Zusammenfassung Based on the contextual analysis of the Carian inscription from Hyllarima (C.Hy 1) this paper argues that the Carian nominal ending -τis neither genitive plural nor dative plural as previously proposed but ablative. This is supported both by its phonological history and its other attestions.
{"title":"Die karische Endung -τ","authors":"Zsolt Simon","doi":"10.1515/if-2021-003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2021-003","url":null,"abstract":"Zusammenfassung Based on the contextual analysis of the Carian inscription from Hyllarima (C.Hy 1) this paper argues that the Carian nominal ending -τis neither genitive plural nor dative plural as previously proposed but ablative. This is supported both by its phonological history and its other attestions.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"126 1","pages":"53 - 64"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45970780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Lithuanian-Latvian illative was formed from the IE accusativus directivus and the local postposition *-ā́. Traces of the postponed *-ā́ have been preserved in yrà ‘is, are; OLith. there is, there are’ < *ī-r-ā́, and Lith. čià ‘here’ < *tj-ā́. Typologically, the Baltic illative can be compared to Greek derivatives with -δε, e.g. οἴκα-δε ‘homewards; at home’. As for the origin of the postponed *-ā́, two hypotheses can be formulated: 1. *-ā́ comes from the IE allative postposition *-eh₂ (see Hajnal 1992); 2. *-ā́ boils down to the instr. sg. of the anaphoric pronoun *h₁o-h₁. The primary illative plural ended in -s-ā́, e.g. OLith. (debesisa) ‘into heaven’. The postposition -na, which can be found e.g. in the ill. pl. miškúosna ‘into forests’, is an innovation resulting from reanalysis of the acc. sg. *-n + *-ā́ → *-nā́. The neutralisation of the privative opposition inessive : illative originally comprised an area much larger than today’s and included the West Aukštaitian dialect. The starting point of this neutralisation was plural forms. This primary state of affairs has remained until the present day in East Aukštaitian in the north from the line Raguva-Ukmergė-Molėtai-Salakas, where inessive sg. and illative sg. are distinguished, but inessive pl. and illative pl. are not, due to apocope of the final vowel, i.e. píevos ‘on meadows’ (= iness. pl. píevose) alongside píevos ‘onto meadows’ (= ill. pl. píevosna) (Zinkevičius 1966: 201). In the privative opposition inessive : illative, the illative form derived from the IE accusative of direction is the marked member of the opposition.
{"title":"The Baltic *-ā́-illative","authors":"Norbert Ostrowski","doi":"10.1515/if-2021-004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2021-004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Lithuanian-Latvian illative was formed from the IE accusativus directivus and the local postposition *-ā́. Traces of the postponed *-ā́ have been preserved in yrà ‘is, are; OLith. there is, there are’ < *ī-r-ā́, and Lith. čià ‘here’ < *tj-ā́. Typologically, the Baltic illative can be compared to Greek derivatives with -δε, e.g. οἴκα-δε ‘homewards; at home’. As for the origin of the postponed *-ā́, two hypotheses can be formulated: 1. *-ā́ comes from the IE allative postposition *-eh₂ (see Hajnal 1992); 2. *-ā́ boils down to the instr. sg. of the anaphoric pronoun *h₁o-h₁. The primary illative plural ended in -s-ā́, e.g. OLith. (debesisa) ‘into heaven’. The postposition -na, which can be found e.g. in the ill. pl. miškúosna ‘into forests’, is an innovation resulting from reanalysis of the acc. sg. *-n + *-ā́ → *-nā́. The neutralisation of the privative opposition inessive : illative originally comprised an area much larger than today’s and included the West Aukštaitian dialect. The starting point of this neutralisation was plural forms. This primary state of affairs has remained until the present day in East Aukštaitian in the north from the line Raguva-Ukmergė-Molėtai-Salakas, where inessive sg. and illative sg. are distinguished, but inessive pl. and illative pl. are not, due to apocope of the final vowel, i.e. píevos ‘on meadows’ (= iness. pl. píevose) alongside píevos ‘onto meadows’ (= ill. pl. píevosna) (Zinkevičius 1966: 201). In the privative opposition inessive : illative, the illative form derived from the IE accusative of direction is the marked member of the opposition.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"126 1","pages":"65 - 84"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44432682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Middle Breton (MB) presents an anomaly of pronominal argument coding in imperative and mihi est HAVE constructions: objects can be accusative proclitics only in 1st/2nd person, while unique enclitics appear in 3rd person. Part II traces the history of object coding: Independent > enclitic coding originates in unavailability of accusative object mesoclitics in V1 imperatives by Vendryes’ Restriction in Brythonic, and nonagreement with nominative objects of mihi est in Breton-Cornish. Restriction of enclitics to 3rd person originates with mihi est in typically nonhuman nominative object possessa in Brythonic or Breton-Cornish. It spreads to imperatives through shared enclitic coding in MB, and is circumvented by the MB innovation of accusative proclitics for mesoclitics that allows 1st/2nd person even in V1, as well as the participle in the new HAVE-perfect later in MB. “Innovative” varieties of Breton transition to regular accusative objects with or without losing dative subjects of mihi est. The developments are constrained to familiar patterns of nominative/anomalous subject + accusative/nominative object case combinations, giving rise to the imperative + HAVE construction grouping of Finnish within the history of Breton.
