Bastian, Eimas, & Liberman (1961) found that listeners heard a [p] when a silence of more than 50ms was inserted between the [s] and the [l] in a recording of the word slit. It has long been known that silence is an important cue in stop consonant perception. Nevertheless, it is surprising that a short interval of silence can substitute for something as acoustically and articulatorily complex as a phoneme. In the present work, we replicate and expand upon this study to further examine the phenomenon of silence-cued stop perception. We demonstrate the ‘Split Effect’ in a previously unexplored set of environments, analyze factors that contribute to the identity of silence-cued stops, and lay the groundwork for further investigation of the acoustic and non-acoustic factors that contribute to this perceptual illusion. Our study demonstrates an experimental paradigm for studying the genesis of such effects synchronically and in a controlled setting.
{"title":"Silence-cued stop perception: Split decisions","authors":"B. Samuels, B. Vaux","doi":"10.5617/OSLA.8509","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5617/OSLA.8509","url":null,"abstract":"Bastian, Eimas, & Liberman (1961) found that listeners heard a [p] when a silence of more than 50ms was inserted between the [s] and the [l] in a recording of the word slit. It has long been known that silence is an important cue in stop consonant perception. Nevertheless, it is surprising that a short interval of silence can substitute for something as acoustically and articulatorily complex as a phoneme. In the present work, we replicate and expand upon this study to further examine the phenomenon of silence-cued stop perception. We demonstrate the ‘Split Effect’ in a previously unexplored set of environments, analyze factors that contribute to the identity of silence-cued stops, and lay the groundwork for further investigation of the acoustic and non-acoustic factors that contribute to this perceptual illusion. Our study demonstrates an experimental paradigm for studying the genesis of such effects synchronically and in a controlled setting.","PeriodicalId":143932,"journal":{"name":"Oslo Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121878596","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Åshild Søfteland, Anders Nøklestad, Joel Priestley, K. Hagen
In this article we show how the search interface Glossa has been developed in step with the various corpora that have been built at the Text Laboratory. Furthermore, we present statistics on what kind of searches people do – single words or longer phrases, with or without specifications for phonetic form or grammatical features etc. – focusing on the Nordic Dialect Corpus and the Corpus of American Nordic Speech. Finally, we demonstrate how researchers have searched for data in these corpora and used them in published articles – both simple and extended search, in smaller or larger language areas – within several different branches of linguistics.
{"title":"Glossa som forskningsverktøy. Hva folk søker etter og hva resultatene brukes til","authors":"Åshild Søfteland, Anders Nøklestad, Joel Priestley, K. Hagen","doi":"10.5617/OSLA.8512","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5617/OSLA.8512","url":null,"abstract":"In this article we show how the search interface Glossa has been developed in step with the various corpora that have been built at the Text Laboratory. Furthermore, we present statistics on what kind of searches people do – single words or longer phrases, with or without specifications for phonetic form or grammatical features etc. – focusing on the Nordic Dialect Corpus and the Corpus of American Nordic Speech. Finally, we demonstrate how researchers have searched for data in these corpora and used them in published articles – both simple and extended search, in smaller or larger language areas – within several different branches of linguistics.","PeriodicalId":143932,"journal":{"name":"Oslo Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132745387","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Productive compounding contributes a lot to neology in Norwegian. This study investigates the use of new compounds with corona- or korona- occuring in online news articles in early 2020 when the coronavirus pandemic developed. Material from the Norwegian Newspaper Corpus was used in a quantitative analysis on a timeline. The vocabulary found to increase continually and strongly during several months, and the proportion of word types to tokens indicates a broadening of themes. After barely half a month the spelling changed from only corona- to mostly korona-.
{"title":"Smittsomme koronaord","authors":"Koenraad De Smedt","doi":"10.5617/osla.8488","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5617/osla.8488","url":null,"abstract":"Productive compounding contributes a lot to neology in Norwegian. This study investigates the use of new compounds with corona- or korona- occuring in online news articles in early 2020 when the coronavirus pandemic developed. Material from the Norwegian Newspaper Corpus was used in a quantitative analysis on a timeline. The vocabulary found to increase continually and strongly during several months, and the proportion of word types to tokens indicates a broadening of themes. After barely half a month the spelling changed from only corona- to mostly korona-.","PeriodicalId":143932,"journal":{"name":"Oslo Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114989588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Though a lot of studies have been conducted on Amharic, studies on its phonology are very few and even those studies do not agree on the number and inventory of Amharic consonant phonemes. This study argues that there are 19 labialised Amharic phonemes. The study argues that overgeneralization of labialisation and loss of /w/ cannot account for all the occurrences of labialised consonants in Amharic. Minimal pair test and derivation of agentive and adjutative forms are presented as evidences to show the phonemic status of labialised consonants in Amharic.
