Abstract In standard Albanian, there is a restricted class of three intransitive verbs (hip-, ec-, ik-) that shows a suffix ‑i/‑ën in the conjugation of the present singular. In dialects and in Old Albanian, however, this suffix is more prolific. This paper studies the history of this suffix and its function by comparing its use in a wide range of Albanian dialects. Based on the dialectal data a Proto- Albanian inchoative/imperfective function inherited from Proto-Indo-European can be reconstructed for the suffix. This function is still present in the Arbëresh dialect of San Costantino Albanese. As the suffix lost its semantic component, it became a marker for the imperfect in Tosk and southern Geg, while in northern Geg the suffix is used as a present marker in verbs where ambiguity with the imperfect could arise. The verbs hip-, ec-, and ik- were originally transitive verbs which were intransitivized by the suffix ‑i/‑ën. As their original transitive meaning was lost, the suffix was obligatory in these verbs in Proto-Albanian already, a situation that is continued in almost all present dialects.
{"title":"History of the Albanian present suffix ‑i/‑ën from Proto-Indo-European to the modern dialects","authors":"Milan Lopuhaä-Zwakenberg","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In standard Albanian, there is a restricted class of three intransitive verbs (hip-, ec-, ik-) that shows a suffix ‑i/‑ën in the conjugation of the present singular. In dialects and in Old Albanian, however, this suffix is more prolific. This paper studies the history of this suffix and its function by comparing its use in a wide range of Albanian dialects. Based on the dialectal data a Proto- Albanian inchoative/imperfective function inherited from Proto-Indo-European can be reconstructed for the suffix. This function is still present in the Arbëresh dialect of San Costantino Albanese. As the suffix lost its semantic component, it became a marker for the imperfect in Tosk and southern Geg, while in northern Geg the suffix is used as a present marker in verbs where ambiguity with the imperfect could arise. The verbs hip-, ec-, and ik- were originally transitive verbs which were intransitivized by the suffix ‑i/‑ën. As their original transitive meaning was lost, the suffix was obligatory in these verbs in Proto-Albanian already, a situation that is continued in almost all present dialects.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"125 1","pages":"51 - 78"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47415991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The paper reevaluates the evidence for dative case marking of the direct object of the infinitive in Hittite against the Indo-European and cross-linguistic background. It provides a full corpus of relevant examples in Hittite, suggests a new taxonomy of them and proposes that a syntactic rule has to be formulated to account for the non-finite contexts where dative case marks the direct object of the infinitive in Hittite.
{"title":"Syntax of the Hittite infinitive","authors":"A. Sideltsev","doi":"10.1515/IF-2020-012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/IF-2020-012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The paper reevaluates the evidence for dative case marking of the direct object of the infinitive in Hittite against the Indo-European and cross-linguistic background. It provides a full corpus of relevant examples in Hittite, suggests a new taxonomy of them and proposes that a syntactic rule has to be formulated to account for the non-finite contexts where dative case marks the direct object of the infinitive in Hittite.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"125 1","pages":"267 - 312"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/IF-2020-012","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47083130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Zusammenfassung In the construction ἑκὼν εἶναι, grammars identify the function of εἶναι either with the function of an old dative or accusative. However, some scholars consider εἶναι redundant because it is difficult to ascertain its exact semantic and syntactic function. In any case, neither the original meaning of εἶναι in this construction nor the functional relationship of ἑκών with the infinitive has been described satisfactorily. The semantic, syntactic, and pragmatic differences between ἑκών and ἑκὼν εἶναι have not been determined either. This paper analyzes both ἑκών and εἶναι based on a selection of works of different chronology and genres in order to propose both a diachronic and a synchronic explanation of the construction ἑκὼν εἶναι. The data analysis supports the interpretation of εἶναι as a limitative infinitive that developed into a focusing element. In sentences with negative polarity, ἑκὼν εἶναι has regularly evolved into a parenthetical, specifically a self-correction parenthetical.