Abstract Middle Breton（MB）在祈使句和mihi est HAVE结构中呈现出代词变元编码的异常：宾语只能在第1/2人称中是宾格前体，而独特的附言出现在第3人称中。第二部分追溯了宾语编码的历史：独立>附言编码源于Brythonic中Vendryes的Restriction在V1祈使句中不能使用宾格宾语中介词，以及Breton-Conish中与mihi est主格宾语的不一致。附言对第三人称的限制源于布莱顿语或布雷顿-康沃尔语中典型的非人类主格宾语posessa中的mihi est。它通过MB中的共享enclitic编码传播到祈使词，并被MB中的中缀词的宾格proclitics的创新所规避，该创新允许在V1中使用第1/2人称，以及在MB中稍后使用新的HAVE完成词中的分词。布列塔尼语的“创新”变体过渡到规则宾格宾语，无论是否失去mihi est的与格主语。发展受限于熟悉的主格/异常主格+宾格/主格宾语格组合模式，在布列塔尼历史中产生了芬兰语的祈使+HAVE结构分组。
{"title":"Mihi est from Brythonic to Breton II","authors":"M. Řezáč","doi":"10.1515/if-2021-014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2021-014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Middle Breton (MB) presents an anomaly of pronominal argument coding in imperative and mihi est HAVE constructions: objects can be accusative proclitics only in 1st/2nd person, while unique enclitics appear in 3rd person. Part II traces the history of object coding: Independent > enclitic coding originates in unavailability of accusative object mesoclitics in V1 imperatives by Vendryes’ Restriction in Brythonic, and nonagreement with nominative objects of mihi est in Breton-Cornish. Restriction of enclitics to 3rd person originates with mihi est in typically nonhuman nominative object possessa in Brythonic or Breton-Cornish. It spreads to imperatives through shared enclitic coding in MB, and is circumvented by the MB innovation of accusative proclitics for mesoclitics that allows 1st/2nd person even in V1, as well as the participle in the new HAVE-perfect later in MB. “Innovative” varieties of Breton transition to regular accusative objects with or without losing dative subjects of mihi est. The developments are constrained to familiar patterns of nominative/anomalous subject + accusative/nominative object case combinations, giving rise to the imperative + HAVE construction grouping of Finnish within the history of Breton.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"126 1","pages":"325 - 386"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48523866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Though καλύπτω ‘cover’ is normally and correctly associated with *√ḱel- ‘cover’, the origin of the entire base καλυφ- remains unclear. The basis of clarification consists in an appreciation of the formally resemblant s-stem κέλῡφος, whose meaning ‘sheath, case, shell, husk, pod’ has invited comparison. The author therefore hypothesizes that the bases καλυφ- and κελῡφ- include related layers of nominal material. Starting from an originally adnominal *ḱel-ó- (> OIr. cel ‘death’), the author reconstructs the u-stem substantive *ḱó/él-u- ‘covering’, for which the evidence of Proto-Germanic *χlewa- ‘shelter’ and Greek κολεόν ‘sheath’ is adduced. The element in -φ- is then argued to reflect a nominalized form of *√bʰuhx- ‘become’ qua light verb of an anti-causative periphrasis whose originally acrostatic heavy member *ḱó/él-u- was employed as a predicative instrumental *ḱéluh₁ eventually fossilized as an indeclinable adnominal eligible for use as a First Compound Member (FCM) (> κέλῡφος). By comparison to the allomorphically archaic πόλις ‘city’ (gen. πόληος), the author finally argues for the paradigmatic renewal of *ḱó/él-u- (> > *ḱól-u- : ḱl̥-u̯- : ḱl̥l-éu̯) and the eligibility of its weak stem as first member of a compound from which was formed the *-i̯e/o- present ancestral to καλύπτω.
