Abstract The article establishes the inflection of proper names in Luwian and Lycian, which differs from appellative inflection in all oblique cases. It is argued that the locative, genitive and ablative were reshaped after the pattern of the ā-stems, which were the most frequent type in names. The characteristic dative *-Vi̯o, however, was generalised from the i-stems, whose type had become restricted to names, especially personal names, after the PD i-stems had been generalised in the appellatives. The origin in the i-stems appears from Hittite, which has a corresponding ending in i- and ii̯a-stems. In Hittite, the ending can be traced back further to the use of the allative in dat.-loc. function to circumvent the unfortunate combination of a stem in *‑i‑ with the dat.-loc. ending *-i. The Luwic data can now be used to determine the character of the PAnat. allative, which must have been *-o on account of Lyc. -e. Since Anatolian shows a vigorous allative that is presupposed by petrified remnants such as *pr-o ‘forward’ in other IE languages, the allative provides an additional argument for the Indo-Anatolian hypothesis.
{"title":"The Luwic inflection of proper names, the Hittite dative-locative of i- and iia̯ -stems, and the Proto-Anatolian allative","authors":"S. Norbruis","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article establishes the inflection of proper names in Luwian and Lycian, which differs from appellative inflection in all oblique cases. It is argued that the locative, genitive and ablative were reshaped after the pattern of the ā-stems, which were the most frequent type in names. The characteristic dative *-Vi̯o, however, was generalised from the i-stems, whose type had become restricted to names, especially personal names, after the PD i-stems had been generalised in the appellatives. The origin in the i-stems appears from Hittite, which has a corresponding ending in i- and ii̯a-stems. In Hittite, the ending can be traced back further to the use of the allative in dat.-loc. function to circumvent the unfortunate combination of a stem in *‑i‑ with the dat.-loc. ending *-i. The Luwic data can now be used to determine the character of the PAnat. allative, which must have been *-o on account of Lyc. -e. Since Anatolian shows a vigorous allative that is presupposed by petrified remnants such as *pr-o ‘forward’ in other IE languages, the allative provides an additional argument for the Indo-Anatolian hypothesis.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46813221","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper addresses the issues arising from the unexpected /x/ in the two British Celtic verbal forms: MW techaf ‘to retreat, flee’, MBret. techet ‘to flee’, and OW diguormechis ‘which he added’, OBret. degurmehim ‘adding/addition’. As will be shown in the discussion below, there is no need for assuming influence from the s-subjunctive nor the existence of an otherwise unattested secondary verb. It is argued here that the forms are intra-Celtic borrowings from Irish.
{"title":"Alternative etymologies for two British Celtic verbal forms","authors":"Bernhard Bauer","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper addresses the issues arising from the unexpected /x/ in the two British Celtic verbal forms: MW techaf ‘to retreat, flee’, MBret. techet ‘to flee’, and OW diguormechis ‘which he added’, OBret. degurmehim ‘adding/addition’. As will be shown in the discussion below, there is no need for assuming influence from the s-subjunctive nor the existence of an otherwise unattested secondary verb. It is argued here that the forms are intra-Celtic borrowings from Irish.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44552072","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The etymological analysis of Attic Greek τένθης ‘gourmand, glutton’ (Ar.+) has focused since Antiquity on comparison with the obscure Hesiodic hapax τένδει (Op. 524). Rejecting this unpromising solution, in this paper I go back to a forgotten proposal by Solmsen (1897), who compared τένθης with the PN Πενθεύς ~ Τενθεύς and Lat. condiō ‘to season (food)’, reconstructing a root *kʷendʰ-/*kʷondʰ-. While Solmsen did not pursue further analysis of this root, I propose that it arose - possibly already at the PIE stage - from *kʷem- ‘gulp, swallow’ with addition of the “detransitivizing” suffix *-dʰ-e/o-. The present stem *kʷem-dʰe/o- would have had the intransitive meaning ‘to swallow food’ with Indefinite Object Deletion, as is typologically common in “ingestive” verbs. In addition to the agent noun τένθης, I suggest that πάθνη ~ φάτνη ‘crib, manger’ was another nominal derivative of the ‘neo-root’ *kʷendʰ-/*kʷondʰ-/*kʷn̥dʰ-. I conclude by discussing other possible etymologies of Lat. condiō.
