Abstract The paper examines a possible Welsh cognate of Greek τηλεκλυτός ‘farfamed’, the rare Middle Welsh pellglot, and analyses it and its alleged Greek congener within the framework of Indo-European poetic language studies. It pays considerable attention to the conventions of medieval Welsh versification that (with other factors considered) may undermine the dating of the reconstructed compound underlying the Greek and Middle Welsh word to the Proto-Indo-European epoch.
摘要本文考察了希腊语τηλεκλ λ τ ο ς ' farfamous '的一个可能的威尔士同源词，即罕见的中世纪威尔士语pellglot，并在印欧诗歌语言研究的框架内分析了它及其所谓的希腊同源词。它相当关注中世纪威尔士诗化的惯例(考虑到其他因素)，这些惯例可能会破坏希腊和中威尔士词的重建复合到原始印欧时代的年代。
{"title":"Greek τηλεκλυτός ‘far-famed’ and its Welsh comparanda","authors":"A. Falileyev","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The paper examines a possible Welsh cognate of Greek τηλεκλυτός ‘farfamed’, the rare Middle Welsh pellglot, and analyses it and its alleged Greek congener within the framework of Indo-European poetic language studies. It pays considerable attention to the conventions of medieval Welsh versification that (with other factors considered) may undermine the dating of the reconstructed compound underlying the Greek and Middle Welsh word to the Proto-Indo-European epoch.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"127 1","pages":"213 - 234"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46154115","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In this article the Luwian name Tarhunaza- and the Luwic names Τροκοναζας, Τρικοναζας attested in Cilicia are analyzed as imperative Satznamen containing a vocative form Tarhun- followed by the imperative of the verb aza- ‘to love’. This analysis leads to the reinterpretation of other Luwic names as possible Satznamen containing divine invocations.
{"title":"Luwian Tarhunaza-, Cilician Τροκοναζας, Τρικοναζας","authors":"Ignasi-Xavier Adiego","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this article the Luwian name Tarhunaza- and the Luwic names Τροκοναζας, Τρικοναζας attested in Cilicia are analyzed as imperative Satznamen containing a vocative form Tarhun- followed by the imperative of the verb aza- ‘to love’. This analysis leads to the reinterpretation of other Luwic names as possible Satznamen containing divine invocations.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"127 1","pages":"75 - 90"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41388508","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The oaths mentioned in half-dozen Hellenistic treaties of Doric cities (Messene, Rhodes, Cos, Eleutherna and Lyttos) attest to Ποτειδᾶ or Ποσειδᾶ, accusative of Doric Ποτειδάν/Ποσειδάν = Attic Ποσειδῶν. In an oath of the Megarian peddler in Aristophanes’ Acharnians (line 798), some manuscripts also exhibit Ποτειδᾶ or Ποτῑδᾶ. The accusative ending -ᾶ cannot be accounted for either as the remains of a supposed non-thematic inflection of Poseidon’s name nor as a hyper-dialectalism. Instead, Ποτειδᾶ and Ποσειδᾶ share a common origin with the so-called “apocopated” accusatives Ποσειδῶ and Ἀπέλλω / Ἀπόλλω. Dismissing the hypothesis that comparatives had shaped the accusative of the two theonyms, this paper suggests that the innovation was triggered by the co-occurrence of ἥρωα and ἥρωνα, which belonged in two secondary inflections of ἥρως, an old stem in ‑ou̯‑.
{"title":"Une innovation divine","authors":"Alcorac Alonso Déniz","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The oaths mentioned in half-dozen Hellenistic treaties of Doric cities (Messene, Rhodes, Cos, Eleutherna and Lyttos) attest to Ποτειδᾶ or Ποσειδᾶ, accusative of Doric Ποτειδάν/Ποσειδάν = Attic Ποσειδῶν. In an oath of the Megarian peddler in Aristophanes’ Acharnians (line 798), some manuscripts also exhibit Ποτειδᾶ or Ποτῑδᾶ. The accusative ending -ᾶ cannot be accounted for either as the remains of a supposed non-thematic inflection of Poseidon’s name nor as a hyper-dialectalism. Instead, Ποτειδᾶ and Ποσειδᾶ share a common origin with the so-called “apocopated” accusatives Ποσειδῶ and Ἀπέλλω / Ἀπόλλω. Dismissing the hypothesis that comparatives had shaped the accusative of the two theonyms, this paper suggests that the innovation was triggered by the co-occurrence of ἥρωα and ἥρωνα, which belonged in two secondary inflections of ἥρως, an old stem in ‑ou̯‑.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"512 ","pages":"151 - 168"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41272197","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper addresses the issues arising from the unexpected /x/ in the two British Celtic verbal forms: MW techaf ‘to retreat, flee’, MBret. techet ‘to flee’, and OW diguormechis ‘which he added’, OBret. degurmehim ‘adding/addition’. As will be shown in the discussion below, there is no need for assuming influence from the s-subjunctive nor the existence of an otherwise unattested secondary verb. It is argued here that the forms are intra-Celtic borrowings from Irish.
