Abstract All Indo-European languages present local adverbs and other derivatives from a basic root *per-, e.g. Gk. πρό, πρότι, περί, παρά, πάρος, πρίν, πρῶτος/πρᾶτος, etc. It is generally agreed that the data point to two root variants, *pr-and *pr̥h₂-, but the origin of the extra *‑h₂‑has never been satisfactorily explained. In this article it is argued that the variation *pr-~ *pr̥h₂-is exclusively found in local adverbs from an archaic root noun *per-/*pr-and that it originated in false segmentation of the PIE (Indo-Hittite) directive case *pr̥‑h₂á(viz.its locativization *pr̥‑h₂ái). The spread of *pr̥h₂-at the expense of *pr-took place almost entirely in dialectal Indo-European.
{"title":"Indo-European *pr- and *pr̥h₂- ‘before, in front of’","authors":"M. Svensson","doi":"10.1515/IF-2018-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/IF-2018-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract All Indo-European languages present local adverbs and other derivatives from a basic root *per-, e.g. Gk. πρό, πρότι, περί, παρά, πάρος, πρίν, πρῶτος/πρᾶτος, etc. It is generally agreed that the data point to two root variants, *pr-and *pr̥h₂-, but the origin of the extra *‑h₂‑has never been satisfactorily explained. In this article it is argued that the variation *pr-~ *pr̥h₂-is exclusively found in local adverbs from an archaic root noun *per-/*pr-and that it originated in false segmentation of the PIE (Indo-Hittite) directive case *pr̥‑h₂á(viz.its locativization *pr̥‑h₂ái). The spread of *pr̥h₂-at the expense of *pr-took place almost entirely in dialectal Indo-European.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/IF-2018-0006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41264883","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract It has been generally held since the beginning of the 20th century that Armenian is more closely related to Greek than to any other Indo-European branch. A more recent minority opinion posits an especially close relationship between Greek and Armenian, even going so far as to assume a period of Greco-Armenian unity. Following upon recent publications, above all Clackson 1994, this paper argues that the available evidence does not at all support this stronger hypothesis. In contrast to the lexical innovations common to Greek and Armenian, the phonological isoglosses shared by the two languages are extremely few and of an easily repeatable nature. The morphological features claimed as shared innovations may likewise represent independent developments and/or have parallels in other Indo-European branches, whereas other features of verbal morphology rather appear to connect Armenian with Indo-Iranian or Balto-Slavic. These considerations suggest that pre-Armenian belonged to a dialect continuum encompassing the ancestors of Greek, Phrygian, and Indo-Iranian for some time after the breakup of Proto-Indo-European, but made up a distinct speech community already by the late 3rd millennium BC.
{"title":"Greco-Armenian","authors":"Ronald I. Kim","doi":"10.1515/if-2018-0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2018-0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract It has been generally held since the beginning of the 20th century that Armenian is more closely related to Greek than to any other Indo-European branch. A more recent minority opinion posits an especially close relationship between Greek and Armenian, even going so far as to assume a period of Greco-Armenian unity. Following upon recent publications, above all Clackson 1994, this paper argues that the available evidence does not at all support this stronger hypothesis. In contrast to the lexical innovations common to Greek and Armenian, the phonological isoglosses shared by the two languages are extremely few and of an easily repeatable nature. The morphological features claimed as shared innovations may likewise represent independent developments and/or have parallels in other Indo-European branches, whereas other features of verbal morphology rather appear to connect Armenian with Indo-Iranian or Balto-Slavic. These considerations suggest that pre-Armenian belonged to a dialect continuum encompassing the ancestors of Greek, Phrygian, and Indo-Iranian for some time after the breakup of Proto-Indo-European, but made up a distinct speech community already by the late 3rd millennium BC.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2018-0009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47836608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper deals with the prosody of the Hittite sentence connectives nu, šu, ta. It is argued that bare sentence connectives are unstressed, being proclitics, whereas sentence connectives+ encliticsare stressed. Some implications for diachronic and synchronic phonology of Hittite are also discussed.