自古代以来，对阿提伽希腊语τ ης ' gourmand, glutton ' (Ar.+)的词源分析一直集中在与晦涩的Hesiodic hapax τ δει (Op. 524)的比较上。在本文中，我拒绝了这个毫无希望的解决方案，回到了索姆森(1897)提出的一个被遗忘的建议，他将τ ης与PN Πενθεύς ~ Τενθεύς和Lat进行了比较。修饰词根“给(食物)调味”，重新构造词根*k * end * -/*k * ond * -。虽然索姆森没有对这个词根进行进一步的分析，但我认为它可能已经在PIE阶段出现了，它是由*k æ em-“吞，吞”加上“去及物化”后缀*-d *- e/o-演变而来的。现在的词干*k * em-d * e/o-带有不确定宾语删除的不及物意思“吞下食物”，这在类型学上在“摄取”动词中很常见。除了代理名词τ ης之外，我认为π θνη ~ φ τνη ' crib, manger '是'新词根' *k k k end k -/*k k k k ond k -/*k k k n ' d k -的另一个名义衍生词。最后，我讨论了Lat的其他可能的词源。赖斯ō。
{"title":"The root of all gluttony","authors":"Roberto Batisti","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The etymological analysis of Attic Greek τένθης ‘gourmand, glutton’ (Ar.+) has focused since Antiquity on comparison with the obscure Hesiodic hapax τένδει (Op. 524). Rejecting this unpromising solution, in this paper I go back to a forgotten proposal by Solmsen (1897), who compared τένθης with the PN Πενθεύς ~ Τενθεύς and Lat. condiō ‘to season (food)’, reconstructing a root *kʷendʰ-/*kʷondʰ-. While Solmsen did not pursue further analysis of this root, I propose that it arose - possibly already at the PIE stage - from *kʷem- ‘gulp, swallow’ with addition of the “detransitivizing” suffix *-dʰ-e/o-. The present stem *kʷem-dʰe/o- would have had the intransitive meaning ‘to swallow food’ with Indefinite Object Deletion, as is typologically common in “ingestive” verbs. In addition to the agent noun τένθης, I suggest that πάθνη ~ φάτνη ‘crib, manger’ was another nominal derivative of the ‘neo-root’ *kʷendʰ-/*kʷondʰ-/*kʷn̥dʰ-. I conclude by discussing other possible etymologies of Lat. condiō.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42327348","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The paper is dedicated to the pattern of voice marking found in the aorist subjunctive of Classical Armenian that combines the mediopassive ending of the 1st person singular with active and labile endings in the remaining forms of the paradigm. The pattern forms a stable inflectional type in verbs with the i-stem aorist but is also marginally attested in other verbal classes. The goal of the present paper is to describe the distribution of the mixed subjunctive in the early Classical Armenian texts and clarify its origin.
{"title":"The mixed aorist subjunctive in Classical Armenian","authors":"P. Kocharov","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The paper is dedicated to the pattern of voice marking found in the aorist subjunctive of Classical Armenian that combines the mediopassive ending of the 1st person singular with active and labile endings in the remaining forms of the paradigm. The pattern forms a stable inflectional type in verbs with the i-stem aorist but is also marginally attested in other verbal classes. The goal of the present paper is to describe the distribution of the mixed subjunctive in the early Classical Armenian texts and clarify its origin.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47741386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Based on a corpus study of 2074 occurrences in Archaic (424) and Classical (1650) Greek, I offer a unified explanation for the temporal reference extensions of counterfactual mood forms in declarative, interrogative, wish and de-activated illocutions (i.e. subordinate clauses). I propose a diachronic trajectory (life cycle) for counterfactual mood forms from past to present and future reference. Extensions are constrained diachronically by grammatical aspect (e.g. imperfect facilitating extensions to present reference more than the aorist or pluperfect), and actionality of the state of affairs in clausal context (atelic states of affairs enabling temporal extensions), as well as synchronically by illocutionary usage, collocations with temporal adverbs and common ground knowledge (i.e. temporal location known or not). This trajectory explains the replacements of the inherited counterfactual optative by the counterfactual indicative, because their life cycles are interlocked: in Archaic Greek the counterfactual optative had already extended from its original past to present and future reference and is losing its counterfactuality, whereas the counterfactual indicative referred only to the past and sometimes the present. In Classical Greek, temporal extensions of the counterfactual indicative are continued across different aspects, clause types and illocutions at different rates of change and the counterfactual optative is filtered out of the system.
