Abstract This paper discusses the Tocharian gen. sg. in B -ntse, A -s, and the gen. pl. in B -ṃts(ə), A -śśi. The PToch. gen. sg. ending *‑nsæ is explained by assuming an extension of the o-stem ending *‑o-s(y)o to n‑stems, giving first *‑Cn‑əsæ (with connecting *‑ə‑) and then, with regular metathesis, *‑C‑ə‑nsæ, from which productive *‑nsæ was extracted. The more difficult gen. pl. endings B ‑ṃts(ə) and A -śśi, which are not usually thought of as being cognate, are traced to sequences of the animate acc. pl. in *‑ns followed by a particle with Sievers variants *‑Tye (Toch. B) and *‑Tiye (Toch. A). The particle *‑T(i)ye is perhaps to be identified with the ‑se of Gk. póse ‘whither’, and thus further with the locational suffix *‑tye/o‑ of Ved. nítya- ‘own’, Hitt. appezziya- ‘hindmost’, etc.
{"title":"Some difficult Tocharian genitives","authors":"Jay H. Jasanoff","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper discusses the Tocharian gen. sg. in B -ntse, A -s, and the gen. pl. in B -ṃts(ə), A -śśi. The PToch. gen. sg. ending *‑nsæ is explained by assuming an extension of the o-stem ending *‑o-s(y)o to n‑stems, giving first *‑Cn‑əsæ (with connecting *‑ə‑) and then, with regular metathesis, *‑C‑ə‑nsæ, from which productive *‑nsæ was extracted. The more difficult gen. pl. endings B ‑ṃts(ə) and A -śśi, which are not usually thought of as being cognate, are traced to sequences of the animate acc. pl. in *‑ns followed by a particle with Sievers variants *‑Tye (Toch. B) and *‑Tiye (Toch. A). The particle *‑T(i)ye is perhaps to be identified with the ‑se of Gk. póse ‘whither’, and thus further with the locational suffix *‑tye/o‑ of Ved. nítya- ‘own’, Hitt. appezziya- ‘hindmost’, etc.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"124 1","pages":"47 - 60"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48672262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper intends to study the history of the Old Irish word aue ‘descendant, grandchild’ in both qualitative and quantitative approaches. The former approach tries to demonstrate what forms this word evolved into from the early Old Irish period up to the end of the Middle Irish period, and to establish the phonological changes it underwent in accordance with our present understanding of the history of the Irish language. The latter approach is based on a linguistically annotated corpus of the Annals of Ulster, and shows the distribution of variant forms of aue in relation to the period they are attested in. The discrepancy between the two observations is discussed and various hypotheses are raised to explain it.
{"title":"Old Irish aue ‘descendant’ and its descendants","authors":"Fangzhe Qiu","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper intends to study the history of the Old Irish word aue ‘descendant, grandchild’ in both qualitative and quantitative approaches. The former approach tries to demonstrate what forms this word evolved into from the early Old Irish period up to the end of the Middle Irish period, and to establish the phonological changes it underwent in accordance with our present understanding of the history of the Irish language. The latter approach is based on a linguistically annotated corpus of the Annals of Ulster, and shows the distribution of variant forms of aue in relation to the period they are attested in. The discrepancy between the two observations is discussed and various hypotheses are raised to explain it.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"124 1","pages":"343 - 374"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0013","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46577019","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The present article offers a detailed examination of the Lycian phonetic development from a labial glide u̯ {w} into a fricative {b} [v]/[β], which results from contact with an obstruent ([β]/[v] {b} < u̯/C_, AHP: 289). The study of phonetic contexts within each lexeme will allow us to establish new conditions for this change, whether extensions or restrictions, and also to propose some derivations and etymologies.
{"title":"Phonotactics of the Lycian labial glide clusters","authors":"Elena Martínez-Rodríguez","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The present article offers a detailed examination of the Lycian phonetic development from a labial glide u̯ {w} into a fricative {b} [v]/[β], which results from contact with an obstruent ([β]/[v] {b} < u̯/C_, AHP: 289). The study of phonetic contexts within each lexeme will allow us to establish new conditions for this change, whether extensions or restrictions, and also to propose some derivations and etymologies.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"124 1","pages":"219 - 230"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44843630","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Deriving historical dates or datable stratifications for texts in Classical Sanskrit, such as the epics Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa, is a considerable challenge for text-historical research. This paper provides empirical evidence for subtle but noticeable diachronic changes in the fundamental linguistic structures of Classical Sanskrit, and argues that Classical Sanskrit shows enough diachronic variation for dating texts on the basis of linguistic developments. Building on this evidence, it evaluates machine learning algorithms that predict approximate dates of composition for Sanskrit texts. The paper introduces the required background, discusses the relevance of linguistic features for temporal classification, and presents a text-historical evaluation of Book 6 of the Mahābhārata, whose historical stratification is disputed in Indological research.
