Abstract This paper presents evidence for a PIE root *u̯erp‑ ‘to attack, to force oneself onto someone’ and argues that Greek ἅρπαξ (< *u̯ǝrʰpag-) goes back to a verbal governing compound *u̯r̥p-h₂g̑- ‘driving something (e.g. cattle) away by force’.
{"title":"Greek ἅρπαξ ‘robber; robbery’","authors":"A. Nikolaev","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper presents evidence for a PIE root *u̯erp‑ ‘to attack, to force oneself onto someone’ and argues that Greek ἅρπαξ (< *u̯ǝrʰpag-) goes back to a verbal governing compound *u̯r̥p-h₂g̑- ‘driving something (e.g. cattle) away by force’.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"125 1","pages":"33 - 40"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41946854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Middle Breton (MB) presents a singular anomaly of pronominal argument coding. Objects are accusative proclitics save in two constructions, where coding is split by person: 3rd unique enclitics ~ 1st/2nd accusative proclitics. The constructions are HAVE, from Insular Celtic mihi est, where the new coding replaces inflectional nominatives (cf. Latin mihi est ~ sunt); and imperatives, where it replaces accusative enclitics in V1 (cf. French aide-moi ~ ne m’aide pas). The evolution is traced in light of a crosslinguistic construction type that suggests its nature, noncanonical subject + 3rd nominative ~ 1st/2nd accusative object. Part I: (1) Decomposition of HAVE as dative clitic + BE from Brythonic throughout “conservative” varieties of Breton. (2) Breton-Cornish innovation of nonclitic datives for mihi est and their subjecthood. Part II: (3) Brythonic unavailibility of mesoclisis in V1 and Breton-Cornish nonagreement with nominative objects, resulting in independent > enclitic pronouns for accusative objects of imperatives and nominative objects of mihi est. (4) MB alignment of imperatives with mihi est in 3rd person, restriction on nominative enclitics, and recruitment of 1st/2nd person accusative proclitics upon loss of mesoclisis. (5) Transition to accusative objects in “innovative” varieties and subject-object case interactions.
{"title":"Mihi est from Brythonic to Breton I","authors":"M. Řezáč","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Middle Breton (MB) presents a singular anomaly of pronominal argument coding. Objects are accusative proclitics save in two constructions, where coding is split by person: 3rd unique enclitics ~ 1st/2nd accusative proclitics. The constructions are HAVE, from Insular Celtic mihi est, where the new coding replaces inflectional nominatives (cf. Latin mihi est ~ sunt); and imperatives, where it replaces accusative enclitics in V1 (cf. French aide-moi ~ ne m’aide pas). The evolution is traced in light of a crosslinguistic construction type that suggests its nature, noncanonical subject + 3rd nominative ~ 1st/2nd accusative object. Part I: (1) Decomposition of HAVE as dative clitic + BE from Brythonic throughout “conservative” varieties of Breton. (2) Breton-Cornish innovation of nonclitic datives for mihi est and their subjecthood. Part II: (3) Brythonic unavailibility of mesoclisis in V1 and Breton-Cornish nonagreement with nominative objects, resulting in independent > enclitic pronouns for accusative objects of imperatives and nominative objects of mihi est. (4) MB alignment of imperatives with mihi est in 3rd person, restriction on nominative enclitics, and recruitment of 1st/2nd person accusative proclitics upon loss of mesoclisis. (5) Transition to accusative objects in “innovative” varieties and subject-object case interactions.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"125 1","pages":"313 - 362"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-013","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48215690","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Titelei","authors":"","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-frontmatter12501","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-frontmatter12501","url":null,"abstract":"Article Titelei was published on November 1, 2020 in the journal Indogermanische Forschungen (volume 125, issue 1).","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"73 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138504981","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-11-01Epub Date: 2019-08-02DOI: 10.1007/s12576-019-00700-w
Akihiko Ishihara
{"title":"Mild hyperbaric oxygen and oxygenation under normobaric conditions: response to Dr. Andel's letter submitted to the editor.","authors":"Akihiko Ishihara","doi":"10.1007/s12576-019-00700-w","DOIUrl":"10.1007/s12576-019-00700-w","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"5 1","pages":"1105-1106"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1007/s12576-019-00700-w","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89065009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Virginia E Pitzer, James Meiring, Frederick P Martineau, Conall H Watson, Gagandeep Kang, Buddha Basnyat, Stephen Baker
Measuring the burden of typhoid fever and developing effective strategies to reduce it require a surveillance infrastructure that is currently lacking in many endemic countries. Recent efforts and partnerships between local and international researchers have helped to provide new data on the incidence and control of typhoid in parts of Asia and Africa. Here, we highlight examples from India, Nepal, Vietnam, Fiji, Sierra Leone, and Malawi that summarize past and present experiences with the diagnosis, treatment, and prevention of typhoid fever in different locations with endemic disease. While there is no validated road map for the elimination of typhoid, the lessons learned in studying the epidemiology and control of typhoid in these settings can provide insights to guide future disease control efforts.