{"title":"Interlocked life cycles of counterfactual mood forms from Archaic to Classical Greek","authors":"Ezra la Roi","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Based on a corpus study of 2074 occurrences in Archaic (424) and Classical (1650) Greek, I offer a unified explanation for the temporal reference extensions of counterfactual mood forms in declarative, interrogative, wish and de-activated illocutions (i.e. subordinate clauses). I propose a diachronic trajectory (life cycle) for counterfactual mood forms from past to present and future reference. Extensions are constrained diachronically by grammatical aspect (e.g. imperfect facilitating extensions to present reference more than the aorist or pluperfect), and actionality of the state of affairs in clausal context (atelic states of affairs enabling temporal extensions), as well as synchronically by illocutionary usage, collocations with temporal adverbs and common ground knowledge (i.e. temporal location known or not). This trajectory explains the replacements of the inherited counterfactual optative by the counterfactual indicative, because their life cycles are interlocked: in Archaic Greek the counterfactual optative had already extended from its original past to present and future reference and is losing its counterfactuality, whereas the counterfactual indicative referred only to the past and sometimes the present. In Classical Greek, temporal extensions of the counterfactual indicative are continued across different aspects, clause types and illocutions at different rates of change and the counterfactual optative is filtered out of the system.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46980524","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Late Sanskrit lardayati ‘to load’ is probably not inherited from a PIE root *lerd-, as has recently been argued by Kaczyńska (2020), but can be explained as a denominative of *larda- ‘load, cargo’. This noun *larda- could be a borrowing from Bactrian *λιρτο /lirtə/ ‘load, cargo’ < Old Iranian *dr̥šta-. This etymology fits well with the fact that lardayati is phrased together with sthora- ‘pack-animal’, likely another instantiation of the Iranian collocation of *staura- ‘animal’ and *√darz- ‘to load’, for which I discuss evidence from Niya Prakrit, Parthian and Khotanese. In addition, further support is drawn from the independent historical evidence for the domination of the main trade routes of Central and South Asia by the Kuṣāṇa dynasty in the first centuries of our era.
{"title":"Linguistic evidence for Kuṣāṇa trade routes","authors":"N. Schoubben","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Late Sanskrit lardayati ‘to load’ is probably not inherited from a PIE root *lerd-, as has recently been argued by Kaczyńska (2020), but can be explained as a denominative of *larda- ‘load, cargo’. This noun *larda- could be a borrowing from Bactrian *λιρτο /lirtə/ ‘load, cargo’ < Old Iranian *dr̥šta-. This etymology fits well with the fact that lardayati is phrased together with sthora- ‘pack-animal’, likely another instantiation of the Iranian collocation of *staura- ‘animal’ and *√darz- ‘to load’, for which I discuss evidence from Niya Prakrit, Parthian and Khotanese. In addition, further support is drawn from the independent historical evidence for the domination of the main trade routes of Central and South Asia by the Kuṣāṇa dynasty in the first centuries of our era.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48036727","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Zusammenfassung The goddess Orthia, whose name is attested by different variants in inscriptions mainly at her sanctuary at Sparta, and who was at some point identified with Artemis, is the subject of an ongoing debate in various fields of ancient studies. As the textual mythology of the goddess is meagre, the etymology of this theonym is of primary importance in bringing to light possible mythological concepts associated with the deity. Drawing on earlier attempts proposed in the literature, the Greek adjective ὀρθός (ved. ūrdhvá- ‚upright‘) is identified as the natural derivational basis for the name, which can in turn be traced back to the PIE root underlying ved. vrādh- and av. uruuad-. In Vedic, ūrdhvá- is used in describing the epiphany of Uṣas. Orthia can therefore be considered to be a descendant of the PIE dawn goddess. Via its etymology, the name of Orthia is related to the Avestan theonym Arəduuī (and probably to Celtic Ardvinna as well). The abundantly documented mythological profile of the Iranian goddess matches up well with the proposed origin of the name, thereby cross-validating the linguistic and mythological origin of Orthia.
