Abstract In Vedic Sanskrit, masculine a-stem nominals exhibit two different forms of the nom/voc.pl, a short form (ending in ‑ās) and a long form (ending in ‑āsas). In this article, we will argue that the scope of this variation is not a single nominal but the entire noun phrase. This means that whereas the short form may occur several times in a noun phrase, the long form is either absent or occurs only once. From a functional point of view, complex noun phrases containing one long form are equivalent to simple noun phrases consisting of one long form. In contrast, complex noun phrases containing only short forms are equivalent to simple noun phrases consisting of one short form. The presence or absence of the long form marks the presence or absence of a certain linguistic feature, the exact nature of which still has to be determined. We will argue that in those cases in which two long forms occur in relative proximity to each other, they either have to, or at least can be interpreted as being part of two distinct noun phrases. In order to do so, we will apply morphological, semantic, syntactic as well as stylistic and metrical criteria.
{"title":"The nominative/vocative plural of Vedic masculine a-stems in complex nominal expressions","authors":"Pascal Coenen, M. Frotscher","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In Vedic Sanskrit, masculine a-stem nominals exhibit two different forms of the nom/voc.pl, a short form (ending in ‑ās) and a long form (ending in ‑āsas). In this article, we will argue that the scope of this variation is not a single nominal but the entire noun phrase. This means that whereas the short form may occur several times in a noun phrase, the long form is either absent or occurs only once. From a functional point of view, complex noun phrases containing one long form are equivalent to simple noun phrases consisting of one long form. In contrast, complex noun phrases containing only short forms are equivalent to simple noun phrases consisting of one short form. The presence or absence of the long form marks the presence or absence of a certain linguistic feature, the exact nature of which still has to be determined. We will argue that in those cases in which two long forms occur in relative proximity to each other, they either have to, or at least can be interpreted as being part of two distinct noun phrases. In order to do so, we will apply morphological, semantic, syntactic as well as stylistic and metrical criteria.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41560375","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Zusammenfassung This paper contains a critical evaluation of the alleged Proto- Indo-European loanwords in Proto-Uralic and Proto-Finno-Ugric and argues that most of them cannot be upheld. It is also argued that currently it is not possible to choose between different scenarios for the remaining cases, i.e. sheer coincidence, borrowing from Proto-Indo-European, borrowing from a precursor of Tocharian, and a combination of any of these. Incidentally, this result also means that these words cannot be used for the location of the Proto-Indo-European homeland in the steppe area, which thus loses its single trustworthy linguistic argument.
{"title":"Urindogermanische Lehnwörter in den uralischen und finno-ugrischen Grundsprachen","authors":"Zsolt Simon","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-011","url":null,"abstract":"Zusammenfassung This paper contains a critical evaluation of the alleged Proto- Indo-European loanwords in Proto-Uralic and Proto-Finno-Ugric and argues that most of them cannot be upheld. It is also argued that currently it is not possible to choose between different scenarios for the remaining cases, i.e. sheer coincidence, borrowing from Proto-Indo-European, borrowing from a precursor of Tocharian, and a combination of any of these. Incidentally, this result also means that these words cannot be used for the location of the Proto-Indo-European homeland in the steppe area, which thus loses its single trustworthy linguistic argument.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49294593","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In addition to inflecting adjectives for case, number, and gender, the early Germanic languages inflect adjectives as either strong or weak. Scholarly consensus is lacking regarding what triggers this fourth inflectional category, i.e. why an adjective surfaces as either strong or weak. While the traditional school of thought held that weak adjectives surface with definite determiners, some recent scholarship has argued that a semantic force such as definiteness or classification is responsible. To evaluate the two positions, I compared attributive adjectives in the Old High German translation of Tatian’s Diatessaron with the corresponding passages in Gothic and Old English. The conclusion supports the traditional school of thought that determiners trigger weak adjectives and refutes the idea that semantics is primarily responsible for whether an adjective surfaces as strong or weak.
{"title":"Meta-Tatian","authors":"Elliott Evans","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In addition to inflecting adjectives for case, number, and gender, the early Germanic languages inflect adjectives as either strong or weak. Scholarly consensus is lacking regarding what triggers this fourth inflectional category, i.e. why an adjective surfaces as either strong or weak. While the traditional school of thought held that weak adjectives surface with definite determiners, some recent scholarship has argued that a semantic force such as definiteness or classification is responsible. To evaluate the two positions, I compared attributive adjectives in the Old High German translation of Tatian’s Diatessaron with the corresponding passages in Gothic and Old English. The conclusion supports the traditional school of thought that determiners trigger weak adjectives and refutes the idea that semantics is primarily responsible for whether an adjective surfaces as strong or weak.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45874549","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article discusses the grammaticalization of the habitual auxiliaries εἴωθα, φιλέω, ἐθέλω and νομίζω in Archaic and Classical Greek. I aim to (1) provide a more complete understanding of the Ancient Greek expressions of habituality; (2) distinguish clearly between habitual aspect and (possibly diachronically) related semantic categories such as iterativity and genericity; (3) demonstrate the usefulness of grammaticalization and collocation criteria to measure the relative degree of grammaticalization of the habitual auxiliaries. I argue that their degree of grammaticalization can be measured by whether they have developed past uses, undergone a diachronic collocation shift to inanimate subjects and, subsequently, stative infinitives, and whether they have acquired an anti-present implicature. Finally, I suggest that habitual ἐθέλω occurred already in Archaic Greek and was the source for the futurity use that it developed in Classical Greek.