{"title":"The Invisible Burden: Diagnosing and Combatting Typhoid Fever in Asia and Africa.","authors":"Virginia E Pitzer, James Meiring, Frederick P Martineau, Conall H Watson, Gagandeep Kang, Buddha Basnyat, Stephen Baker","doi":"10.1093/cid/ciz611","DOIUrl":"10.1093/cid/ciz611","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Measuring the burden of typhoid fever and developing effective strategies to reduce it require a surveillance infrastructure that is currently lacking in many endemic countries. Recent efforts and partnerships between local and international researchers have helped to provide new data on the incidence and control of typhoid in parts of Asia and Africa. Here, we highlight examples from India, Nepal, Vietnam, Fiji, Sierra Leone, and Malawi that summarize past and present experiences with the diagnosis, treatment, and prevention of typhoid fever in different locations with endemic disease. While there is no validated road map for the elimination of typhoid, the lessons learned in studying the epidemiology and control of typhoid in these settings can provide insights to guide future disease control efforts.</p>","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"5 1","pages":"S395-S401"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6792124/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89072077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Zusammenfassung This article presents hitherto overlooked evidence that suggests that the Old Irish word for the ‘apple’, ubull, was originally a neuter u-stem. This is then integrated into a general picture of the words for ‘apple’ in Celtic and Indo-European. Along the way, several other problems are discussed: it is demonstrated that the normal, if not regular, genitive plural of neuter u-stems in Old Irish had the ending -Ø; the rules for the operation of MacNeill’s Law after b /β/ are refined; and the question of the regular reflex of *su̯ in Old Irish is investigated.
{"title":"An apple a day …","authors":"D. Stifter","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Zusammenfassung This article presents hitherto overlooked evidence that suggests that the Old Irish word for the ‘apple’, ubull, was originally a neuter u-stem. This is then integrated into a general picture of the words for ‘apple’ in Celtic and Indo-European. Along the way, several other problems are discussed: it is demonstrated that the normal, if not regular, genitive plural of neuter u-stems in Old Irish had the ending -Ø; the rules for the operation of MacNeill’s Law after b /β/ are refined; and the question of the regular reflex of *su̯ in Old Irish is investigated.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"124 1","pages":"171 - 218"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47334800","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The goal of this paper is to provide some insights into the degree morphology of the ancient IE languages, specifically the superlative suffixes *‑is-toand *‑is- ̊mo-, which have a wider dialectal distribution and could go back to PIE. The relationship of those superlative suffixes to ordinal suffixes is known, but its nature has not been appropriately explained. The suffixes *‑to- and *‑mo- must have originated in the ordinals as thematic formations derived from cardinals and then expanded to the superlatives through the ordinal ‘first’ and other semantically related adjectives (‘last’ and polar/spatial adjectives). Those words provide the semantic and combinatory links between ordinals and superlatives that account for the shared morphology, as the textual evidence also proves. The use of *‑to- and *‑mo- in all those words across the Indo-European languages shows a systematic correlation. The suffixes *‑is-to- and *‑is- ̊mo- are a nice example of transparent nesting, since both include the zero-grade of the comparative suffix. They must have started as relative superlatives, given that ‘first’, ‘last’ and the other related words cannot be absolute superlatives. This is in accordance with a general tendency of evolution of the expressions of the superlative degree.
{"title":"On Indo-European superlative suffixes","authors":"E. Luján","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The goal of this paper is to provide some insights into the degree morphology of the ancient IE languages, specifically the superlative suffixes *‑is-toand *‑is- ̊mo-, which have a wider dialectal distribution and could go back to PIE. The relationship of those superlative suffixes to ordinal suffixes is known, but its nature has not been appropriately explained. The suffixes *‑to- and *‑mo- must have originated in the ordinals as thematic formations derived from cardinals and then expanded to the superlatives through the ordinal ‘first’ and other semantically related adjectives (‘last’ and polar/spatial adjectives). Those words provide the semantic and combinatory links between ordinals and superlatives that account for the shared morphology, as the textual evidence also proves. The use of *‑to- and *‑mo- in all those words across the Indo-European languages shows a systematic correlation. The suffixes *‑is-to- and *‑is- ̊mo- are a nice example of transparent nesting, since both include the zero-grade of the comparative suffix. They must have started as relative superlatives, given that ‘first’, ‘last’ and the other related words cannot be absolute superlatives. This is in accordance with a general tendency of evolution of the expressions of the superlative degree.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"124 1","pages":"305 - 342"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0012","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47522823","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper investigates the meaning and the etymology of TB pitke. Based on a philological study of Sanskrit, Chinese and Tibetan parallel texts, the meaning of TB pitke can be determined to be ‘fat, grease, oil’. TB pitke corresponds to Skt. medas- ‘fat’, Tib. tshil ‘fat, grease’ and Chin. 脂zhī ‘fat, grease’. The philological identification of the meaning of TB pitke as ‘fat, grease, oil’ opens the door to an etymological connection with PIE *pei̯H- ‘to be fat, swell’, and, based on the historical phonology of Tocharian, leads to the determination of the laryngeal as *‑h1.