{"title":"Artemis Orthia","authors":"F. Sommer","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0014","url":null,"abstract":"Zusammenfassung The goddess Orthia, whose name is attested by different variants in inscriptions mainly at her sanctuary at Sparta, and who was at some point identified with Artemis, is the subject of an ongoing debate in various fields of ancient studies. As the textual mythology of the goddess is meagre, the etymology of this theonym is of primary importance in bringing to light possible mythological concepts associated with the deity. Drawing on earlier attempts proposed in the literature, the Greek adjective ὀρθός (ved. ūrdhvá- ‚upright‘) is identified as the natural derivational basis for the name, which can in turn be traced back to the PIE root underlying ved. vrādh- and av. uruuad-. In Vedic, ūrdhvá- is used in describing the epiphany of Uṣas. Orthia can therefore be considered to be a descendant of the PIE dawn goddess. Via its etymology, the name of Orthia is related to the Avestan theonym Arəduuī (and probably to Celtic Ardvinna as well). The abundantly documented mythological profile of the Iranian goddess matches up well with the proposed origin of the name, thereby cross-validating the linguistic and mythological origin of Orthia.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43004012","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Greek word ἰκμάς ‘moisture’ and its derivatives reflect a PIE root usually reconstructed as either *sei̯kʷ‑ or *sei̯k‑. After a survey of the comparanda, it is concluded that only the Greek form points to *sei̯k-, while reflexes in other branches, particularly Germanic, explicitly require *sei̯kʷ‑. A solution to this problem is then suggested in the form of a new Greek sound law *Kʷm > Km. The traditional view, which treats the development of *Kʷm as identical to that of *Pm, is shown to be untenable: forms such as ὄμμα ‘eye’ (Transponat *h₃okʷ‑mn̥) do not reflect inherited formations, but are rather to be understood as created within Greek after the general post-Mycenaean development *Kʷ > P. The sequence μμ found in such words therefore reflects underlying *Pm rather than *Kʷm. Finally, three further possible examples of Kʷm > Km are presented.
{"title":"A note on Greek ἰκμάς","authors":"Tore Rovs Kristoffersen","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Greek word ἰκμάς ‘moisture’ and its derivatives reflect a PIE root usually reconstructed as either *sei̯kʷ‑ or *sei̯k‑. After a survey of the comparanda, it is concluded that only the Greek form points to *sei̯k-, while reflexes in other branches, particularly Germanic, explicitly require *sei̯kʷ‑. A solution to this problem is then suggested in the form of a new Greek sound law *Kʷm > Km. The traditional view, which treats the development of *Kʷm as identical to that of *Pm, is shown to be untenable: forms such as ὄμμα ‘eye’ (Transponat *h₃okʷ‑mn̥) do not reflect inherited formations, but are rather to be understood as created within Greek after the general post-Mycenaean development *Kʷ > P. The sequence μμ found in such words therefore reflects underlying *Pm rather than *Kʷm. Finally, three further possible examples of Kʷm > Km are presented.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46306777","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article investigates the etymology of four Latin lexemes starting with /arm-/: arma, armus, armilla and armenta. It examines whether they are men- or mo-derivatives of the root commonly reconstructed as *h₂er- ‘to join’. The combination of an in-depth analysis of 1) the use of armenta in Latin, and ἀραρίσκω and ἁρμόζω in Greek, and 2) similar stems in other IE languages, particularly Vedic īrmá-, Latvian ir̃mi et al., OCS ramo and jarьmъ et al., results in the conclusion that two stems should be differentiated. Armus and the other IE words for ‘shoulder; arm’ point to a second laryngeal and go back to a mo-stem ‘joining, (shoulder) joint’, originally an adjective. Its substantivation process went along with a change in accentuation and ablaut. The middle laryngeal would be the result of a contamination with *pĺ̥h₂-meh₂. The other Latin words and OCS jarьmъ et al. go back to a men-stem ‘the attachment’. The armenta were originally ‘the ones belonging to the attachment (a yoke)’ > ‘the plough animals’. Lastly, it is stated that if ἅρμα was a direct men-derivative of the PIE root, the wheel should be interpreted as ‘the attachment (to the chariot frame)’ rather than ‘the thing joined together’.