{"title":"κέλῡφος and καλύπτω","authors":"Andrew Merritt","doi":"10.1515/if-2021-013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2021-013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Though καλύπτω ‘cover’ is normally and correctly associated with *√ḱel- ‘cover’, the origin of the entire base καλυφ- remains unclear. The basis of clarification consists in an appreciation of the formally resemblant s-stem κέλῡφος, whose meaning ‘sheath, case, shell, husk, pod’ has invited comparison. The author therefore hypothesizes that the bases καλυφ- and κελῡφ- include related layers of nominal material. Starting from an originally adnominal *ḱel-ó- (> OIr. cel ‘death’), the author reconstructs the u-stem substantive *ḱó/él-u- ‘covering’, for which the evidence of Proto-Germanic *χlewa- ‘shelter’ and Greek κολεόν ‘sheath’ is adduced. The element in -φ- is then argued to reflect a nominalized form of *√bʰuhx- ‘become’ qua light verb of an anti-causative periphrasis whose originally acrostatic heavy member *ḱó/él-u- was employed as a predicative instrumental *ḱéluh₁ eventually fossilized as an indeclinable adnominal eligible for use as a First Compound Member (FCM) (> κέλῡφος). By comparison to the allomorphically archaic πόλις ‘city’ (gen. πόληος), the author finally argues for the paradigmatic renewal of *ḱó/él-u- (> > *ḱól-u- : ḱl̥-u̯- : ḱl̥l-éu̯) and the eligibility of its weak stem as first member of a compound from which was formed the *-i̯e/o- present ancestral to καλύπτω.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"126 1","pages":"305 - 324"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48590715","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Titelei","authors":"","doi":"10.1515/if-2021-frontmatter12601","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2021-frontmatter12601","url":null,"abstract":"Article Titelei was published on November 8, 2021 in the journal Indogermanische Forschungen (volume 126, issue 1).","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"99 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138543716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper re-examines the historical phonology and morphology of the palatal-stem declension of Vedic and concludes that the phonologically regular outcome of the animate nominative singular was -ṭ, while the “bh-cases” should by regular sound change have contained a cluster *°dbh°, the former existence of which can be inferred but which was replaced by °ḍbh° (or °gbh°) under the influence of the nominative singular.
{"title":"On the inflection of palatal stems in Vedic","authors":"Zachary Rothstein-Dowden","doi":"10.1515/if-2021-015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2021-015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper re-examines the historical phonology and morphology of the palatal-stem declension of Vedic and concludes that the phonologically regular outcome of the animate nominative singular was -ṭ, while the “bh-cases” should by regular sound change have contained a cluster *°dbh°, the former existence of which can be inferred but which was replaced by °ḍbh° (or °gbh°) under the influence of the nominative singular.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"126 1","pages":"387 - 404"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49329886","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Telling apart family-internal developments from contact-induced changes and socio-geographically conditioned areal trends is still one of the main challenges in tracing the development - and stability - of languages. Notably prima facie contact phenomena might turn out to have resulted from the interaction of a variety of sources upon closer inspection; assessing their interaction is a crucial requirement for comprehending the dynamics of change. Based on the example of simplification patterns in the system of short personal pronouns observed in the Balkan Slavic dialects located in the territory of North Macedonian and Greece, the present paper illustrates the necessity of identifying the multiplicity of triggers and their interaction, thereby making a case for the relevance of small-scale, transient patterns in understanding diachronic processes. In particular, it places the simplifications within the pronominal system into the larger context of differential object indexing by preverbal pronominal elements in the Balkan languages. With the loss of agreement distinctions on pronouns being characteristic for the last phase in the emergence of object indexing, both processes appear to be closely related. Obviously, in this case, the convergence of various different processes has created a favorable environment for the mutual reinforcement and stabilization of two otherwise highly volatile phenomena.
{"title":"Small-scale patterns in a larger picture","authors":"Barbara Sonnenhauser, Anastasia Escher","doi":"10.1515/if-2021-005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2021-005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Telling apart family-internal developments from contact-induced changes and socio-geographically conditioned areal trends is still one of the main challenges in tracing the development - and stability - of languages. Notably prima facie contact phenomena might turn out to have resulted from the interaction of a variety of sources upon closer inspection; assessing their interaction is a crucial requirement for comprehending the dynamics of change. Based on the example of simplification patterns in the system of short personal pronouns observed in the Balkan Slavic dialects located in the territory of North Macedonian and Greece, the present paper illustrates the necessity of identifying the multiplicity of triggers and their interaction, thereby making a case for the relevance of small-scale, transient patterns in understanding diachronic processes. In particular, it places the simplifications within the pronominal system into the larger context of differential object indexing by preverbal pronominal elements in the Balkan languages. With the loss of agreement distinctions on pronouns being characteristic for the last phase in the emergence of object indexing, both processes appear to be closely related. Obviously, in this case, the convergence of various different processes has created a favorable environment for the mutual reinforcement and stabilization of two otherwise highly volatile phenomena.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"126 1","pages":"85 - 106"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49084069","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In Ogihara’s edition of the Tocharian B so-called “Avadāna-Manuscript”, a fragment from the Dhanika-Avadāna contains a word santse. On the basis of parallel texts, it is shown that santse means ‘daughter-in-law’. This newly identified word is cognate with a.o. Greek νυός ‘daughter-in-law’ and derives from Proto-Indo- European *snusó-.
