态动机的官员之间的激烈竞争形成的,他们对国家权力的用途和目标存在分歧。将思想的作用理论化,使我们能够解释殖民政策在空间和时间上的差异,同时强调了定性分析方法的不可或缺性。
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引用次数: 0
Strengthening the Rule of Law Through Community Policing: Evidence From Liberia 通过社区警务加强法治:来自利比里亚的证据
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-04 DOI: 10.1177/00104140241252090
Benjamin S. Morse
How to improve security and strengthen the rule of law in fragile states? Community policing programs have long been at the forefront of policymakers’ efforts to address this challenge. These programs tend to be more expansive than those found in developed countries, focusing not only on building trust through meetings and foot patrols, but also on eliciting ‘coproduction’ from communities to supplement scarce police capacity and provide alternatives to vigilantism. I partnered with the Liberian National Police (LNP) to experimentally evaluate the effectiveness of this approach in Monrovia, Liberia, one of sub-Saharan Africa’s most crime-ridden cities. Drawing on a large-scale resident survey and administrative crime data, I find that the program improved relations between police and citizens, strengthened social norms against vigilantism, and mobilized communities to participate in the police’s “Watch Forum” initiative by forming and sustaining local security groups designed to facilitate cooperation with police. These changes were accompanied by a roughly 40% reduction in the incidence of mob violence. Despite these improvements, the program did not reduce the overall incident of crime, improve perceptions of security, or increase crime reporting.
如何改善脆弱国家的安全状况并加强法治?长期以来,社区警务计划一直是决策者应对这一挑战的最前沿。这些项目往往比发达国家的项目更具扩展性,不仅注重通过会议和徒步巡逻建立信任,而且还注重从社区中激发 "共同生产",以补充稀缺的警力,并提供私刑之外的其他选择。我与利比里亚国家警察(Liberian National Police,LNP)合作,在撒哈拉以南非洲犯罪率最高的城市之一利比里亚蒙罗维亚对这种方法的有效性进行了实验性评估。通过大规模的居民调查和行政犯罪数据,我发现该计划改善了警民关系,加强了反对私刑的社会规范,并通过组建和维持旨在促进与警方合作的地方安全团体,动员社区参与警方的 "观察论坛 "计划。伴随着这些变化,暴民暴力事件减少了约 40%。尽管取得了这些进展,但该计划并未减少总体犯罪事件、改善安全感或增加犯罪报告。
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引用次数: 0
Early-Life Origins of Wartime Behaviour: The Irish Potato Famine and Desertion in the American Civil War 战时行为的早期起源:爱尔兰马铃薯饥荒与美国内战中的逃兵行为
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-22 DOI: 10.1177/00104140241237461
Dylan Potts
How does pre-war trauma impact battlefield behaviour? I study Irish troops in the American Civil War who experienced the Potato Famine over a decade prior. I use birth cohorts, sibling birth order, adult height, and the geography of last names in Ireland to measure famine exposure within the Irish group at the level of individual soldiers. Each strategy indicates that famine exposure increases desertion. Developing and testing observable implications from theory, I show that heightened risk aversion is the most plausible mechanism. Once soldiers are socialized into active combat through collective risk-sharing the famine effect dissipates. This research contributes to our understanding of the causes of contentious behaviour, how the behavioural legacies of atrocities play-out sans partisanship, and the importance of pre-migration experiences.
战前创伤如何影响战场行为?我研究了美国内战中的爱尔兰军队,他们在十多年前经历了马铃薯饥荒。我使用出生队列、兄弟姐妹出生顺序、成人身高和爱尔兰姓氏的地理位置来衡量爱尔兰群体中单个士兵的饥荒暴露程度。每种策略都表明,遭受饥荒会增加逃兵人数。通过发展和检验理论中可观察到的影响,我发现风险规避的增强是最合理的机制。一旦士兵们通过集体风险分担的方式社会化地投入到积极的战斗中,饥荒效应就会消失。这项研究有助于我们理解争议行为的原因、暴行遗留下来的行为如何在没有党派纷争的情况下发生,以及迁移前经历的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Policymakers’ Abortion Preferences: Understanding the Intersection of Gender and Wealth 决策者的堕胎偏好:了解性别与财富的交集
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-10 DOI: 10.1177/00104140241237452
Leonardo R. Arriola, Donghyun Danny Choi, Justine M. Davis, Melanie L. Phillips, Lise Rakner
When are politicians willing to liberalize abortion laws? While restricted access to legal abor- tion affects millions of women around the world, there is relatively little understanding of the factors shaping the views of politicians who craft or uphold such restrictive laws. This study examines the impact of a public health framing commonly employed by activists to persuade politicians to reform abortion laws. We provide evidence that politicians’ preferences toward abortion reforms are shaped by the intersection of gender and wealth. Drawing on a survey experiment conducted among more than 600 politicians in Zambia, we show that only women politicians from less wealthy backgrounds are more likely to support policy liberalization after being exposed to a public health framing. These findings underscore how economic inequal- ities can affect the substantive representation of women’s interests and provide a baseline for further research on the use of framing strategies in other developing country contexts.
