Abstract The paper argues that a) Germanic *tauf/ƀra- (Germ. Zauber, etc.) is related to a root PIE *deu̯p- ‘beat; make a hollow sound, resound’ found in Greek δοῦπος ‘thud’, etc., b) Greek φάρμακον goes back to the root PIE *gʷʰer- ‘heat’ (Gk. θερμός, etc.) implying healing by fomentation, and c) Armenian hiwand ‘sick’, borrowed from Iranian, to PIE *sh₂ei̯- ‘bind’ relying on the notion of disease as a supernatural bond.
{"title":"Murmur, heat and bonds – on some words of magic and healing","authors":"D. Kölligan","doi":"10.1515/if-2021-006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2021-006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The paper argues that a) Germanic *tauf/ƀra- (Germ. Zauber, etc.) is related to a root PIE *deu̯p- ‘beat; make a hollow sound, resound’ found in Greek δοῦπος ‘thud’, etc., b) Greek φάρμακον goes back to the root PIE *gʷʰer- ‘heat’ (Gk. θερμός, etc.) implying healing by fomentation, and c) Armenian hiwand ‘sick’, borrowed from Iranian, to PIE *sh₂ei̯- ‘bind’ relying on the notion of disease as a supernatural bond.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"126 1","pages":"107 - 134"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46915415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Vedic cīti-, attested in the Atharvaveda, is argued to be related to Av. ṣ̌āitī-, OP šiyāti- ‘happiness’ built to PIE *kʷi̯eh₁- ‘to (come to) rest’.
{"title":"A note on Vedic cīti-","authors":"D. Kölligan","doi":"10.1515/if-2021-007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2021-007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Vedic cīti-, attested in the Atharvaveda, is argued to be related to Av. ṣ̌āitī-, OP šiyāti- ‘happiness’ built to PIE *kʷi̯eh₁- ‘to (come to) rest’.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"126 1","pages":"135 - 140"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49572090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Latin bird-name columba ‘pigeon, dove’ has often invited comparison with Proto-Slavic *gȍlǫbь ‘id.’, as well as with Greek κόλυμβος ‘grebe, diving bird’. However, the first comparison is formally problematic, while the second one is semantically difficult. The first section of the present paper discusses the etymology and derivational history of Lat. columba, concluding in favor of an IE formation probably parallel to, but not cognate with, the one reflected by Slavic. In the second section, Gk. κόλυμβος is discussed together with the verb κολυμβάω ‘to dive’, showing that the commonly assumed derivation of the latter from the former is unlikely. A new etymology is then proposed for this word-family, arguing that both κόλυμβος < *ḱolum‑gʷ(h₂)‑o‑ and the unattested *κολυμβᾱ‑ < *ḱolum‑gʷ(h₂)‑eh₂‑ inferrable from κολυμβάω arose from the univerbation of a syntagm *ḱolum gʷeh₂- ‘to go covered, to submerge oneself’. These forms would then be coradical of Gk. καλύπτω ‘to cover, hide’, ultimately reflecting the univerbation of a different periphrasis with the same noun *ḱol-u-/*ḱel-u- ‘cover’. The proposed derivation is supported by morphosyntactic parallels across IE and by phraseological collocations of κολυμβάω and καλύπτω in Greek itself.