{"title":"Tocharian B santse ‘daughter-in-law’","authors":"M. Peyrot, Meng Xiaoqiang","doi":"10.1515/if-2021-016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2021-016","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In Ogihara’s edition of the Tocharian B so-called “Avadāna-Manuscript”, a fragment from the Dhanika-Avadāna contains a word santse. On the basis of parallel texts, it is shown that santse means ‘daughter-in-law’. This newly identified word is cognate with a.o. Greek νυός ‘daughter-in-law’ and derives from Proto-Indo- European *snusó-.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"126 1","pages":"405 - 410"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49449151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Taking into consideration both discourse structure and the pragmatics of contrast, this paper draws on Functional Discourse Grammar (FDG) to provide a comprehensive and unified account of ἀτάρ in Classical Greek. In classical Greek drama, the particle ἀτάρ designates two main types of contrast. In its most common usage, it marks a discourse contrast, a boundary in conversational structure, such as the beginning of a new exchange or adjacency pair. More specifically, ἀτάρ can signal a change of addressee; the introduction of a new topic or new visual focus; or an abrupt thematic discontinuity such as an interruption. Moreover, ἀτάρ can also mark denial of expectation, especially when preceded by a preparatory μέν. When expressing counterexpectation, the particle instructs the addressee to process the next discourse segment in such a way as to contradict or eliminate some piece of information possibly inferred from the preceding segment. Very similarly, the classical prose of Herodotus, Plato and Xenophon shows analogous usages of ἀτάρ, namely, as a boundary between larger portions of discourse with or without thematic discontinuity, or as a marker of denial of expectation between acts and moves.
{"title":"A functional discourse approach to the particle ἀτάρ in Classical Greek","authors":"Clara Lacerda Crepaldi","doi":"10.1515/if-2021-008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2021-008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Taking into consideration both discourse structure and the pragmatics of contrast, this paper draws on Functional Discourse Grammar (FDG) to provide a comprehensive and unified account of ἀτάρ in Classical Greek. In classical Greek drama, the particle ἀτάρ designates two main types of contrast. In its most common usage, it marks a discourse contrast, a boundary in conversational structure, such as the beginning of a new exchange or adjacency pair. More specifically, ἀτάρ can signal a change of addressee; the introduction of a new topic or new visual focus; or an abrupt thematic discontinuity such as an interruption. Moreover, ἀτάρ can also mark denial of expectation, especially when preceded by a preparatory μέν. When expressing counterexpectation, the particle instructs the addressee to process the next discourse segment in such a way as to contradict or eliminate some piece of information possibly inferred from the preceding segment. Very similarly, the classical prose of Herodotus, Plato and Xenophon shows analogous usages of ἀτάρ, namely, as a boundary between larger portions of discourse with or without thematic discontinuity, or as a marker of denial of expectation between acts and moves.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"126 1","pages":"141 - 166"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45323715","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In this article, an alternative historical analysis of the Old English verbs būgian and bōgian is presented, whereby it is suggested that they are relatively late formations. The verb *bū̆wōja- (> būgian) evolved out of the verb *bū̆wa- (> būan) during the Proto-Northwest Germanic era by way of a paradigmatic split. The vowel ū̆ in the root of *bū̆wōja- was subject to assimilatory lowering due to the influence of the following non-high vowels: the lowering of the root vowel produced the stem *bō̆wōja- (> OE bogian). It is argued here that the vowel /u/ was susceptible to lowering in this environment because in the sequence -V(w)V-, it was phonetically short (phonologically, it was length-neutral in this position).
{"title":"The history of Old English būgian and bōgian ʻdwellʼ, and some related morphonological problems","authors":"Aurelijus Vijūnas","doi":"10.1515/if-2021-002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2021-002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this article, an alternative historical analysis of the Old English verbs būgian and bōgian is presented, whereby it is suggested that they are relatively late formations. The verb *bū̆wōja- (> būgian) evolved out of the verb *bū̆wa- (> būan) during the Proto-Northwest Germanic era by way of a paradigmatic split. The vowel ū̆ in the root of *bū̆wōja- was subject to assimilatory lowering due to the influence of the following non-high vowels: the lowering of the root vowel produced the stem *bō̆wōja- (> OE bogian). It is argued here that the vowel /u/ was susceptible to lowering in this environment because in the sequence -V(w)V-, it was phonetically short (phonologically, it was length-neutral in this position).","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"126 1","pages":"21 - 52"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43113739","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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