{"title":"Hittite prosody","authors":"Andrei V. Sideltsev","doi":"10.1515/if-2018-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2018-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper deals with the prosody of the Hittite sentence connectives nu, šu, ta. It is argued that bare sentence connectives are unstressed, being proclitics, whereas sentence connectives+ encliticsare stressed. Some implications for diachronic and synchronic phonology of Hittite are also discussed.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2018-0005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48990491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Zusammenfassung Non-standard-language data pose specific problems for etymological research. The paper discusses a set of words related to the Germanic root *kreu̯da- ‘to push, shove’ showing that data from German dialects provide relevant information both for the reconstruction of their internal prehistory and for the discussion of possible etymological connections outside Germanic.
{"title":"Germanisch *kreu̯da- und Verwandtes","authors":"Eva Büthe-Scheider, D. Kölligan","doi":"10.1515/IF-2018-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/IF-2018-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Zusammenfassung Non-standard-language data pose specific problems for etymological research. The paper discusses a set of words related to the Germanic root *kreu̯da- ‘to push, shove’ showing that data from German dialects provide relevant information both for the reconstruction of their internal prehistory and for the discussion of possible etymological connections outside Germanic.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/IF-2018-0001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46916203","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In Vertegaal 2017, it was argued that plene spellings(〈CV-V〉 sign sequences) in Hieroglyphic Luwian can be divided into two types: space-fillers on the one hand, and non-fillers on the other. This article focuses on plene spellings of the latter kind, as attested in texts from the Iron Age (CHLI). It is demonstrated that these non-filler plene writings are non-randomly distributed across morphemes and lexemes, indicating that this mode of spelling marks a phonetic feature. Using secure etymologies and analyses, it is proposed that non-filler (“linguistically real”) plene spellings mark the presence of long vowels or disyllabic sequences. The validity of this hypothesis is subsequently tested against less secure and doubtful etymologies as well as counterexamples. Finally, it is concluded that the hypothesis holds, thereby providing, for the first time, direct evidence for the writing of vowel length in Hieroglyphic Luwian.
{"title":"Signs of length","authors":"Alexander Vertegaal","doi":"10.1515/IF-2018-0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/IF-2018-0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In Vertegaal 2017, it was argued that plene spellings(〈CV-V〉 sign sequences) in Hieroglyphic Luwian can be divided into two types: space-fillers on the one hand, and non-fillers on the other. This article focuses on plene spellings of the latter kind, as attested in texts from the Iron Age (CHLI). It is demonstrated that these non-filler plene writings are non-randomly distributed across morphemes and lexemes, indicating that this mode of spelling marks a phonetic feature. Using secure etymologies and analyses, it is proposed that non-filler (“linguistically real”) plene spellings mark the presence of long vowels or disyllabic sequences. The validity of this hypothesis is subsequently tested against less secure and doubtful etymologies as well as counterexamples. Finally, it is concluded that the hypothesis holds, thereby providing, for the first time, direct evidence for the writing of vowel length in Hieroglyphic Luwian.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/IF-2018-0007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42851702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Building on Melchert’s observation that in Old Hittite narrative texts an aspectual system seems to be used that is different from the aspectual system found in the majority of Hittite texts (Melchert 1998), this article discusses the nature of the tense-aspect system of Proto-Indo-European, especially on the basis of a comparison between the Sanskrit and Hittite verbal systems (following observations and analyses by Pooth 2009). It is argued that the tense-aspect system of the Old Hittite narrative texts as described by Melchert may go back directly to the system that can be reconstructed for early Proto-Indo-European, namely one in which there was no distinction in tense, but rather a distinction between progressive and non-progressive aspect.