拉丁文的鸟名columba(鸽子，鸽子)常被拿来与原斯拉夫语*gȍlǫbь ' id作比较。，以及希腊语κόλ ο μβος的“grebe，潜水的鸟”。然而，第一个比较在形式上是有问题的，而第二个比较在语义上是困难的。本文第一部分讨论了“拉”的词源和衍生历史。结论支持IE的形成可能与Slavic所反映的形成相似，但不同源。在第二部分，Gk。κολ ο μβος与动词κολ ο μβ α ο一起讨论，表明后者通常被认为是由前者衍生而来的说法不太可能。然后，这个词族提出了一个新的词源，认为κόλ μβος <*ḱolum - gʷ(h₂)- o -和未经证实的*κολυμβᾱ- & lt;*ḱolum‑g æ (h₂)‑eh₂-可由κολ μβ α ω推断而来，源于一个普遍存在的语法*ḱolum‑g æ eh₂-“被覆盖，淹没自己”。这些形式就是Gk的基式。καλ τω '掩盖，隐藏'，最终反映了同一个名词的不同迂回用法的普遍性*ḱol-u-/*ḱel-u- '掩盖'。这一推导得到了希腊语中κολ ο μβ ω和καλ τω的形态句法相似性和短语搭配的支持。
{"title":"Birds of a feather?","authors":"Roberto Batisti","doi":"10.1515/if-2021-010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2021-010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Latin bird-name columba ‘pigeon, dove’ has often invited comparison with Proto-Slavic *gȍlǫbь ‘id.’, as well as with Greek κόλυμβος ‘grebe, diving bird’. However, the first comparison is formally problematic, while the second one is semantically difficult. The first section of the present paper discusses the etymology and derivational history of Lat. columba, concluding in favor of an IE formation probably parallel to, but not cognate with, the one reflected by Slavic. In the second section, Gk. κόλυμβος is discussed together with the verb κολυμβάω ‘to dive’, showing that the commonly assumed derivation of the latter from the former is unlikely. A new etymology is then proposed for this word-family, arguing that both κόλυμβος < *ḱolum‑gʷ(h₂)‑o‑ and the unattested *κολυμβᾱ‑ < *ḱolum‑gʷ(h₂)‑eh₂‑ inferrable from κολυμβάω arose from the univerbation of a syntagm *ḱolum gʷeh₂- ‘to go covered, to submerge oneself’. These forms would then be coradical of Gk. καλύπτω ‘to cover, hide’, ultimately reflecting the univerbation of a different periphrasis with the same noun *ḱol-u-/*ḱel-u- ‘cover’. The proposed derivation is supported by morphosyntactic parallels across IE and by phraseological collocations of κολυμβάω and καλύπτω in Greek itself.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"74 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138504980","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract There are several ways to express passive meaning in ancient Indo- European languages, one of them being periphrastic constructions. This paper argues that periphrastic passives in these languages developed from earlier object-oriented resultative constructions, which can be reconstructed for the proto-language as well.
{"title":"Periphrastic passive and resultative in Hittite and Proto-Indo-European","authors":"A. Shatskov","doi":"10.1515/if-2021-001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2021-001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract There are several ways to express passive meaning in ancient Indo- European languages, one of them being periphrastic constructions. This paper argues that periphrastic passives in these languages developed from earlier object-oriented resultative constructions, which can be reconstructed for the proto-language as well.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"126 1","pages":"1 - 20"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48124039","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Descriptions of Hieroglyphic Luwian grammar assert that the genitive endings ‑as(a) and ‑asi are interchangeable; their distribution is said to be random rather than governed by any conditioning factor. However, recent studies have shown that the ending ‑asi is geographically and chronologically restricted in the corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian texts, which suggests that the distribution is not entirely random. In this paper, it is argued that in texts from the “‑asi area” - where texts containing both endings are found - the genitive endings are distributed in a non-random way. Genitives in ‑as(a) are dependent on neuter gender head nouns, whereas genitives in ‑asi are dependent on common gender head nouns. This means that, syntactically, Hieroglyphic Luwian genitives resemble genitival adjectives by agreeing with the gender of their head. Although several counterexamples exist, they are probably caused by translation errors, by language change in late Hieroglyphic Luwian, and possibly by the fact that -as(a) may reflect -asa as well as -as. Finally, a new account of the historical development of Luwian genitives is presented.
{"title":"The Hieroglyphic Luwian genitive case","authors":"Axel. Palmer","doi":"10.1515/if-2021-009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2021-009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Descriptions of Hieroglyphic Luwian grammar assert that the genitive endings ‑as(a) and ‑asi are interchangeable; their distribution is said to be random rather than governed by any conditioning factor. However, recent studies have shown that the ending ‑asi is geographically and chronologically restricted in the corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian texts, which suggests that the distribution is not entirely random. In this paper, it is argued that in texts from the “‑asi area” - where texts containing both endings are found - the genitive endings are distributed in a non-random way. Genitives in ‑as(a) are dependent on neuter gender head nouns, whereas genitives in ‑asi are dependent on common gender head nouns. This means that, syntactically, Hieroglyphic Luwian genitives resemble genitival adjectives by agreeing with the gender of their head. Although several counterexamples exist, they are probably caused by translation errors, by language change in late Hieroglyphic Luwian, and possibly by the fact that -as(a) may reflect -asa as well as -as. Finally, a new account of the historical development of Luwian genitives is presented.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"126 1","pages":"167 - 204"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43173915","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Ancient Greek feminines to u-stem adjectives (e.g. ἡδεῖα ‘sweet’ to ἡδύς) diverge from their Old Indic counterparts in terms of accentuation (cp. Ved. svādvī´ ). Homeric Greek possesses a couple of corresponding archaisms with oxytone accent (θαμειαί, ταρφειαί); in this paper, I will propose that Greek in fact runs the gamut, showing recessive accentuation as well, specifically in stems that have been “demorphologized” (e.g., λίγεια). This threefold accentuation provides a unique window onto the diachrony of accents in the prehistory of Greek. I bring to bear previously undertreated, and untranslated, evidence from ancient grammarians to bolster my position. Beginning from this reexamination, I turn to the controversial class of nouns in -υια, which have been held to show extraordinarily archaic properties of accent and ablaut. I propose that these nouns reflect not archaisms, but inner-Greek innovations.
