Abstract This paper investigates the meaning and the etymology of TB pitke. Based on a philological study of Sanskrit, Chinese and Tibetan parallel texts, the meaning of TB pitke can be determined to be ‘fat, grease, oil’. TB pitke corresponds to Skt. medas- ‘fat’, Tib. tshil ‘fat, grease’ and Chin. 脂zhī ‘fat, grease’. The philological identification of the meaning of TB pitke as ‘fat, grease, oil’ opens the door to an etymological connection with PIE *pei̯H- ‘to be fat, swell’, and, based on the historical phonology of Tocharian, leads to the determination of the laryngeal as *‑h1.
{"title":"TB pitke ‘fat, grease, oil’ and PIE *peih̯1- ‘to be fat, be bursting with’","authors":"Tao Pan","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper investigates the meaning and the etymology of TB pitke. Based on a philological study of Sanskrit, Chinese and Tibetan parallel texts, the meaning of TB pitke can be determined to be ‘fat, grease, oil’. TB pitke corresponds to Skt. medas- ‘fat’, Tib. tshil ‘fat, grease’ and Chin. 脂zhī ‘fat, grease’. The philological identification of the meaning of TB pitke as ‘fat, grease, oil’ opens the door to an etymological connection with PIE *pei̯H- ‘to be fat, swell’, and, based on the historical phonology of Tocharian, leads to the determination of the laryngeal as *‑h1.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43021398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Roland Pooth, P. A. Kerkhof, L. Kulikov, Jóhanna Barđdal
Abstract For a long time one of the most bewildering conundrums of Indo- European linguistics has been the issue of how to reconstruct the alignment system of this ancient language state, given the lack of distinction between s and o marking in the Proto-Indo-European neuter nouns and the problem of the Hittite ergative. An additional complication stems from the existence of argument structure constructions where the subject(-like) argument is marked in a different case than the nominative, like the accusative or the dative. Our aim with the present article is to fill two needs with one deed and offer a unified account of this century-long bone of contention. In contribution to the ongoing discussion in the field, we claim that a semantic alignment system, in the terms of Donohue & Wichmann (2008), might not only fit better with the morphological data that are currently reconstructed for the ancestral language, but also with the existence of non-canonically case-marked subjects in general (Barðdal, Bjarnadóttir, et al. 2013; Danesi, Johnson & Barðdal 2017).
{"title":"The origin of non-canonical case marking of subjects in Proto-Indo-European","authors":"Roland Pooth, P. A. Kerkhof, L. Kulikov, Jóhanna Barđdal","doi":"10.1515/IF-2019-0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/IF-2019-0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract For a long time one of the most bewildering conundrums of Indo- European linguistics has been the issue of how to reconstruct the alignment system of this ancient language state, given the lack of distinction between s and o marking in the Proto-Indo-European neuter nouns and the problem of the Hittite ergative. An additional complication stems from the existence of argument structure constructions where the subject(-like) argument is marked in a different case than the nominative, like the accusative or the dative. Our aim with the present article is to fill two needs with one deed and offer a unified account of this century-long bone of contention. In contribution to the ongoing discussion in the field, we claim that a semantic alignment system, in the terms of Donohue & Wichmann (2008), might not only fit better with the morphological data that are currently reconstructed for the ancestral language, but also with the existence of non-canonically case-marked subjects in general (Barðdal, Bjarnadóttir, et al. 2013; Danesi, Johnson & Barðdal 2017).","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/IF-2019-0009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43804535","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The occurrence of referential Null Objects (NOs) is a recurrent syntactic feature of ancient Indo-European languages. As previous scholars have remarked, different conditions license the occurrence of NOs in individual languages. In Hittite, the occurrence of NOs has already been observed in reference works, but a systematic account of this phenomenon is still a desideratum. In this paper, we provide a thorough corpus-based study of NOs in a corpus of Old Hittite texts. By means of quantitative data, we illustrate the frequency of NOs in various contexts, and highlight their co-occurrence with sentence connectives, chiefly with ta. We also take into account other parameters that influence the occurrence of NOs. Our analysis shows that in Hittite NOs display a connection with inanimate and less individuated referents and seem to be driven by discourse rather than by syntactic motivations. In addition, textual genre also seems to play role, and we suggest that NOs constitute a feature of the technical language of festivals and ritual texts. Finally, we sketch a possible diachronic scenario that explains the observed distribution of NOs, and argue that Old Hittite attests a phase of ongoing change whereby NOs were being progressively replaced by clitic object pronouns.