{"title":"Dating Sanskrit texts using linguistic features and neural networks","authors":"Oliver Hellwig","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Deriving historical dates or datable stratifications for texts in Classical Sanskrit, such as the epics Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa, is a considerable challenge for text-historical research. This paper provides empirical evidence for subtle but noticeable diachronic changes in the fundamental linguistic structures of Classical Sanskrit, and argues that Classical Sanskrit shows enough diachronic variation for dating texts on the basis of linguistic developments. Building on this evidence, it evaluates machine learning algorithms that predict approximate dates of composition for Sanskrit texts. The paper introduces the required background, discusses the relevance of linguistic features for temporal classification, and presents a text-historical evaluation of Book 6 of the Mahābhārata, whose historical stratification is disputed in Indological research.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"124 1","pages":"1 - 46"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44328384","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Greek noun suffix -ευς is analyzed as a hypostatic u-stem formation based on an instrumental in *-eh₁- with close cognates in Lithuanian -ius and Armenian -oyt‘ < *-eh1u-ti-. Thus the type reflects the inherited predicative use of the instrumental case also known from the Old Indic cvi-constructions and the Latin type rubefaciō.
{"title":"Indo-European syntax in disguise","authors":"B. Olsen","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Greek noun suffix -ευς is analyzed as a hypostatic u-stem formation based on an instrumental in *-eh₁- with close cognates in Lithuanian -ius and Armenian -oyt‘ < *-eh1u-ti-. Thus the type reflects the inherited predicative use of the instrumental case also known from the Old Indic cvi-constructions and the Latin type rubefaciō.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"124 1","pages":"279 - 304"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46022062","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The study examines the terminology currently in use for the higher-level subgroups of the Indo-European family tree. Based on the observation that the terminology is heterogeneous and confusing, the study discusses the central terms, suggesting that the whole language family and its ancestor should be referred to as “Indo-European” and “Proto-Indo-European” respectively. Under the hypothesis that the three first subgroups to branch off were Anatolian, Tocharian and Italo- Celtic, “Indo-Tocharian” is recommended as a suitable name for the non-Anatolian subgroup, and “Indo-Celtic” for the non-Anatolian and non-Tocharian subgroup.
{"title":"Indo-European cladistic nomenclature","authors":"Thomas Olander","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The study examines the terminology currently in use for the higher-level subgroups of the Indo-European family tree. Based on the observation that the terminology is heterogeneous and confusing, the study discusses the central terms, suggesting that the whole language family and its ancestor should be referred to as “Indo-European” and “Proto-Indo-European” respectively. Under the hypothesis that the three first subgroups to branch off were Anatolian, Tocharian and Italo- Celtic, “Indo-Tocharian” is recommended as a suitable name for the non-Anatolian subgroup, and “Indo-Celtic” for the non-Anatolian and non-Tocharian subgroup.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"124 1","pages":"231 - 244"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48496442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Zusammenfassung The unexpected i instead of expected *e in the first syllable of Latin wordforms such as nisi, nimis, nihil, mihi, tibi and sibi has until now been explained in various ways either from vowel assimilation of original *e to the i of the second syllable or from clitic weakening of the words. This article aims at giving a common mechanical explanation for all of these words by posing a new sound law according to which original *e in Latin becomes i in initial open syllables followed by a syllable which originally contained the vowel ẹ̄ as the result from monophthongisation of the diphthongs *ei̯, *oi̯or *ai̯(< *h₂ei̯) in second syllable position. For this purpose, the article reconstructs the history of the abovementioned explanations - especially the vowel assimilation theory which goes back to an early article by Sommer -, tries to falsify them by critically examining the evidence adduced for proving them, and eventually derives the new sound law from parts of the original evidence of the falsified explanations, and by making use of additional evidence.