{"title":"The Old Hittite and the Proto-Indo-European tense-aspect system","authors":"Alwin Kloekhorst","doi":"10.1515/if-2017-0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2017-0015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Building on Melchert’s observation that in Old Hittite narrative texts an aspectual system seems to be used that is different from the aspectual system found in the majority of Hittite texts (Melchert 1998), this article discusses the nature of the tense-aspect system of Proto-Indo-European, especially on the basis of a comparison between the Sanskrit and Hittite verbal systems (following observations and analyses by Pooth 2009). It is argued that the tense-aspect system of the Old Hittite narrative texts as described by Melchert may go back directly to the system that can be reconstructed for early Proto-Indo-European, namely one in which there was no distinction in tense, but rather a distinction between progressive and non-progressive aspect.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2017-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2017-0015","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45659810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Esther Le Mair, C. A. Johnson, M. Frotscher, T. Eythórsson, Jóhanna Barðdal
Abstract A subject analysis of oblique subject-like arguments remains controversial even across modern languages where the available data are not finite: while such arguments are considered syntactic subjects in Icelandic, they have more often been analyzed as objects in Lithuanian, for example. This issue has been left relatively neglected for the ancient Indo-European languages outside of Sanskrit (Hock 1990), Gothic (Barðdal & Eythórsson 2012), and Ancient Greek (Danesi 2015). In this article, we address the status of oblique subject-like arguments in Old Irish, whose strict word-order enables us to compare the position (relative to the verb and other arguments) of nominative subject arguments of the canonical type to oblique subject-like arguments. We first establish a baseline for neutral word-order of nominative subjects and accusative objects and then compare their distribution to that of oblique subject-like arguments under two conditions: i) on a subject analysis and ii) on an object analysis. The word-order distribution differs significantly across the two contexts when the oblique arguments are analyzed as syntactic objects, but not when they are analyzed as syntactic subjects. These findings add to the growing evidence that oblique subject-like arguments should be analyzed as syntactic subjects, although their coding properties are non-canonical.
{"title":"Position as a behavioral property of subjects","authors":"Esther Le Mair, C. A. Johnson, M. Frotscher, T. Eythórsson, Jóhanna Barðdal","doi":"10.1515/if-2017-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2017-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A subject analysis of oblique subject-like arguments remains controversial even across modern languages where the available data are not finite: while such arguments are considered syntactic subjects in Icelandic, they have more often been analyzed as objects in Lithuanian, for example. This issue has been left relatively neglected for the ancient Indo-European languages outside of Sanskrit (Hock 1990), Gothic (Barðdal & Eythórsson 2012), and Ancient Greek (Danesi 2015). In this article, we address the status of oblique subject-like arguments in Old Irish, whose strict word-order enables us to compare the position (relative to the verb and other arguments) of nominative subject arguments of the canonical type to oblique subject-like arguments. We first establish a baseline for neutral word-order of nominative subjects and accusative objects and then compare their distribution to that of oblique subject-like arguments under two conditions: i) on a subject analysis and ii) on an object analysis. The word-order distribution differs significantly across the two contexts when the oblique arguments are analyzed as syntactic objects, but not when they are analyzed as syntactic subjects. These findings add to the growing evidence that oblique subject-like arguments should be analyzed as syntactic subjects, although their coding properties are non-canonical.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2017-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2017-0006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48673217","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Zusammenfassung The Indo-European languages of Anatolia in the second and first millennium B. C. share the following typological particularity: The beginning of the sentence shows a chain containing sentential particles, pronominal elements and local particles (referred to as “PPC”). This PPC has a fixed inner order. Our aim is to explain the emergence of the PPC and to verifiably judge the question to which degree the PPC is inherited. Therefore, we investigate the structural differences within individual languages’ PPCs and try to reconstruct the basic PPC-structure common to all Ancient Anatolian languages. Our approach is fundamentally sustained by new considerations concerning the discrepancy between (1) the phonological realization of the PPC and (2) the potential diversity in the underlying syntactic structure, which hitherto has mostly been ignored. We succeed in presenting evidence that, for the potential formation of the basic PPC-structure, not only Wackernagel’s Law plays a crucial role, but at least two further mainly (morpho-)phonological processes are crucial. Our findings lead to a better understanding of Common Anatolian phrase structure.