{"title":"Revisiting the status of labialised consonants in contemporary Amharic","authors":"D. Ado","doi":"10.5617/OSLA.8487","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5617/OSLA.8487","url":null,"abstract":"Though a lot of studies have been conducted on Amharic, studies on its phonology are very few and even those studies do not agree on the number and inventory of Amharic consonant phonemes. This study argues that there are 19 labialised Amharic phonemes. The study argues that overgeneralization of labialisation and loss of /w/ cannot account for all the occurrences of labialised consonants in Amharic. Minimal pair test and derivation of agentive and adjutative forms are presented as evidences to show the phonemic status of labialised consonants in Amharic.","PeriodicalId":143932,"journal":{"name":"Oslo Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126354868","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Adjektivforsterkere omtales av flere sprakforskere som ustabile elementer i et spraks vokabular. En undesokelse av bruken av adjektivforsterkere i fire norske talesprakskorpus samt to skriftsprakskorpus viser at noen oker i bruk mens andre blir stadig mindre brukt. I tillegg til a endre styrken i et adjektivs betydning markerer slike forsterkere ofte talerens holdning til det adjektivet uttrykker. Undersokelsen viser i hvilken grad bruken av adjek-tivforsterkere endrer seg, og om det er forskjell mellom bruken i by og land og etter kjonn og alder.
{"title":"Helt sjukt å være så jævlig god. Bruk av adjektivforsterkere i moderne norsk","authors":"R. Fjeld","doi":"10.5617/OSLA.8493","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5617/OSLA.8493","url":null,"abstract":"Adjektivforsterkere omtales av flere sprakforskere som ustabile elementer i et spraks vokabular. En undesokelse av bruken av adjektivforsterkere i fire norske talesprakskorpus samt to skriftsprakskorpus viser at noen oker i bruk mens andre blir stadig mindre brukt. I tillegg til a endre styrken i et adjektivs betydning markerer slike forsterkere ofte talerens holdning til det adjektivet uttrykker. Undersokelsen viser i hvilken grad bruken av adjek-tivforsterkere endrer seg, og om det er forskjell mellom bruken i by og land og etter kjonn og alder.","PeriodicalId":143932,"journal":{"name":"Oslo Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114566911","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The verb valda ‘cause’ in Icelandic standardly has the past participle/supine valdið, but an alternative form is ollið (ollað). This verb governs dative case with objects, which is preserved in passive in standard Icelandic. However, in a few examples, nominative is found instead, in which case an inflected form of the participle shows up (ollnar), agreeing with the nominative sub-ject of the passive clause. Such instances can be understood on the pre-sumption that the speakers in question not only have the alternative form of the participle, but also substitute nominative for dative in passive (by Nominative Sickness). In this article I look at examples of the intuitively ill-formed form ollnar, and discuss its possible emergence. As it turns out, structures involving this form are completely “grammatical” in light of some morphological and morphosyntactic changes in Icelandic.
{"title":"In defense of a language error","authors":"T. Eythórsson","doi":"10.5617/OSLA.8492","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5617/OSLA.8492","url":null,"abstract":"The verb valda ‘cause’ in Icelandic standardly has the past participle/supine valdið, but an alternative form is ollið (ollað). This verb governs dative case with objects, which is preserved in passive in standard Icelandic. However, in a few examples, nominative is found instead, in which case an inflected form of the participle shows up (ollnar), agreeing with the nominative sub-ject of the passive clause. Such instances can be understood on the pre-sumption that the speakers in question not only have the alternative form of the participle, but also substitute nominative for dative in passive (by Nominative Sickness). In this article I look at examples of the intuitively ill-formed form ollnar, and discuss its possible emergence. As it turns out, structures involving this form are completely “grammatical” in light of some morphological and morphosyntactic changes in Icelandic.","PeriodicalId":143932,"journal":{"name":"Oslo Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123586960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper I investigate the alternation between VO and OV word order in spoken North Sami, based on data from LIA Sapmi – Samegiela hallangiellakorpus. My results show that VO in general is the most frequent word order. However, I also find many instances of SAuxOV order in my material, particularly in sentences with periphrastic verb forms where the main verb is in the infinitive (that is, modal constructions) and where the object is a pronoun. In addition, I also find some cases where the object precedes both the auxiliary and the main verb, but crucially without being topicalized to clause-initial position. Based on the account of Norwegian Object Shift in Bentzen and Anderssen (2019), I suggest that OV word order in North Sami may be analyzed as IP-internal topicalization, where objects that are familiar in the context may move to a thematic position between VP and TP. This will account for the OV pattern with periphrastic tense forms. Furthermore, I suggest that there is an additional higher IP-internal topic position, and that object movement to this position is what results in OV with finite main verbs. This higher IP-internal topic position is also the position involved in patterns where the object precedes both the finite auxiliary and the main verb.