{"title":"Take up your arms","authors":"Isabelle de Meyer","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article investigates the etymology of four Latin lexemes starting with /arm-/: arma, armus, armilla and armenta. It examines whether they are men- or mo-derivatives of the root commonly reconstructed as *h₂er- ‘to join’. The combination of an in-depth analysis of 1) the use of armenta in Latin, and ἀραρίσκω and ἁρμόζω in Greek, and 2) similar stems in other IE languages, particularly Vedic īrmá-, Latvian ir̃mi et al., OCS ramo and jarьmъ et al., results in the conclusion that two stems should be differentiated. Armus and the other IE words for ‘shoulder; arm’ point to a second laryngeal and go back to a mo-stem ‘joining, (shoulder) joint’, originally an adjective. Its substantivation process went along with a change in accentuation and ablaut. The middle laryngeal would be the result of a contamination with *pĺ̥h₂-meh₂. The other Latin words and OCS jarьmъ et al. go back to a men-stem ‘the attachment’. The armenta were originally ‘the ones belonging to the attachment (a yoke)’ > ‘the plough animals’. Lastly, it is stated that if ἅρμα was a direct men-derivative of the PIE root, the wheel should be interpreted as ‘the attachment (to the chariot frame)’ rather than ‘the thing joined together’.","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46349591","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Zusammenfassung In the PIE heteroclitic neuter noun *u̯ód-r̥, gen. **u̯éd-n̥-s ‚water‘, the Germanic languages eliminated the alternation in favour of either r- or n-stem variants (cp. OHG waz(z)ar vs. Goth. wato). Little attention has been paid to a doublet in West Norse that resulted from a paradigm split. Instead of regular vatn two (or three) eleventh- and twelfth-century Icelandic skalds used exceptional vatr that appears neither in the standard dictionary of OWN poetry nor in older text editions, which are rich in conjectures. Additional lexical evidence, namely vatur, is found in a Faeroese ballad from the late 1700s. OWN vatr (< PNorse *watra < PGmc. *watran) seems to be a back formation from nom./acc. pl. vǫtr* < PNorse *watru < PGmc. *watrō parallel to PGmc. *watnō that was formed with the zero grade of the suffix taken from PGmc. *wat-n-õn gen. pl. (and presumably levelled *wat-n-amᵃ/ᵢz).
在PIE的异质中性名词*u ' æ ód-r '， gen **u ' æ -n ' æ -s, water '中，日耳曼语言消除了这一变化，转而使用r-或n-词干的变体(如OHG waz(z)ar vs. Goth)。wato)。很少有人注意到西斯堪的纳维亚语中由于范式分裂而产生的双重形式。11世纪和12世纪的冰岛诗人没有使用常规的两种(或三种)vatr，而是使用了一种特殊的vatr，这种vatr既没有出现在标准的英国诗歌词典中，也没有出现在更早的文本版本中，因为这些版本充满了猜测。另外的词汇证据，即vatur，可以在18世纪末的一首法罗民谣中找到。OWN vatr (< PNorse *watra < PGmc。(watran)似乎是名词/acc的逆构词。pl. vǫtr* < PNorse *watru < PGmc。*与PGmc平行。由零级后缀PGmc组成。* water -n-õn gen. pl.(大概是水平的* water -n-am / z)。
{"title":"Altisländisch vatr neben vatn, färöisch vatur neben vatn ‚Wasser‘","authors":"R. Nedoma","doi":"10.1515/if-2022-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/if-2022-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Zusammenfassung In the PIE heteroclitic neuter noun *u̯ód-r̥, gen. **u̯éd-n̥-s ‚water‘, the Germanic languages eliminated the alternation in favour of either r- or n-stem variants (cp. OHG waz(z)ar vs. Goth. wato). Little attention has been paid to a doublet in West Norse that resulted from a paradigm split. Instead of regular vatn two (or three) eleventh- and twelfth-century Icelandic skalds used exceptional vatr that appears neither in the standard dictionary of OWN poetry nor in older text editions, which are rich in conjectures. Additional lexical evidence, namely vatur, is found in a Faeroese ballad from the late 1700s. OWN vatr (< PNorse *watra < PGmc. *watran) seems to be a back formation from nom./acc. pl. vǫtr* < PNorse *watru < PGmc. *watrō parallel to PGmc. *watnō that was formed with the zero grade of the suffix taken from PGmc. *wat-n-õn gen. pl. (and presumably levelled *wat-n-amᵃ/ᵢz).","PeriodicalId":13385,"journal":{"name":"Indogermanische Forschungen","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43337578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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