在结构中，语法将ε ο ναι的功能与旧的与格或宾格的功能相区分。然而，一些学者认为ε ναι是多余的，因为很难确定其确切的语义和句法功能。无论如何，在这个结构中，ε ι ναι的原意和ς κών与不定式的功能关系都没有得到令人满意的描述。在语义、句法和语用方面，“ο κών”和“ο κ ο ν ε ο ναι”之间的差异也尚未确定。本文在选取不同年代和体体学作品的基础上，分析了“ο κ κ ν κών”和“ε κ ναι”这两个词，以期对“ο κ κ ν ε ναι”的结构提出历时性和共时性的解释。数据分析支持ε ι ναι作为限制不定式发展成为聚焦元素的解释。在具有否定极性的句子中，“ν κ ο ν ναι”经常演变为插入语，特别是自我纠正的插入语。
{"title":"Zur Entwicklung von ἑκὼν εἶναι im Altgriechischen","authors":"Luz Conti","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-010","url":null,"abstract":"Zusammenfassung In the construction ἑκὼν εἶναι, grammars identify the function of εἶναι either with the function of an old dative or accusative. However, some scholars consider εἶναι redundant because it is difficult to ascertain its exact semantic and syntactic function. In any case, neither the original meaning of εἶναι in this construction nor the functional relationship of ἑκών with the infinitive has been described satisfactorily. The semantic, syntactic, and pragmatic differences between ἑκών and ἑκὼν εἶναι have not been determined either. This paper analyzes both ἑκών and εἶναι based on a selection of works of different chronology and genres in order to propose both a diachronic and a synchronic explanation of the construction ἑκὼν εἶναι. The data analysis supports the interpretation of εἶναι as a limitative infinitive that developed into a focusing element. In sentences with negative polarity, ἑκὼν εἶναι has regularly evolved into a parenthetical, specifically a self-correction parenthetical.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"125 1","pages":"217 - 238"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42586075","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Zusammenfassung It is argued that Greek σφήξ, σφηκός ‘wasp’ may be derived from the PIE root *(s)bʰeh₁gʰ- ‘be irascible; start a fight’. The insect’s belligerent nature has been noted both in European antiquity and in various cultures around the world. The inverse of Grassmann’s Law (e.g. nom.pl. σφῆκες, not *σπῆχες) seems to be regular in paradigms with word-initial σφ-. The form σφάξ in Theocritus may be hyperdoric.
{"title":"Gr. σφήξ ‚Wespe‘ und uridg. *(s)bʰeh₁gʰ-","authors":"D. Kölligan","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-002","url":null,"abstract":"Zusammenfassung It is argued that Greek σφήξ, σφηκός ‘wasp’ may be derived from the PIE root *(s)bʰeh₁gʰ- ‘be irascible; start a fight’. The insect’s belligerent nature has been noted both in European antiquity and in various cultures around the world. The inverse of Grassmann’s Law (e.g. nom.pl. σφῆκες, not *σπῆχες) seems to be regular in paradigms with word-initial σφ-. The form σφάξ in Theocritus may be hyperdoric.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"125 1","pages":"21 - 32"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45282393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The inherited Proto-Slavic feminine nouns in nom. sg. *‑y, oblique *‑ъvare conventionally thought to go back to one source only, namely Proto-Indo- European stems in *‑uh‑. However, a handful of previous studies have already demonstrated the possibility that other inherited items could join this paradigm by phonologically developing a nom. sg. in *‑y from other sources (particularly *‑ōs). Accordingly, in the present article, it is hypothesized that the well-known PSl. noun *ljuby *ljubъve f. ‘love’ may go back to an amphikinetic s‑stem *lewbʰ‑ōs. Such a reconstruction makes it possible to explain a number of otherwise problematic features of the complex of *ljuby, such as: 1) the enigmatic OCS acc. sg. ljuby (for expected ljubъvь) in the collocations (prě)ljuby (sъ)tvoriti or (prě)ljuby dějati ‘commit adultery’; 2) the unexpected presence of *‑s‑ in the Balt. cognate, Lith. liaupsė̃ f. ‘praise, adoration’; 3) the occurrence of PSl. *‑y as an abstract marker (a function in which PIE amphikinetic s‑stems in *‑ōs are securely, even if marginally, found, particularly in the domain of emotions and mental states - cf. Gk. αἰδώς αἰδόος f. ‘reverence, awe’, ἔρως *ἔροος m. ‘love, desire’, Ved. bhiyás‑, Av. biiah‑ m. ‘fear’ - while no such function can convincingly be reconstructed for a formation in *‑u‑h₂).