{"title":"VO-OV-variasjon i nordsamisk: Hva kan LIA Sápmi fortelle oss?","authors":"Kristine Bentzen","doi":"10.5617/OSLA.8483","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5617/OSLA.8483","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper I investigate the alternation between VO and OV word order in spoken North Sami, based on data from LIA Sapmi – Samegiela hallangiellakorpus. My results show that VO in general is the most frequent word order. However, I also find many instances of SAuxOV order in my material, particularly in sentences with periphrastic verb forms where the main verb is in the infinitive (that is, modal constructions) and where the object is a pronoun. In addition, I also find some cases where the object precedes both the auxiliary and the main verb, but crucially without being topicalized to clause-initial position. Based on the account of Norwegian Object Shift in Bentzen and Anderssen (2019), I suggest that OV word order in North Sami may be analyzed as IP-internal topicalization, where objects that are familiar in the context may move to a thematic position between VP and TP. This will account for the OV pattern with periphrastic tense forms. Furthermore, I suggest that there is an additional higher IP-internal topic position, and that object movement to this position is what results in OV with finite main verbs. This higher IP-internal topic position is also the position involved in patterns where the object precedes both the finite auxiliary and the main verb.","PeriodicalId":143932,"journal":{"name":"Oslo Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128929226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article, dialect changes and variation among young schoolchildren in the island of Sandoy in the Faroe Islands are discussed. The fieldwork was made by a group of students at the University of the Faroe Islands in November 2019 under the guidance of this article’s author. The informants are two groups of 10 and 15 year old schoolchildren. By examining the young generation, we can get information about the ‘state of health’ of the dialect. Here three dialectal variables are examined: (i) The variation of definite and indefinite form of words for family members, for instance the dialectal form mamman ‘the mother’ and the Central Faroese form mamma ‘mother’; (ii) Personal and possessive pronouns in 1st and 2nd person plural in oblique case, for instance the dialect form [o:gʊn] ‘us’ and the Central Faroese form [ɔʰk:ʊn] ‘us’; (iii) The pronunciation of short o with the dialectal variant [ɔ] and the Central Faroese form [œ], for instance [fɔlk] resp. [fœlk] ‘people’. The first variable shows clearly a tendency towards dialect change in the young generation: the indefinite forms are much more frequent than the dialect counterpart. The use of the pronouns shows a relatively high degree of variation: the dialect forms are more frequently used by the 10 than the 15 year old pupils. The pronunciation of short o shows variation to a large extent. Here we see the same pattern as we saw for variable 2: the youngest pupils are more likely to use the dialect¬al form [ɔ] than the older ones. On the other hand, variation is much more common in the group of 15 year old pupils. This study shows both stability and change in the dialect of children in Sandoy: Stability in use of the dialectal forms of the personal and possessive pro¬nouns, and variation and change in the two other variables. In a couple of years an underwater tunnel will connect the island of Sandoy with the central part of the islands. In a future scenario this dialect study opens the possibility for comparative studies of the dialect of Sandoy before and after the opening of the tunnel.