{"title":"Alternative etymologies for two British Celtic verbal forms","authors":"Bernhard Bauer","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper addresses the issues arising from the unexpected /x/ in the two British Celtic verbal forms: MW techaf ‘to retreat, flee’, MBret. techet ‘to flee’, and OW diguormechis ‘which he added’, OBret. degurmehim ‘adding/addition’. As will be shown in the discussion below, there is no need for assuming influence from the s-subjunctive nor the existence of an otherwise unattested secondary verb. It is argued here that the forms are intra-Celtic borrowings from Irish.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"127 1","pages":"13 - 20"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44552072","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The article establishes the inflection of proper names in Luwian and Lycian, which differs from appellative inflection in all oblique cases. It is argued that the locative, genitive and ablative were reshaped after the pattern of the ā-stems, which were the most frequent type in names. The characteristic dative *-Vi̯o, however, was generalised from the i-stems, whose type had become restricted to names, especially personal names, after the PD i-stems had been generalised in the appellatives. The origin in the i-stems appears from Hittite, which has a corresponding ending in i- and ii̯a-stems. In Hittite, the ending can be traced back further to the use of the allative in dat.-loc. function to circumvent the unfortunate combination of a stem in *‑i‑ with the dat.-loc. ending *-i. The Luwic data can now be used to determine the character of the PAnat. allative, which must have been *-o on account of Lyc. -e. Since Anatolian shows a vigorous allative that is presupposed by petrified remnants such as *pr-o ‘forward’ in other IE languages, the allative provides an additional argument for the Indo-Anatolian hypothesis.
{"title":"The Luwic inflection of proper names, the Hittite dative-locative of i- and iia̯ -stems, and the Proto-Anatolian allative","authors":"S. Norbruis","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article establishes the inflection of proper names in Luwian and Lycian, which differs from appellative inflection in all oblique cases. It is argued that the locative, genitive and ablative were reshaped after the pattern of the ā-stems, which were the most frequent type in names. The characteristic dative *-Vi̯o, however, was generalised from the i-stems, whose type had become restricted to names, especially personal names, after the PD i-stems had been generalised in the appellatives. The origin in the i-stems appears from Hittite, which has a corresponding ending in i- and ii̯a-stems. In Hittite, the ending can be traced back further to the use of the allative in dat.-loc. function to circumvent the unfortunate combination of a stem in *‑i‑ with the dat.-loc. ending *-i. The Luwic data can now be used to determine the character of the PAnat. allative, which must have been *-o on account of Lyc. -e. Since Anatolian shows a vigorous allative that is presupposed by petrified remnants such as *pr-o ‘forward’ in other IE languages, the allative provides an additional argument for the Indo-Anatolian hypothesis.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"127 1","pages":"21 - 60"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46813221","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The etymological analysis of Attic Greek τένθης ‘gourmand, glutton’ (Ar.+) has focused since Antiquity on comparison with the obscure Hesiodic hapax τένδει (Op. 524). Rejecting this unpromising solution, in this paper I go back to a forgotten proposal by Solmsen (1897), who compared τένθης with the PN Πενθεύς ~ Τενθεύς and Lat. condiō ‘to season (food)’, reconstructing a root *kʷendʰ-/*kʷondʰ-. While Solmsen did not pursue further analysis of this root, I propose that it arose - possibly already at the PIE stage - from *kʷem- ‘gulp, swallow’ with addition of the “detransitivizing” suffix *-dʰ-e/o-. The present stem *kʷem-dʰe/o- would have had the intransitive meaning ‘to swallow food’ with Indefinite Object Deletion, as is typologically common in “ingestive” verbs. In addition to the agent noun τένθης, I suggest that πάθνη ~ φάτνη ‘crib, manger’ was another nominal derivative of the ‘neo-root’ *kʷendʰ-/*kʷondʰ-/*kʷn̥dʰ-. I conclude by discussing other possible etymologies of Lat. condiō.