{"title":"Habitual auxiliaries in Ancient Greek","authors":"Ezra la Roi","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article discusses the grammaticalization of the habitual auxiliaries εἴωθα, φιλέω, ἐθέλω and νομίζω in Archaic and Classical Greek. I aim to (1) provide a more complete understanding of the Ancient Greek expressions of habituality; (2) distinguish clearly between habitual aspect and (possibly diachronically) related semantic categories such as iterativity and genericity; (3) demonstrate the usefulness of grammaticalization and collocation criteria to measure the relative degree of grammaticalization of the habitual auxiliaries. I argue that their degree of grammaticalization can be measured by whether they have developed past uses, undergone a diachronic collocation shift to inanimate subjects and, subsequently, stative infinitives, and whether they have acquired an anti-present implicature. Finally, I suggest that habitual ἐθέλω occurred already in Archaic Greek and was the source for the futurity use that it developed in Classical Greek.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45306409","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper focuses on the last verse of the Phrygian epigram dated to the Early Hellenistic Period and found in Dokimeion (W-11). After some remarks on the segmentation, the verb πεννιτι is identified as the Phrygian outcome of PIE verbal root *pent- and ομνισιτου, along with its related Phrygian forms, as going back to PIE *h₃emh₃‑. It also argues in favour of Lubotsky’s identification of Phrygian κορο- as a cognate of Greek κόρος ‘boy’ and κόρη ‘girl’ with some remarks on its inflection.
摘要本文主要研究在Dokimeion (W-11)发现的早期希腊化时期弗里吉亚警句的最后一节。在对分割进行了一些评论之后，动词πεννιτι被确定为PIE动词词根*pent-和ομνισιτου的弗里吉亚语结果，以及它相关的弗里吉亚语形式，可以追溯到PIE *h₃emh₃‑。它还支持Lubotsky将Phrygian κορο-确定为希腊语κόρος ' boy '和κόρη ' girl '的同源词，并对其变化进行了一些评论。
{"title":"The last verse of the Middle Phrygian epigram from Dokimeion","authors":"Bartomeu Obrador-Cursach","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper focuses on the last verse of the Phrygian epigram dated to the Early Hellenistic Period and found in Dokimeion (W-11). After some remarks on the segmentation, the verb πεννιτι is identified as the Phrygian outcome of PIE verbal root *pent- and ομνισιτου, along with its related Phrygian forms, as going back to PIE *h₃emh₃‑. It also argues in favour of Lubotsky’s identification of Phrygian κορο- as a cognate of Greek κόρος ‘boy’ and κόρη ‘girl’ with some remarks on its inflection.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48216617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper presents evidence for a PIE root *u̯erp‑ ‘to attack, to force oneself onto someone’ and argues that Greek ἅρπαξ (< *u̯ǝrʰpag-) goes back to a verbal governing compound *u̯r̥p-h₂g̑- ‘driving something (e.g. cattle) away by force’.
{"title":"Greek ἅρπαξ ‘robber; robbery’","authors":"A. Nikolaev","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper presents evidence for a PIE root *u̯erp‑ ‘to attack, to force oneself onto someone’ and argues that Greek ἅρπαξ (< *u̯ǝrʰpag-) goes back to a verbal governing compound *u̯r̥p-h₂g̑- ‘driving something (e.g. cattle) away by force’.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41946854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Middle Breton (MB) presents a singular anomaly of pronominal argument coding. Objects are accusative proclitics save in two constructions, where coding is split by person: 3rd unique enclitics ~ 1st/2nd accusative proclitics. The constructions are HAVE, from Insular Celtic mihi est, where the new coding replaces inflectional nominatives (cf. Latin mihi est ~ sunt); and imperatives, where it replaces accusative enclitics in V1 (cf. French aide-moi ~ ne m’aide pas). The evolution is traced in light of a crosslinguistic construction type that suggests its nature, noncanonical subject + 3rd nominative ~ 1st/2nd accusative object. Part I: (1) Decomposition of HAVE as dative clitic + BE from Brythonic throughout “conservative” varieties of Breton. (2) Breton-Cornish innovation of nonclitic datives for mihi est and their subjecthood. Part II: (3) Brythonic unavailibility of mesoclisis in V1 and Breton-Cornish nonagreement with nominative objects, resulting in independent > enclitic pronouns for accusative objects of imperatives and nominative objects of mihi est. (4) MB alignment of imperatives with mihi est in 3rd person, restriction on nominative enclitics, and recruitment of 1st/2nd person accusative proclitics upon loss of mesoclisis. (5) Transition to accusative objects in “innovative” varieties and subject-object case interactions.