{"title":"παλίντονος","authors":"Jesse J. Lundquist","doi":"10.1515/if-2021-012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2021-012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Ancient Greek feminines to u-stem adjectives (e.g. ἡδεῖα ‘sweet’ to ἡδύς) diverge from their Old Indic counterparts in terms of accentuation (cp. Ved. svādvī´ ). Homeric Greek possesses a couple of corresponding archaisms with oxytone accent (θαμειαί, ταρφειαί); in this paper, I will propose that Greek in fact runs the gamut, showing recessive accentuation as well, specifically in stems that have been “demorphologized” (e.g., λίγεια). This threefold accentuation provides a unique window onto the diachrony of accents in the prehistory of Greek. I bring to bear previously undertreated, and untranslated, evidence from ancient grammarians to bolster my position. Beginning from this reexamination, I turn to the controversial class of nouns in -υια, which have been held to show extraordinarily archaic properties of accent and ablaut. I propose that these nouns reflect not archaisms, but inner-Greek innovations.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"126 1","pages":"261 - 304"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46407899","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Zusammenfassung The Homeric compound ἀρτιεπής can be understood as a possessive-compound with a case-form or an adverb in the first member. The compound can be connected to the idea of [CORRECT/RIGHT - SAY], and as such to the expression ἄρτια βάζειν ‘to tell right things’ (Hom.). A collocation [*(H)ar‑ - *u̯eku̯‑] lies at the basis of several IIr. compounds and collocations that are etymologically related to ἀρτιεπής: Ved. ṛtavāká‑, Av. arəm.uxti‑, Ved. [ṛtám - say]. Among others, some striking matches can be identified: Ved. ṛtvíya‑ vā́k‑ and YAv. raϑβiia‑ vacah‑, as well as YAv. vacah‑ - ratumant‑, where the tu‑derivatives parallel the ti‑derivatives (Gk. ἄρτι : *arti‑ or *art‑i‑); YAv. arš.uxδa‑, arš.vacah‑ (OAv. ərəš.vacah‑) which may be interpreted as structural matches, probably containing an adverb as first member of compound.
{"title":"Gr. ἀρτιεπής, ved. ṛtvíya‑ vā́k‑, jav. raϑβiiavacah‑","authors":"Laura Massetti","doi":"10.1515/if-2020-001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-001","url":null,"abstract":"Zusammenfassung The Homeric compound ἀρτιεπής can be understood as a possessive-compound with a case-form or an adverb in the first member. The compound can be connected to the idea of [CORRECT/RIGHT - SAY], and as such to the expression ἄρτια βάζειν ‘to tell right things’ (Hom.). A collocation [*(H)ar‑ - *u̯eku̯‑] lies at the basis of several IIr. compounds and collocations that are etymologically related to ἀρτιεπής: Ved. ṛtavāká‑, Av. arəm.uxti‑, Ved. [ṛtám - say]. Among others, some striking matches can be identified: Ved. ṛtvíya‑ vā́k‑ and YAv. raϑβiia‑ vacah‑, as well as YAv. vacah‑ - ratumant‑, where the tu‑derivatives parallel the ti‑derivatives (Gk. ἄρτι : *arti‑ or *art‑i‑); YAv. arš.uxδa‑, arš.vacah‑ (OAv. ərəš.vacah‑) which may be interpreted as structural matches, probably containing an adverb as first member of compound.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"125 1","pages":"1 - 20"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/if-2020-001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43949504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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