政治家何时愿意放宽堕胎法?虽然限制合法堕胎影响着全球数百万妇女,但人们对影响制定或维护此类限制性法律的政治家观点的因素了解相对较少。本研究探讨了活动家在说服政治家改革堕胎法时通常采用的公共卫生框架的影响。我们提供的证据表明,政治家对堕胎改革的偏好是由性别和财富的交叉影响形成的。通过对赞比亚 600 多名政治家进行的调查实验,我们发现,只有来自较不富裕背景的女性政治家才更有可能在接触到公共健康框架后支持政策自由化。这些发现强调了经济不平等如何影响妇女利益的实质性代表,并为进一步研究框架策略在其他发展中国家的使用提供了基础。
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引用次数: 0
Repression, Interests and Outgroup Attitudes: A Survey Experiment in Post-Coup Myanmar 镇压、利益和外群体态度:政变后缅甸的调查实验
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-30 DOI: 10.1177/00104140241237456
Isabel Chew, Jangai Jap
Can outgroup attitudes improve in a repressive context? Existing literature highlights how shared victimization generated under repression facilitates recategorization of identity boundaries, thereby ameliorating exclusionary attitudes. We propose an alternative pathway through which outgroup attitudes can improve. We argue that individuals update their outgroup attitudes when they perceive outgroups as contributing to a shared goal. Rather than being an identity-based response, we suggest that this cognitive process involves instrumental considerations. We evaluate this theory using a web-based survey experiment carried out in post-coup Myanmar and examine attitudes toward the Rohingya, a severely marginalized group. We find that trust and support for Rohingya citizenship rights improve when the Rohingya people are framed as contributing to the pursuit of a shared goal. We also find that this is driven primarily by individuals who have more at stake in the overthrow of the coup regime compared to those with less at stake.
在压抑的环境中,外群体的态度能否得到改善?现有文献强调了在压制环境下产生的共同受害如何促进身份界限的重新分类,从而改善排斥态度。我们提出了另一种改善外群体态度的途径。我们认为,当个体认为外群体有助于实现共同目标时,他们就会更新对外群体的态度。我们认为,这一认知过程不是基于身份的反应,而是涉及工具性考虑。我们利用在政变后的缅甸进行的一项基于网络的调查实验来评估这一理论,并考察了人们对罗辛亚人--一个被严重边缘化的群体--的态度。我们发现,当罗兴亚人被描述为对追求共同目标做出贡献时,对罗兴亚公民权利的信任和支持就会提高。我们还发现,这主要是由那些与推翻政变政权有更多利害关系的人驱动的,而不是那些利害关系较少的人。
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引用次数: 0
Peasant Resistance in Times of Economic Affluence: Lessons From Paraguay 经济富裕时代的农民反抗:巴拉圭的经验教训
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-26 DOI: 10.1177/00104140241237478
Liliana Rocio Duarte Recalde, Germán Feierherd, Jorge Mangonnet, María Victoria Murillo
Contrary to the established belief that low agricultural prices fuel peasant rebellion, our study investigates the surge in peasant unrest during a period of high agricultural prices. The transition to capital-intensive agriculture, characterized by reduced labor demand and heightened entry barriers, prompts landowners to expand into the agricultural frontier during periods of price increases. In these frontier regions, the soils, while comparatively less suitable, become economically viable for commercial agriculture when crop prices are high. This scenario sets the stage for heightened collective resistance, particularly where organizational capacities and subsistence communities provide peasants with symbolic and material resources to resist land encroachment. We provide evidence of this argument by using unique municipal-level data from Paraguay between 2000 and 2014, a period of rising yet fluctuating prices. Our study shows how the interplay between technological advancements in agriculture and global market forces reshape the geography of peasant rebellion.
与低农产品价格助长农民叛乱的既定观点相反,我们的研究调查了高农产品价格时期农民骚乱激增的情况。向资本密集型农业转型的特点是劳动力需求减少和进入壁垒提高,这促使土地所有者在价格上涨时期向农业边疆地区扩张。在这些前沿地区,虽然土壤的适宜性相对较低,但当作物价格较高时,商业性农业在经济上就变得可行。这种情况为加强集体抵抗创造了条件,尤其是在组织能力和自给自足的社区为农民提供象征性和物质资源以抵抗土地侵占的地方。我们利用巴拉圭 2000 年至 2014 年期间独特的市级数据为这一论点提供了证据。我们的研究表明,农业技术进步与全球市场力量之间的相互作用如何重塑了农民反抗的地理格局。
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引用次数: 0
Can Encounters With the State Improve Minority-State Relations? Evidence From Myanmar 与国家的接触能否改善少数民族与国家的关系?缅甸的证据
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-14 DOI: 10.1177/00104140231223746
Jangai Jap
What explains ethnic minorities’ attachment to the state? Our current understanding has primarily considered structural factors, particularly access to political power and modernization. Diverging from existing explanations, I theorize that mundane experiences with the state, in street-level bureaucracy, can inform ethnic minorities’ attitudes toward the state. What they see and experience in street-level bureaucracy signals to ethnic minorities what their prospects might be in a country that is politically dominated by another ethnic group. Leveraging extensive fieldwork in Myanmar, I show that ethnic minorities who have had positive encounters with street-level bureaucrats express stronger attachment to the state. This is the case even when an ethnic group is in direct conflict with the state. I also find that service experiences are more relevant in explaining ethnic minorities’ attachment to the state compared to factors highlighted in existing research.
是什么解释了少数民族对国家的依附?我们目前的理解主要考虑结构性因素,特别是获得政治权力和现代化的机会。与现有的解释不同,我的理论是,在街道官僚机构中与国家打交道的世俗经历,可以影响少数民族对国家的态度。少数民族在街头官僚机构中的所见所闻向他们传递了一个信号,即在一个政治上由另一个民族主导的国家中,他们的前景可能会如何。通过在缅甸进行广泛的实地调查,我发现那些与街头官僚有过正面接触的少数民族会对国家表现出更强烈的依恋。即使一个少数民族与国家有直接冲突,情况也是如此。我还发现,与现有研究中强调的因素相比,服务经历更能解释少数民族对国家的依恋。
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引用次数: 0
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Comparative Political Studies
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