{"title":"Mihi est from Brythonic to Breton I","authors":"M. Řezáč","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Middle Breton (MB) presents a singular anomaly of pronominal argument coding. Objects are accusative proclitics save in two constructions, where coding is split by person: 3rd unique enclitics ~ 1st/2nd accusative proclitics. The constructions are HAVE, from Insular Celtic mihi est, where the new coding replaces inflectional nominatives (cf. Latin mihi est ~ sunt); and imperatives, where it replaces accusative enclitics in V1 (cf. French aide-moi ~ ne m’aide pas). The evolution is traced in light of a crosslinguistic construction type that suggests its nature, noncanonical subject + 3rd nominative ~ 1st/2nd accusative object. Part I: (1) Decomposition of HAVE as dative clitic + BE from Brythonic throughout “conservative” varieties of Breton. (2) Breton-Cornish innovation of nonclitic datives for mihi est and their subjecthood. Part II: (3) Brythonic unavailibility of mesoclisis in V1 and Breton-Cornish nonagreement with nominative objects, resulting in independent > enclitic pronouns for accusative objects of imperatives and nominative objects of mihi est. (4) MB alignment of imperatives with mihi est in 3rd person, restriction on nominative enclitics, and recruitment of 1st/2nd person accusative proclitics upon loss of mesoclisis. (5) Transition to accusative objects in “innovative” varieties and subject-object case interactions.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-013","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48215690","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Titelei","authors":"","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-frontmatter12501","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-frontmatter12501","url":null,"abstract":"Article Titelei was published on November 1, 2020 in the journal Indogermanische Forschungen (volume 125, issue 1).","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138504981","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Zusammenfassung This article presents hitherto overlooked evidence that suggests that the Old Irish word for the ‘apple’, ubull, was originally a neuter u-stem. This is then integrated into a general picture of the words for ‘apple’ in Celtic and Indo-European. Along the way, several other problems are discussed: it is demonstrated that the normal, if not regular, genitive plural of neuter u-stems in Old Irish had the ending -Ø; the rules for the operation of MacNeill’s Law after b /β/ are refined; and the question of the regular reflex of *su̯ in Old Irish is investigated.
{"title":"An apple a day …","authors":"D. Stifter","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Zusammenfassung This article presents hitherto overlooked evidence that suggests that the Old Irish word for the ‘apple’, ubull, was originally a neuter u-stem. This is then integrated into a general picture of the words for ‘apple’ in Celtic and Indo-European. Along the way, several other problems are discussed: it is demonstrated that the normal, if not regular, genitive plural of neuter u-stems in Old Irish had the ending -Ø; the rules for the operation of MacNeill’s Law after b /β/ are refined; and the question of the regular reflex of *su̯ in Old Irish is investigated.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47334800","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The goal of this paper is to provide some insights into the degree morphology of the ancient IE languages, specifically the superlative suffixes *‑is-toand *‑is- ̊mo-, which have a wider dialectal distribution and could go back to PIE. The relationship of those superlative suffixes to ordinal suffixes is known, but its nature has not been appropriately explained. The suffixes *‑to- and *‑mo- must have originated in the ordinals as thematic formations derived from cardinals and then expanded to the superlatives through the ordinal ‘first’ and other semantically related adjectives (‘last’ and polar/spatial adjectives). Those words provide the semantic and combinatory links between ordinals and superlatives that account for the shared morphology, as the textual evidence also proves. The use of *‑to- and *‑mo- in all those words across the Indo-European languages shows a systematic correlation. The suffixes *‑is-to- and *‑is- ̊mo- are a nice example of transparent nesting, since both include the zero-grade of the comparative suffix. They must have started as relative superlatives, given that ‘first’, ‘last’ and the other related words cannot be absolute superlatives. This is in accordance with a general tendency of evolution of the expressions of the superlative degree.
{"title":"On Indo-European superlative suffixes","authors":"E. Luján","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The goal of this paper is to provide some insights into the degree morphology of the ancient IE languages, specifically the superlative suffixes *‑is-toand *‑is- ̊mo-, which have a wider dialectal distribution and could go back to PIE. The relationship of those superlative suffixes to ordinal suffixes is known, but its nature has not been appropriately explained. The suffixes *‑to- and *‑mo- must have originated in the ordinals as thematic formations derived from cardinals and then expanded to the superlatives through the ordinal ‘first’ and other semantically related adjectives (‘last’ and polar/spatial adjectives). Those words provide the semantic and combinatory links between ordinals and superlatives that account for the shared morphology, as the textual evidence also proves. The use of *‑to- and *‑mo- in all those words across the Indo-European languages shows a systematic correlation. The suffixes *‑is-to- and *‑is- ̊mo- are a nice example of transparent nesting, since both include the zero-grade of the comparative suffix. They must have started as relative superlatives, given that ‘first’, ‘last’ and the other related words cannot be absolute superlatives. This is in accordance with a general tendency of evolution of the expressions of the superlative degree.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0012","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47522823","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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