{"title":"Kleines Lautgesetz, große Wirkung","authors":"S. Fries","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Zusammenfassung The unexpected i instead of expected *e in the first syllable of Latin wordforms such as nisi, nimis, nihil, mihi, tibi and sibi has until now been explained in various ways either from vowel assimilation of original *e to the i of the second syllable or from clitic weakening of the words. This article aims at giving a common mechanical explanation for all of these words by posing a new sound law according to which original *e in Latin becomes i in initial open syllables followed by a syllable which originally contained the vowel ẹ̄ as the result from monophthongisation of the diphthongs *ei̯, *oi̯or *ai̯(< *h₂ei̯) in second syllable position. For this purpose, the article reconstructs the history of the abovementioned explanations - especially the vowel assimilation theory which goes back to an early article by Sommer -, tries to falsify them by critically examining the evidence adduced for proving them, and eventually derives the new sound law from parts of the original evidence of the falsified explanations, and by making use of additional evidence.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"124 1","pages":"61 - 114"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46046394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract It is argued that the Germanic forms *ƀrenga- ‘bring’, *ƀrūka- ‘use, enjoy’ and *ƀrai̯đa- ‘broad’ contain an element *ƀra which is the “ditropic” variant of Gmc. *fra < PIE *pro. It arose by Verner’s Law when *fra was enclitic and formed a phonological word with a preceding lexeme, while being syntactically and semantically oriented towards its host on the right. The same behavior may be seen in Germanic *ham- and *ǥa- as continuants of PIE *kom.
{"title":"Germanic *ƀra (PIE *pro) as ditropic clitic and the etymology of *ƀrenga-, *ƀrūka- and *ƀraiđ̯a-","authors":"D. Kölligan","doi":"10.1515/if-2019-0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2019-0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract It is argued that the Germanic forms *ƀrenga- ‘bring’, *ƀrūka- ‘use, enjoy’ and *ƀrai̯đa- ‘broad’ contain an element *ƀra which is the “ditropic” variant of Gmc. *fra < PIE *pro. It arose by Verner’s Law when *fra was enclitic and formed a phonological word with a preceding lexeme, while being syntactically and semantically oriented towards its host on the right. The same behavior may be seen in Germanic *ham- and *ǥa- as continuants of PIE *kom.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"124 1","pages":"115 - 136"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2019-0004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46742927","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Despite more than a century of research, the origin of the Insular Celtic double system of verbal inflection is still debated. In this paper, we defend the thesis that the set of absolute endings originated by the agglutination of a subject clitic to the verb form. This clitic marked the declarative (vs. relative) use of verbs, since its distribution was complementary to that of the relative marker *yo. The present indicative as well as the preterite (in both the absolute and conjunct inflection) of one strong verb (berid‘bring’) and one weak verb (lécid‘leave’) are reconstructed according to this theory. For compound verb forms, the clitic ~ *yoalternation can be posited as well. The cases in which the distribution of initial mutations on the verb stem after preverbs does not follow the diachronic phonological rules of Old Irish (that is, there is no lenition after preverbs originally ending in a vowel) are accounted for from a synchronic standpoint. This “anomalous” behaviour can be explained by positing that a functionally relevant (morphological) system of mutations had replaced the previous phonology-based system.
{"title":"On the origin of the absolute vs. conjunct opposition in Insular Celtic","authors":"Marco Budassi, E. Roma","doi":"10.1515/IF-2018-0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/IF-2018-0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Despite more than a century of research, the origin of the Insular Celtic double system of verbal inflection is still debated. In this paper, we defend the thesis that the set of absolute endings originated by the agglutination of a subject clitic to the verb form. This clitic marked the declarative (vs. relative) use of verbs, since its distribution was complementary to that of the relative marker *yo. The present indicative as well as the preterite (in both the absolute and conjunct inflection) of one strong verb (berid‘bring’) and one weak verb (lécid‘leave’) are reconstructed according to this theory. For compound verb forms, the clitic ~ *yoalternation can be posited as well. The cases in which the distribution of initial mutations on the verb stem after preverbs does not follow the diachronic phonological rules of Old Irish (that is, there is no lenition after preverbs originally ending in a vowel) are accounted for from a synchronic standpoint. This “anomalous” behaviour can be explained by positing that a functionally relevant (morphological) system of mutations had replaced the previous phonology-based system.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"123 1","pages":"293 - 338"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2018-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/IF-2018-0011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46677911","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：