本文讨论了法罗群岛桑多伊岛小学生方言的变化和变异。2019年11月，在法罗群岛大学的一组学生在本文作者的指导下进行了实地调查。举报人是两组10岁和15岁的学童。通过对年轻一代的调查，我们可以得到有关方言“健康状况”的信息。这里考察了三个方言变量:(i)家庭成员词汇的确定形式和不定形式的变化，例如方言形式mamman“母亲”和中法罗语形式mamma“母亲”;(ii)人称代词和所有格代词在第一人称和第二人称复数的斜格形式，例如方言形式[o:g æ n] ' us '和中法罗语形式[j æ k: n] ' us ';(iii)带有方言变体[[]和中法罗语形式[[]的短o的发音，例如[f [k] resp。[fœ路]“人”。第一个变量清楚地显示了年轻一代方言变化的趋势:不确定形式比方言对应的形式更频繁。代词的使用表现出相对较高的差异:10岁的学生比15岁的学生更频繁地使用方言形式。短o的发音在很大程度上表现出变化。这里我们看到了与变量2相同的模式:最小的学生比年长的学生更有可能使用方言形式[j]。另一方面，变异在15岁的学生群体中更为常见。本研究显示了台湾儿童方言的稳定性和变化:人称代词和所有格代词的方言形式的稳定性，以及其他两个变量的变化和变化。再过几年，一条水下隧道将把南沙群岛与岛屿中部连接起来。在未来的情景中，这种方言研究为隧道开通前后的桑多伊方言的比较研究提供了可能性。
{"title":"Unges dialektbrug i bygden Sandur på Færøerne","authors":"Jógvan í Lon Jacobsen","doi":"10.5617/OSLA.8497","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5617/OSLA.8497","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, dialect changes and variation among young schoolchildren in the island of Sandoy in the Faroe Islands are discussed. The fieldwork was made by a group of students at the University of the Faroe Islands in November 2019 under the guidance of this article’s author. The informants are two groups of 10 and 15 year old schoolchildren. By examining the young generation, we can get information about the ‘state of health’ of the dialect. Here three dialectal variables are examined: (i) The variation of definite and indefinite form of words for family members, for instance the dialectal form mamman ‘the mother’ and the Central Faroese form mamma ‘mother’; (ii) Personal and possessive pronouns in 1st and 2nd person plural in oblique case, for instance the dialect form [o:gʊn] ‘us’ and the Central Faroese form [ɔʰk:ʊn] ‘us’; (iii) The pronunciation of short o with the dialectal variant [ɔ] and the Central Faroese form [œ], for instance [fɔlk] resp. [fœlk] ‘people’. \u0000The first variable shows clearly a tendency towards dialect change in the young generation: the indefinite forms are much more frequent than the dialect counterpart. The use of the pronouns shows a relatively high degree of variation: the dialect forms are more frequently used by the 10 than the 15 year old pupils. The pronunciation of short o shows variation to a large extent. Here we see the same pattern as we saw for variable 2: the youngest pupils are more likely to use the dialect¬al form [ɔ] than the older ones. On the other hand, variation is much more common in the group of 15 year old pupils. \u0000This study shows both stability and change in the dialect of children in Sandoy: Stability in use of the dialectal forms of the personal and possessive pro¬nouns, and variation and change in the two other variables. In a couple of years an underwater tunnel will connect the island of Sandoy with the central part of the islands. In a future scenario this dialect study opens the possibility for comparative studies of the dialect of Sandoy before and after the opening of the tunnel.","PeriodicalId":143932,"journal":{"name":"Oslo Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127932947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper discusses Object Inversion in Icelandic syntax, i.e. examples where the direct object precedes the indirect object (DO-IO orders) in active clauses. In contrast to the neutral IO-DO order, Object Inversion is incredibly rare with most ditransitive verbs and more or less restricted to ditransitive verbs in the DAT-ACC class. This is shown by extensive searches in the new Risamálheild Corpus. These searches also show that Object Inversion strongly favors examples where the DO encodes old information and is phonologically lighter than the following IO. These results yield new and important insights into the study of Object Inversion but also confirm earlier claims in the literature.
{"title":"Object inversion in Icelandic and the Risamálheild Corpus","authors":"J. Jónsson","doi":"10.5617/OSLA.8498","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5617/OSLA.8498","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses Object Inversion in Icelandic syntax, i.e. examples where the direct object precedes the indirect object (DO-IO orders) in active clauses. In contrast to the neutral IO-DO order, Object Inversion is incredibly rare with most ditransitive verbs and more or less restricted to ditransitive verbs in the DAT-ACC class. This is shown by extensive searches in the new Risamálheild Corpus. These searches also show that Object Inversion strongly favors examples where the DO encodes old information and is phonologically lighter than the following IO. These results yield new and important insights into the study of Object Inversion but also confirm earlier claims in the literature.","PeriodicalId":143932,"journal":{"name":"Oslo Studies in Language","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128089670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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