{"title":"Definite referential null objects in Old Hittite","authors":"G. Inglese, Giuseppe Rizzo, Miriam Pflugmacher","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The occurrence of referential Null Objects (NOs) is a recurrent syntactic feature of ancient Indo-European languages. As previous scholars have remarked, different conditions license the occurrence of NOs in individual languages. In Hittite, the occurrence of NOs has already been observed in reference works, but a systematic account of this phenomenon is still a desideratum. In this paper, we provide a thorough corpus-based study of NOs in a corpus of Old Hittite texts. By means of quantitative data, we illustrate the frequency of NOs in various contexts, and highlight their co-occurrence with sentence connectives, chiefly with ta. We also take into account other parameters that influence the occurrence of NOs. Our analysis shows that in Hittite NOs display a connection with inanimate and less individuated referents and seem to be driven by discourse rather than by syntactic motivations. In addition, textual genre also seems to play role, and we suggest that NOs constitute a feature of the technical language of festivals and ritual texts. Finally, we sketch a possible diachronic scenario that explains the observed distribution of NOs, and argue that Old Hittite attests a phase of ongoing change whereby NOs were being progressively replaced by clitic object pronouns.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44499018","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The present article offers a detailed examination of the Lycian phonetic development from a labial glide u̯ {w} into a fricative {b} [v]/[β], which results from contact with an obstruent ([β]/[v] {b} < u̯/C_, AHP: 289). The study of phonetic contexts within each lexeme will allow us to establish new conditions for this change, whether extensions or restrictions, and also to propose some derivations and etymologies.
{"title":"Phonotactics of the Lycian labial glide clusters","authors":"Elena Martínez-Rodríguez","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The present article offers a detailed examination of the Lycian phonetic development from a labial glide u̯ {w} into a fricative {b} [v]/[β], which results from contact with an obstruent ([β]/[v] {b} < u̯/C_, AHP: 289). The study of phonetic contexts within each lexeme will allow us to establish new conditions for this change, whether extensions or restrictions, and also to propose some derivations and etymologies.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44843630","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper intends to study the history of the Old Irish word aue ‘descendant, grandchild’ in both qualitative and quantitative approaches. The former approach tries to demonstrate what forms this word evolved into from the early Old Irish period up to the end of the Middle Irish period, and to establish the phonological changes it underwent in accordance with our present understanding of the history of the Irish language. The latter approach is based on a linguistically annotated corpus of the Annals of Ulster, and shows the distribution of variant forms of aue in relation to the period they are attested in. The discrepancy between the two observations is discussed and various hypotheses are raised to explain it.
{"title":"Old Irish aue ‘descendant’ and its descendants","authors":"Fangzhe Qiu","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper intends to study the history of the Old Irish word aue ‘descendant, grandchild’ in both qualitative and quantitative approaches. The former approach tries to demonstrate what forms this word evolved into from the early Old Irish period up to the end of the Middle Irish period, and to establish the phonological changes it underwent in accordance with our present understanding of the history of the Irish language. The latter approach is based on a linguistically annotated corpus of the Annals of Ulster, and shows the distribution of variant forms of aue in relation to the period they are attested in. The discrepancy between the two observations is discussed and various hypotheses are raised to explain it.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0013","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46577019","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper discusses the Tocharian gen. sg. in B -ntse, A -s, and the gen. pl. in B -ṃts(ə), A -śśi. The PToch. gen. sg. ending *‑nsæ is explained by assuming an extension of the o-stem ending *‑o-s(y)o to n‑stems, giving first *‑Cn‑əsæ (with connecting *‑ə‑) and then, with regular metathesis, *‑C‑ə‑nsæ, from which productive *‑nsæ was extracted. The more difficult gen. pl. endings B ‑ṃts(ə) and A -śśi, which are not usually thought of as being cognate, are traced to sequences of the animate acc. pl. in *‑ns followed by a particle with Sievers variants *‑Tye (Toch. B) and *‑Tiye (Toch. A). The particle *‑T(i)ye is perhaps to be identified with the ‑se of Gk. póse ‘whither’, and thus further with the locational suffix *‑tye/o‑ of Ved. nítya- ‘own’, Hitt. appezziya- ‘hindmost’, etc.
{"title":"Some difficult Tocharian genitives","authors":"Jay H. Jasanoff","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper discusses the Tocharian gen. sg. in B -ntse, A -s, and the gen. pl. in B -ṃts(ə), A -śśi. The PToch. gen. sg. ending *‑nsæ is explained by assuming an extension of the o-stem ending *‑o-s(y)o to n‑stems, giving first *‑Cn‑əsæ (with connecting *‑ə‑) and then, with regular metathesis, *‑C‑ə‑nsæ, from which productive *‑nsæ was extracted. The more difficult gen. pl. endings B ‑ṃts(ə) and A -śśi, which are not usually thought of as being cognate, are traced to sequences of the animate acc. pl. in *‑ns followed by a particle with Sievers variants *‑Tye (Toch. B) and *‑Tiye (Toch. A). The particle *‑T(i)ye is perhaps to be identified with the ‑se of Gk. póse ‘whither’, and thus further with the locational suffix *‑tye/o‑ of Ved. nítya- ‘own’, Hitt. appezziya- ‘hindmost’, etc.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48672262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Deriving historical dates or datable stratifications for texts in Classical Sanskrit, such as the epics Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa, is a considerable challenge for text-historical research. This paper provides empirical evidence for subtle but noticeable diachronic changes in the fundamental linguistic structures of Classical Sanskrit, and argues that Classical Sanskrit shows enough diachronic variation for dating texts on the basis of linguistic developments. Building on this evidence, it evaluates machine learning algorithms that predict approximate dates of composition for Sanskrit texts. The paper introduces the required background, discusses the relevance of linguistic features for temporal classification, and presents a text-historical evaluation of Book 6 of the Mahābhārata, whose historical stratification is disputed in Indological research.