{"title":"Slavic *ljuby and the heterogeneity of the inflectional class in *‑y","authors":"Marek Majer","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The inherited Proto-Slavic feminine nouns in nom. sg. *‑y, oblique *‑ъvare conventionally thought to go back to one source only, namely Proto-Indo- European stems in *‑uh‑. However, a handful of previous studies have already demonstrated the possibility that other inherited items could join this paradigm by phonologically developing a nom. sg. in *‑y from other sources (particularly *‑ōs). Accordingly, in the present article, it is hypothesized that the well-known PSl. noun *ljuby *ljubъve f. ‘love’ may go back to an amphikinetic s‑stem *lewbʰ‑ōs. Such a reconstruction makes it possible to explain a number of otherwise problematic features of the complex of *ljuby, such as: 1) the enigmatic OCS acc. sg. ljuby (for expected ljubъvь) in the collocations (prě)ljuby (sъ)tvoriti or (prě)ljuby dějati ‘commit adultery’; 2) the unexpected presence of *‑s‑ in the Balt. cognate, Lith. liaupsė̃ f. ‘praise, adoration’; 3) the occurrence of PSl. *‑y as an abstract marker (a function in which PIE amphikinetic s‑stems in *‑ōs are securely, even if marginally, found, particularly in the domain of emotions and mental states - cf. Gk. αἰδώς αἰδόος f. ‘reverence, awe’, ἔρως *ἔροος m. ‘love, desire’, Ved. bhiyás‑, Av. biiah‑ m. ‘fear’ - while no such function can convincingly be reconstructed for a formation in *‑u‑h₂).","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"125 1","pages":"79 - 104"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44391777","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In Vedic Sanskrit, masculine a-stem nominals exhibit two different forms of the nom/voc.pl, a short form (ending in ‑ās) and a long form (ending in ‑āsas). In this article, we will argue that the scope of this variation is not a single nominal but the entire noun phrase. This means that whereas the short form may occur several times in a noun phrase, the long form is either absent or occurs only once. From a functional point of view, complex noun phrases containing one long form are equivalent to simple noun phrases consisting of one long form. In contrast, complex noun phrases containing only short forms are equivalent to simple noun phrases consisting of one short form. The presence or absence of the long form marks the presence or absence of a certain linguistic feature, the exact nature of which still has to be determined. We will argue that in those cases in which two long forms occur in relative proximity to each other, they either have to, or at least can be interpreted as being part of two distinct noun phrases. In order to do so, we will apply morphological, semantic, syntactic as well as stylistic and metrical criteria.
{"title":"The nominative/vocative plural of Vedic masculine a-stems in complex nominal expressions","authors":"Pascal Coenen, M. Frotscher","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In Vedic Sanskrit, masculine a-stem nominals exhibit two different forms of the nom/voc.pl, a short form (ending in ‑ās) and a long form (ending in ‑āsas). In this article, we will argue that the scope of this variation is not a single nominal but the entire noun phrase. This means that whereas the short form may occur several times in a noun phrase, the long form is either absent or occurs only once. From a functional point of view, complex noun phrases containing one long form are equivalent to simple noun phrases consisting of one long form. In contrast, complex noun phrases containing only short forms are equivalent to simple noun phrases consisting of one short form. The presence or absence of the long form marks the presence or absence of a certain linguistic feature, the exact nature of which still has to be determined. We will argue that in those cases in which two long forms occur in relative proximity to each other, they either have to, or at least can be interpreted as being part of two distinct noun phrases. In order to do so, we will apply morphological, semantic, syntactic as well as stylistic and metrical criteria.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"125 1","pages":"165 - 216"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41560375","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In addition to inflecting adjectives for case, number, and gender, the early Germanic languages inflect adjectives as either strong or weak. Scholarly consensus is lacking regarding what triggers this fourth inflectional category, i.e. why an adjective surfaces as either strong or weak. While the traditional school of thought held that weak adjectives surface with definite determiners, some recent scholarship has argued that a semantic force such as definiteness or classification is responsible. To evaluate the two positions, I compared attributive adjectives in the Old High German translation of Tatian’s Diatessaron with the corresponding passages in Gothic and Old English. The conclusion supports the traditional school of thought that determiners trigger weak adjectives and refutes the idea that semantics is primarily responsible for whether an adjective surfaces as strong or weak.
{"title":"Meta-Tatian","authors":"Elliott Evans","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In addition to inflecting adjectives for case, number, and gender, the early Germanic languages inflect adjectives as either strong or weak. Scholarly consensus is lacking regarding what triggers this fourth inflectional category, i.e. why an adjective surfaces as either strong or weak. While the traditional school of thought held that weak adjectives surface with definite determiners, some recent scholarship has argued that a semantic force such as definiteness or classification is responsible. To evaluate the two positions, I compared attributive adjectives in the Old High German translation of Tatian’s Diatessaron with the corresponding passages in Gothic and Old English. The conclusion supports the traditional school of thought that determiners trigger weak adjectives and refutes the idea that semantics is primarily responsible for whether an adjective surfaces as strong or weak.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"125 1","pages":"105 - 134"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45874549","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Zusammenfassung This paper contains a critical evaluation of the alleged Proto- Indo-European loanwords in Proto-Uralic and Proto-Finno-Ugric and argues that most of them cannot be upheld. It is also argued that currently it is not possible to choose between different scenarios for the remaining cases, i.e. sheer coincidence, borrowing from Proto-Indo-European, borrowing from a precursor of Tocharian, and a combination of any of these. Incidentally, this result also means that these words cannot be used for the location of the Proto-Indo-European homeland in the steppe area, which thus loses its single trustworthy linguistic argument.