{"title":"Die Pronominal‑ und Partikelkette in den altanatolischen Sprachen","authors":"I. Hajnal, Katharina Zipser","doi":"10.1515/if-2017-0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2017-0016","url":null,"abstract":"Zusammenfassung The Indo-European languages of Anatolia in the second and first millennium B. C. share the following typological particularity: The beginning of the sentence shows a chain containing sentential particles, pronominal elements and local particles (referred to as “PPC”). This PPC has a fixed inner order. Our aim is to explain the emergence of the PPC and to verifiably judge the question to which degree the PPC is inherited. Therefore, we investigate the structural differences within individual languages’ PPCs and try to reconstruct the basic PPC-structure common to all Ancient Anatolian languages. Our approach is fundamentally sustained by new considerations concerning the discrepancy between (1) the phonological realization of the PPC and (2) the potential diversity in the underlying syntactic structure, which hitherto has mostly been ignored. We succeed in presenting evidence that, for the potential formation of the basic PPC-structure, not only Wackernagel’s Law plays a crucial role, but at least two further mainly (morpho-)phonological processes are crucial. Our findings lead to a better understanding of Common Anatolian phrase structure.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2017-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2017-0016","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42484471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper examines the use of the participles dicens or dicentes ‘saying’ introducing direct speech in Late Latin texts from the 6th to 8th centuries. It argues that dicens/dicentes shows signs of ongoing grammaticalization and develops into a quotative marker, acquiring a discourse-organizing function. The analyzed signs of grammaticalization of dicens/dicentes examined in the paper include “frozen” dicens/dicentes which disagrees in case and/or in number; redundant dicens/dicentes after verbs of speech; the position of dicens/dicentes immediately before direct speech; and the spread of dicens/dicentes to new contexts. It is assumed that individual instances show various degrees of grammaticalization, but that dicens/dicentes is not a fully grammaticalized quotative marker.
{"title":"Some remarks on dicens in Late Latin texts","authors":"J. Mikulová","doi":"10.1515/if-2017-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2017-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper examines the use of the participles dicens or dicentes ‘saying’ introducing direct speech in Late Latin texts from the 6th to 8th centuries. It argues that dicens/dicentes shows signs of ongoing grammaticalization and develops into a quotative marker, acquiring a discourse-organizing function. The analyzed signs of grammaticalization of dicens/dicentes examined in the paper include “frozen” dicens/dicentes which disagrees in case and/or in number; redundant dicens/dicentes after verbs of speech; the position of dicens/dicentes immediately before direct speech; and the spread of dicens/dicentes to new contexts. It is assumed that individual instances show various degrees of grammaticalization, but that dicens/dicentes is not a fully grammaticalized quotative marker.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2017-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2017-0001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47281603","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The first part of the article deals with the ablaut pattern(s) that may be reconstructed on the basis of Slavic comparatives. It is claimed that three separate morphological categories (including comparatives) support the interpretation of the vowel o in some suppletive roots as derived from the ∅-grade, possibly within the amphikinetic pattern; thus a new sound law is suggested for Proto-Slavic. In the second part, it is illustrated how the remodeling of the Proto-Slavic comparative formative supports the interpretation of Proto-Indo-European comparatives as quasi-primary derivatives of change-of-state verbs; a parallel phenomenon is also described for Kashubian. Finally, accentual matters are briefly referred to. The paper includes some remarks on the vestiges of the Caland system in Slavic, too.
{"title":"Vocalic elements and prosody in Slavic comparatives","authors":"Rafał Szeptyński","doi":"10.1515/if-2017-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2017-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The first part of the article deals with the ablaut pattern(s) that may be reconstructed on the basis of Slavic comparatives. It is claimed that three separate morphological categories (including comparatives) support the interpretation of the vowel o in some suppletive roots as derived from the ∅-grade, possibly within the amphikinetic pattern; thus a new sound law is suggested for Proto-Slavic. In the second part, it is illustrated how the remodeling of the Proto-Slavic comparative formative supports the interpretation of Proto-Indo-European comparatives as quasi-primary derivatives of change-of-state verbs; a parallel phenomenon is also described for Kashubian. Finally, accentual matters are briefly referred to. The paper includes some remarks on the vestiges of the Caland system in Slavic, too.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2017-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2017-0008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45337540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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