{"title":"TB pitke ‘fat, grease, oil’ and PIE *peih̯1- ‘to be fat, be bursting with’","authors":"Tao Pan","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper investigates the meaning and the etymology of TB pitke. Based on a philological study of Sanskrit, Chinese and Tibetan parallel texts, the meaning of TB pitke can be determined to be ‘fat, grease, oil’. TB pitke corresponds to Skt. medas- ‘fat’, Tib. tshil ‘fat, grease’ and Chin. 脂zhī ‘fat, grease’. The philological identification of the meaning of TB pitke as ‘fat, grease, oil’ opens the door to an etymological connection with PIE *pei̯H- ‘to be fat, swell’, and, based on the historical phonology of Tocharian, leads to the determination of the laryngeal as *‑h1.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"124 1","pages":"265 - 278"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43021398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Roland Pooth, P. A. Kerkhof, L. Kulikov, Jóhanna Barđdal
Abstract For a long time one of the most bewildering conundrums of Indo- European linguistics has been the issue of how to reconstruct the alignment system of this ancient language state, given the lack of distinction between s and o marking in the Proto-Indo-European neuter nouns and the problem of the Hittite ergative. An additional complication stems from the existence of argument structure constructions where the subject(-like) argument is marked in a different case than the nominative, like the accusative or the dative. Our aim with the present article is to fill two needs with one deed and offer a unified account of this century-long bone of contention. In contribution to the ongoing discussion in the field, we claim that a semantic alignment system, in the terms of Donohue & Wichmann (2008), might not only fit better with the morphological data that are currently reconstructed for the ancestral language, but also with the existence of non-canonically case-marked subjects in general (Barðdal, Bjarnadóttir, et al. 2013; Danesi, Johnson & Barðdal 2017).
{"title":"The origin of non-canonical case marking of subjects in Proto-Indo-European","authors":"Roland Pooth, P. A. Kerkhof, L. Kulikov, Jóhanna Barđdal","doi":"10.1515/IF-2019-0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/IF-2019-0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract For a long time one of the most bewildering conundrums of Indo- European linguistics has been the issue of how to reconstruct the alignment system of this ancient language state, given the lack of distinction between s and o marking in the Proto-Indo-European neuter nouns and the problem of the Hittite ergative. An additional complication stems from the existence of argument structure constructions where the subject(-like) argument is marked in a different case than the nominative, like the accusative or the dative. Our aim with the present article is to fill two needs with one deed and offer a unified account of this century-long bone of contention. In contribution to the ongoing discussion in the field, we claim that a semantic alignment system, in the terms of Donohue & Wichmann (2008), might not only fit better with the morphological data that are currently reconstructed for the ancestral language, but also with the existence of non-canonically case-marked subjects in general (Barðdal, Bjarnadóttir, et al. 2013; Danesi, Johnson & Barðdal 2017).","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"124 1","pages":"245 - 264"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/IF-2019-0009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43804535","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The occurrence of referential Null Objects (NOs) is a recurrent syntactic feature of ancient Indo-European languages. As previous scholars have remarked, different conditions license the occurrence of NOs in individual languages. In Hittite, the occurrence of NOs has already been observed in reference works, but a systematic account of this phenomenon is still a desideratum. In this paper, we provide a thorough corpus-based study of NOs in a corpus of Old Hittite texts. By means of quantitative data, we illustrate the frequency of NOs in various contexts, and highlight their co-occurrence with sentence connectives, chiefly with ta. We also take into account other parameters that influence the occurrence of NOs. Our analysis shows that in Hittite NOs display a connection with inanimate and less individuated referents and seem to be driven by discourse rather than by syntactic motivations. In addition, textual genre also seems to play role, and we suggest that NOs constitute a feature of the technical language of festivals and ritual texts. Finally, we sketch a possible diachronic scenario that explains the observed distribution of NOs, and argue that Old Hittite attests a phase of ongoing change whereby NOs were being progressively replaced by clitic object pronouns.
{"title":"Definite referential null objects in Old Hittite","authors":"G. Inglese, Giuseppe Rizzo, Miriam Pflugmacher","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The occurrence of referential Null Objects (NOs) is a recurrent syntactic feature of ancient Indo-European languages. As previous scholars have remarked, different conditions license the occurrence of NOs in individual languages. In Hittite, the occurrence of NOs has already been observed in reference works, but a systematic account of this phenomenon is still a desideratum. In this paper, we provide a thorough corpus-based study of NOs in a corpus of Old Hittite texts. By means of quantitative data, we illustrate the frequency of NOs in various contexts, and highlight their co-occurrence with sentence connectives, chiefly with ta. We also take into account other parameters that influence the occurrence of NOs. Our analysis shows that in Hittite NOs display a connection with inanimate and less individuated referents and seem to be driven by discourse rather than by syntactic motivations. In addition, textual genre also seems to play role, and we suggest that NOs constitute a feature of the technical language of festivals and ritual texts. Finally, we sketch a possible diachronic scenario that explains the observed distribution of NOs, and argue that Old Hittite attests a phase of ongoing change whereby NOs were being progressively replaced by clitic object pronouns.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"124 1","pages":"137 - 170"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44499018","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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