{"title":"Urindogermanische Lehnwörter in den uralischen und finno-ugrischen Grundsprachen","authors":"Zsolt Simon","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-011","url":null,"abstract":"Zusammenfassung This paper contains a critical evaluation of the alleged Proto- Indo-European loanwords in Proto-Uralic and Proto-Finno-Ugric and argues that most of them cannot be upheld. It is also argued that currently it is not possible to choose between different scenarios for the remaining cases, i.e. sheer coincidence, borrowing from Proto-Indo-European, borrowing from a precursor of Tocharian, and a combination of any of these. Incidentally, this result also means that these words cannot be used for the location of the Proto-Indo-European homeland in the steppe area, which thus loses its single trustworthy linguistic argument.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"125 1","pages":"239 - 266"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49294593","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article discusses the grammaticalization of the habitual auxiliaries εἴωθα, φιλέω, ἐθέλω and νομίζω in Archaic and Classical Greek. I aim to (1) provide a more complete understanding of the Ancient Greek expressions of habituality; (2) distinguish clearly between habitual aspect and (possibly diachronically) related semantic categories such as iterativity and genericity; (3) demonstrate the usefulness of grammaticalization and collocation criteria to measure the relative degree of grammaticalization of the habitual auxiliaries. I argue that their degree of grammaticalization can be measured by whether they have developed past uses, undergone a diachronic collocation shift to inanimate subjects and, subsequently, stative infinitives, and whether they have acquired an anti-present implicature. Finally, I suggest that habitual ἐθέλω occurred already in Archaic Greek and was the source for the futurity use that it developed in Classical Greek.
{"title":"Habitual auxiliaries in Ancient Greek","authors":"Ezra la Roi","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article discusses the grammaticalization of the habitual auxiliaries εἴωθα, φιλέω, ἐθέλω and νομίζω in Archaic and Classical Greek. I aim to (1) provide a more complete understanding of the Ancient Greek expressions of habituality; (2) distinguish clearly between habitual aspect and (possibly diachronically) related semantic categories such as iterativity and genericity; (3) demonstrate the usefulness of grammaticalization and collocation criteria to measure the relative degree of grammaticalization of the habitual auxiliaries. I argue that their degree of grammaticalization can be measured by whether they have developed past uses, undergone a diachronic collocation shift to inanimate subjects and, subsequently, stative infinitives, and whether they have acquired an anti-present implicature. Finally, I suggest that habitual ἐθέλω occurred already in Archaic Greek and was the source for the futurity use that it developed in Classical Greek.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"125 1","pages":"135 - 164"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45306409","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper focuses on the last verse of the Phrygian epigram dated to the Early Hellenistic Period and found in Dokimeion (W-11). After some remarks on the segmentation, the verb πεννιτι is identified as the Phrygian outcome of PIE verbal root *pent- and ομνισιτου, along with its related Phrygian forms, as going back to PIE *h₃emh₃‑. It also argues in favour of Lubotsky’s identification of Phrygian κορο- as a cognate of Greek κόρος ‘boy’ and κόρη ‘girl’ with some remarks on its inflection.
摘要本文主要研究在Dokimeion (W-11)发现的早期希腊化时期弗里吉亚警句的最后一节。在对分割进行了一些评论之后，动词πεννιτι被确定为PIE动词词根*pent-和ομνισιτου的弗里吉亚语结果，以及它相关的弗里吉亚语形式，可以追溯到PIE *h₃emh₃‑。它还支持Lubotsky将Phrygian κορο-确定为希腊语κόρος ' boy '和κόρη ' girl '的同源词，并对其变化进行了一些评论。
{"title":"The last verse of the Middle Phrygian epigram from Dokimeion","authors":"Bartomeu Obrador-Cursach","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper focuses on the last verse of the Phrygian epigram dated to the Early Hellenistic Period and found in Dokimeion (W-11). After some remarks on the segmentation, the verb πεννιτι is identified as the Phrygian outcome of PIE verbal root *pent- and ομνισιτου, along with its related Phrygian forms, as going back to PIE *h₃emh₃‑. It also argues in favour of Lubotsky’s identification of Phrygian κορο- as a cognate of Greek κόρος ‘boy’ and κόρη ‘girl’ with some remarks on its inflection.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"125 1","pages":"41 - 50"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48216617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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