自古代以来，对阿提伽希腊语τ ης ' gourmand, glutton ' (Ar.+)的词源分析一直集中在与晦涩的Hesiodic hapax τ δει (Op. 524)的比较上。在本文中，我拒绝了这个毫无希望的解决方案，回到了索姆森(1897)提出的一个被遗忘的建议，他将τ ης与PN Πενθεύς ~ Τενθεύς和Lat进行了比较。修饰词根“给(食物)调味”，重新构造词根*k * end * -/*k * ond * -。虽然索姆森没有对这个词根进行进一步的分析，但我认为它可能已经在PIE阶段出现了，它是由*k æ em-“吞，吞”加上“去及物化”后缀*-d *- e/o-演变而来的。现在的词干*k * em-d * e/o-带有不确定宾语删除的不及物意思“吞下食物”，这在类型学上在“摄取”动词中很常见。除了代理名词τ ης之外，我认为π θνη ~ φ τνη ' crib, manger '是'新词根' *k k k end k -/*k k k k ond k -/*k k k n ' d k -的另一个名义衍生词。最后，我讨论了Lat的其他可能的词源。赖斯ō。
{"title":"The root of all gluttony","authors":"Roberto Batisti","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The etymological analysis of Attic Greek τένθης ‘gourmand, glutton’ (Ar.+) has focused since Antiquity on comparison with the obscure Hesiodic hapax τένδει (Op. 524). Rejecting this unpromising solution, in this paper I go back to a forgotten proposal by Solmsen (1897), who compared τένθης with the PN Πενθεύς ~ Τενθεύς and Lat. condiō ‘to season (food)’, reconstructing a root *kʷendʰ-/*kʷondʰ-. While Solmsen did not pursue further analysis of this root, I propose that it arose - possibly already at the PIE stage - from *kʷem- ‘gulp, swallow’ with addition of the “detransitivizing” suffix *-dʰ-e/o-. The present stem *kʷem-dʰe/o- would have had the intransitive meaning ‘to swallow food’ with Indefinite Object Deletion, as is typologically common in “ingestive” verbs. In addition to the agent noun τένθης, I suggest that πάθνη ~ φάτνη ‘crib, manger’ was another nominal derivative of the ‘neo-root’ *kʷendʰ-/*kʷondʰ-/*kʷn̥dʰ-. I conclude by discussing other possible etymologies of Lat. condiō.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"127 1","pages":"283 - 306"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42327348","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The paper is dedicated to the pattern of voice marking found in the aorist subjunctive of Classical Armenian that combines the mediopassive ending of the 1st person singular with active and labile endings in the remaining forms of the paradigm. The pattern forms a stable inflectional type in verbs with the i-stem aorist but is also marginally attested in other verbal classes. The goal of the present paper is to describe the distribution of the mixed subjunctive in the early Classical Armenian texts and clarify its origin.
{"title":"The mixed aorist subjunctive in Classical Armenian","authors":"P. Kocharov","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The paper is dedicated to the pattern of voice marking found in the aorist subjunctive of Classical Armenian that combines the mediopassive ending of the 1st person singular with active and labile endings in the remaining forms of the paradigm. The pattern forms a stable inflectional type in verbs with the i-stem aorist but is also marginally attested in other verbal classes. The goal of the present paper is to describe the distribution of the mixed subjunctive in the early Classical Armenian texts and clarify its origin.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"127 1","pages":"169 - 200"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47741386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Based on a corpus study of 2074 occurrences in Archaic (424) and Classical (1650) Greek, I offer a unified explanation for the temporal reference extensions of counterfactual mood forms in declarative, interrogative, wish and de-activated illocutions (i.e. subordinate clauses). I propose a diachronic trajectory (life cycle) for counterfactual mood forms from past to present and future reference. Extensions are constrained diachronically by grammatical aspect (e.g. imperfect facilitating extensions to present reference more than the aorist or pluperfect), and actionality of the state of affairs in clausal context (atelic states of affairs enabling temporal extensions), as well as synchronically by illocutionary usage, collocations with temporal adverbs and common ground knowledge (i.e. temporal location known or not). This trajectory explains the replacements of the inherited counterfactual optative by the counterfactual indicative, because their life cycles are interlocked: in Archaic Greek the counterfactual optative had already extended from its original past to present and future reference and is losing its counterfactuality, whereas the counterfactual indicative referred only to the past and sometimes the present. In Classical Greek, temporal extensions of the counterfactual indicative are continued across different aspects, clause types and illocutions at different rates of change and the counterfactual optative is filtered out of the system.