{"title":"Dating Sanskrit texts using linguistic features and neural networks","authors":"Oliver Hellwig","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Deriving historical dates or datable stratifications for texts in Classical Sanskrit, such as the epics Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa, is a considerable challenge for text-historical research. This paper provides empirical evidence for subtle but noticeable diachronic changes in the fundamental linguistic structures of Classical Sanskrit, and argues that Classical Sanskrit shows enough diachronic variation for dating texts on the basis of linguistic developments. Building on this evidence, it evaluates machine learning algorithms that predict approximate dates of composition for Sanskrit texts. The paper introduces the required background, discusses the relevance of linguistic features for temporal classification, and presents a text-historical evaluation of Book 6 of the Mahābhārata, whose historical stratification is disputed in Indological research.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44328384","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Greek noun suffix -ευς is analyzed as a hypostatic u-stem formation based on an instrumental in *-eh₁- with close cognates in Lithuanian -ius and Armenian -oyt‘ < *-eh1u-ti-. Thus the type reflects the inherited predicative use of the instrumental case also known from the Old Indic cvi-constructions and the Latin type rubefaciō.
{"title":"Indo-European syntax in disguise","authors":"B. Olsen","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Greek noun suffix -ευς is analyzed as a hypostatic u-stem formation based on an instrumental in *-eh₁- with close cognates in Lithuanian -ius and Armenian -oyt‘ < *-eh1u-ti-. Thus the type reflects the inherited predicative use of the instrumental case also known from the Old Indic cvi-constructions and the Latin type rubefaciō.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46022062","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The study examines the terminology currently in use for the higher-level subgroups of the Indo-European family tree. Based on the observation that the terminology is heterogeneous and confusing, the study discusses the central terms, suggesting that the whole language family and its ancestor should be referred to as “Indo-European” and “Proto-Indo-European” respectively. Under the hypothesis that the three first subgroups to branch off were Anatolian, Tocharian and Italo- Celtic, “Indo-Tocharian” is recommended as a suitable name for the non-Anatolian subgroup, and “Indo-Celtic” for the non-Anatolian and non-Tocharian subgroup.
{"title":"Indo-European cladistic nomenclature","authors":"Thomas Olander","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The study examines the terminology currently in use for the higher-level subgroups of the Indo-European family tree. Based on the observation that the terminology is heterogeneous and confusing, the study discusses the central terms, suggesting that the whole language family and its ancestor should be referred to as “Indo-European” and “Proto-Indo-European” respectively. Under the hypothesis that the three first subgroups to branch off were Anatolian, Tocharian and Italo- Celtic, “Indo-Tocharian” is recommended as a suitable name for the non-Anatolian subgroup, and “Indo-Celtic” for the non-Anatolian and non-Tocharian subgroup.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48496442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Zusammenfassung The unexpected i instead of expected *e in the first syllable of Latin wordforms such as nisi, nimis, nihil, mihi, tibi and sibi has until now been explained in various ways either from vowel assimilation of original *e to the i of the second syllable or from clitic weakening of the words. This article aims at giving a common mechanical explanation for all of these words by posing a new sound law according to which original *e in Latin becomes i in initial open syllables followed by a syllable which originally contained the vowel ẹ̄ as the result from monophthongisation of the diphthongs *ei̯, *oi̯or *ai̯(< *h₂ei̯) in second syllable position. For this purpose, the article reconstructs the history of the abovementioned explanations - especially the vowel assimilation theory which goes back to an early article by Sommer -, tries to falsify them by critically examining the evidence adduced for proving them, and eventually derives the new sound law from parts of the original evidence of the falsified explanations, and by making use of additional evidence.
{"title":"Kleines Lautgesetz, große Wirkung","authors":"S. Fries","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Zusammenfassung The unexpected i instead of expected *e in the first syllable of Latin wordforms such as nisi, nimis, nihil, mihi, tibi and sibi has until now been explained in various ways either from vowel assimilation of original *e to the i of the second syllable or from clitic weakening of the words. This article aims at giving a common mechanical explanation for all of these words by posing a new sound law according to which original *e in Latin becomes i in initial open syllables followed by a syllable which originally contained the vowel ẹ̄ as the result from monophthongisation of the diphthongs *ei̯, *oi̯or *ai̯(< *h₂ei̯) in second syllable position. For this purpose, the article reconstructs the history of the abovementioned explanations - especially the vowel assimilation theory which goes back to an early article by Sommer -, tries to falsify them by critically examining the evidence adduced for proving them, and eventually derives the new sound law from parts of the original evidence of the falsified explanations, and by making use of additional evidence.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46046394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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