{"title":"Interlocked life cycles of counterfactual mood forms from Archaic to Classical Greek","authors":"Ezra la Roi","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Based on a corpus study of 2074 occurrences in Archaic (424) and Classical (1650) Greek, I offer a unified explanation for the temporal reference extensions of counterfactual mood forms in declarative, interrogative, wish and de-activated illocutions (i.e. subordinate clauses). I propose a diachronic trajectory (life cycle) for counterfactual mood forms from past to present and future reference. Extensions are constrained diachronically by grammatical aspect (e.g. imperfect facilitating extensions to present reference more than the aorist or pluperfect), and actionality of the state of affairs in clausal context (atelic states of affairs enabling temporal extensions), as well as synchronically by illocutionary usage, collocations with temporal adverbs and common ground knowledge (i.e. temporal location known or not). This trajectory explains the replacements of the inherited counterfactual optative by the counterfactual indicative, because their life cycles are interlocked: in Archaic Greek the counterfactual optative had already extended from its original past to present and future reference and is losing its counterfactuality, whereas the counterfactual indicative referred only to the past and sometimes the present. In Classical Greek, temporal extensions of the counterfactual indicative are continued across different aspects, clause types and illocutions at different rates of change and the counterfactual optative is filtered out of the system.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"127 1","pages":"235 - 282"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46980524","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Late Sanskrit lardayati ‘to load’ is probably not inherited from a PIE root *lerd-, as has recently been argued by Kaczyńska (2020), but can be explained as a denominative of *larda- ‘load, cargo’. This noun *larda- could be a borrowing from Bactrian *λιρτο /lirtə/ ‘load, cargo’ < Old Iranian *dr̥šta-. This etymology fits well with the fact that lardayati is phrased together with sthora- ‘pack-animal’, likely another instantiation of the Iranian collocation of *staura- ‘animal’ and *√darz- ‘to load’, for which I discuss evidence from Niya Prakrit, Parthian and Khotanese. In addition, further support is drawn from the independent historical evidence for the domination of the main trade routes of Central and South Asia by the Kuṣāṇa dynasty in the first centuries of our era.
{"title":"Linguistic evidence for Kuṣāṇa trade routes","authors":"N. Schoubben","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Late Sanskrit lardayati ‘to load’ is probably not inherited from a PIE root *lerd-, as has recently been argued by Kaczyńska (2020), but can be explained as a denominative of *larda- ‘load, cargo’. This noun *larda- could be a borrowing from Bactrian *λιρτο /lirtə/ ‘load, cargo’ < Old Iranian *dr̥šta-. This etymology fits well with the fact that lardayati is phrased together with sthora- ‘pack-animal’, likely another instantiation of the Iranian collocation of *staura- ‘animal’ and *√darz- ‘to load’, for which I discuss evidence from Niya Prakrit, Parthian and Khotanese. In addition, further support is drawn from the independent historical evidence for the domination of the main trade routes of Central and South Asia by the Kuṣāṇa dynasty in the first centuries of our era.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"127 1","pages":"343 - 358"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48036727","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Greek word ἰκμάς ‘moisture’ and its derivatives reflect a PIE root usually reconstructed as either *sei̯kʷ‑ or *sei̯k‑. After a survey of the comparanda, it is concluded that only the Greek form points to *sei̯k-, while reflexes in other branches, particularly Germanic, explicitly require *sei̯kʷ‑. A solution to this problem is then suggested in the form of a new Greek sound law *Kʷm > Km. The traditional view, which treats the development of *Kʷm as identical to that of *Pm, is shown to be untenable: forms such as ὄμμα ‘eye’ (Transponat *h₃okʷ‑mn̥) do not reflect inherited formations, but are rather to be understood as created within Greek after the general post-Mycenaean development *Kʷ > P. The sequence μμ found in such words therefore reflects underlying *Pm rather than *Kʷm. Finally, three further possible examples of Kʷm > Km are presented.
{"title":"A note on Greek ἰκμάς","authors":"Tore Rovs Kristoffersen","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Greek word ἰκμάς ‘moisture’ and its derivatives reflect a PIE root usually reconstructed as either *sei̯kʷ‑ or *sei̯k‑. After a survey of the comparanda, it is concluded that only the Greek form points to *sei̯k-, while reflexes in other branches, particularly Germanic, explicitly require *sei̯kʷ‑. A solution to this problem is then suggested in the form of a new Greek sound law *Kʷm > Km. The traditional view, which treats the development of *Kʷm as identical to that of *Pm, is shown to be untenable: forms such as ὄμμα ‘eye’ (Transponat *h₃okʷ‑mn̥) do not reflect inherited formations, but are rather to be understood as created within Greek after the general post-Mycenaean development *Kʷ > P. The sequence μμ found in such words therefore reflects underlying *Pm rather than *Kʷm. Finally, three further possible examples of Kʷm > Km are presented.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":"127 1","pages":"201 - 212"},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46306777","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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