Colonialism, which arose as a natural consequence of Western thought, which reduces "other" to "the same," has gained functionality especially with the process of modernisation. Non-Western societies subject to the process of modernisation had to fight for "recognition" against this "imperialism of the same". "Recognition" is also a "Hegelian idea" which is the core concept of Fanon 's thought as well. Recognition theoretical basis is based upon Hegelian thought. It is also possible to assume that Hegelian dialectical thinking took shape in the post-Hegelian world. Fanon, who is from an old colonial world where it was not yet commonplace to challenge slavery, thinks that by leaving the dialectical Hegelian circle it is possible to resist and speak for yourself. For, according to Fanon, the dialectic, which determines the necessity as the basis of its freedom, strips it from its own being from its own self. The other barrier to decolonization, which Fanon sees as a candidate for changing the world order, is that the slave, whom we see as an internalized orientalism, wants to look like the master, black skin wears a white mask in Fanon's terms. The article about Fanon's thought, in the sense of Black Skin and White Masks, aims to explore Hegel and his dialectics, Fanon and Fanon's critical dialog with Hegelian dialectics and phenomenology around the theme of internalized orientalism. The article attempts to demonstrate that by going beyond Hegelian dialectical thinking and attributing this to the necessity of removing the mask, it is possible to get rid of alienation and to speak for yourself, based on Fanon's black experience thanks to the deconstruction process.
{"title":"Hegel’in Diyalektiği ve Fanon’un Tanınma Mücadelesi: Siyah Derilinin Beyaz Maskesi ya da İçselleştirilmiş Oryantalizm","authors":"I. Kaya","doi":"10.54659/ulum.797958","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54659/ulum.797958","url":null,"abstract":"Colonialism, which arose as a natural consequence of Western thought, which reduces \"other\" to \"the same,\" has gained functionality especially with the process of modernisation. Non-Western societies subject to the process of modernisation had to fight for \"recognition\" against this \"imperialism of the same\". \"Recognition\" is also a \"Hegelian idea\" which is the core concept of Fanon 's thought as well. Recognition theoretical basis is based upon Hegelian thought. It is also possible to assume that Hegelian dialectical thinking took shape in the post-Hegelian world. Fanon, who is from an old colonial world where it was not yet commonplace to challenge slavery, thinks that by leaving the dialectical Hegelian circle it is possible to resist and speak for yourself. For, according to Fanon, the dialectic, which determines the necessity as the basis of its freedom, strips it from its own being from its own self. The other barrier to decolonization, which Fanon sees as a candidate for changing the world order, is that the slave, whom we see as an internalized orientalism, wants to look like the master, black skin wears a white mask in Fanon's terms. The article about Fanon's thought, in the sense of Black Skin and White Masks, aims to explore Hegel and his dialectics, Fanon and Fanon's critical dialog with Hegelian dialectics and phenomenology around the theme of internalized orientalism. The article attempts to demonstrate that by going beyond Hegelian dialectical thinking and attributing this to the necessity of removing the mask, it is possible to get rid of alienation and to speak for yourself, based on Fanon's black experience thanks to the deconstruction process.","PeriodicalId":157960,"journal":{"name":"ULUM","volume":"189 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114349723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Aristotle is considered to be the founding father of metaphysics. He specified the subject and scope of this science and used the names “first philosophy (prote philosophia)”, “theology” and wisdom (sophia) for it. However, there have been some changes both in the scope and naming of this science after his time. Alt-hough it is generally accepted that the subject of metaphysics is “being qua being,” there has been a con-fusion about the relationship between metaphysics and theology. Philosophers such as al-Fārābī and Avi-cenna directly studied this issue to eliminate such confusions. Different names such as first philosophy, after the physics, al-‘ilm al-ilāhī and al-ilāhiyyāt have always been used to refer to it. This study discusses why the science of metaphysics is named in different ways, mainly based on the evaluations of Abū al-Barakāt al-Baghdādī. It also questions if there is a relationship between different names and the scope of metaphysics and the method of analysis it uses? Do different names for the same scholarly area refer to the same science in terms of the subjects, areas of study and problems addressed, or does each name refer to different content than others? To achieve its intended aims, it also refers to the epistemology of Abū al-Barakāt al-Baghdādī.
{"title":"Metafizik İlmi ve Bu İlmin Farklı Şekillerde İsimlendirilmesi; Prote Philosophia’dan el-İlmü’l-İlâhîyyât’a: Ebü’l-Berekât el-Bağdâdî Merkezli Bir İnce-leme","authors":"Ö. Yildirim","doi":"10.54659/ulum.833848","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54659/ulum.833848","url":null,"abstract":"Aristotle is considered to be the founding father of metaphysics. He specified the subject and scope of this science and used the names “first philosophy (prote philosophia)”, “theology” and wisdom (sophia) for it. However, there have been some changes both in the scope and naming of this science after his time. Alt-hough it is generally accepted that the subject of metaphysics is “being qua being,” there has been a con-fusion about the relationship between metaphysics and theology. Philosophers such as al-Fārābī and Avi-cenna directly studied this issue to eliminate such confusions. Different names such as first philosophy, after the physics, al-‘ilm al-ilāhī and al-ilāhiyyāt have always been used to refer to it. This study discusses why the science of metaphysics is named in different ways, mainly based on the evaluations of Abū al-Barakāt al-Baghdādī. It also questions if there is a relationship between different names and the scope of metaphysics and the method of analysis it uses? Do different names for the same scholarly area refer to the same science in terms of the subjects, areas of study and problems addressed, or does each name refer to different content than others? To achieve its intended aims, it also refers to the epistemology of Abū al-Barakāt al-Baghdādī.","PeriodicalId":157960,"journal":{"name":"ULUM","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116881796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of this study is to critically approach the thoughts of causality and rational knowledge in Ibn Khaldūn, who is one of the greatest names of Islamic philosophy. Ibn Khaldūn, who is a tremendously competent sociologist, historian, and politician, constituted his work entitled Muqaddima in a way exhib-iting the science of ʿumrān. One of the fundamentals of science undoubtedly is the theory of causality. We see that Ibn Khaldūn, who construed everything in the universe in the light of the causality, does not use the same theory when miracles and supernatural events are in question. This differentiation basing on the distinction of the human intellect and divine revelation has not eliminated any contradiction coming out in the context of the causality. Another matter we examine in this study is the critique of Ibn Khal-dūn about rational knowledge against philosophers. According to him, it is not a correct method reaching the universals with abstractions made from the particulars. It is because such universals have not been compatible with the facts. Ibn Khaldūn criticizes the philosophers in the context of metaphysical knowledge. But, if we consider the science of ʿumrān to be a kind of metaphysics, we might say that his method contains some contradictions.
{"title":"A Critical Approach to Causality and Rational Knowledge in Ibn Khaldūn","authors":"E. Kaya","doi":"10.54659/ulum.837132","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54659/ulum.837132","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this study is to critically approach the thoughts of causality and rational knowledge in Ibn Khaldūn, who is one of the greatest names of Islamic philosophy. Ibn Khaldūn, who is a tremendously competent sociologist, historian, and politician, constituted his work entitled Muqaddima in a way exhib-iting the science of ʿumrān. One of the fundamentals of science undoubtedly is the theory of causality. We see that Ibn Khaldūn, who construed everything in the universe in the light of the causality, does not use the same theory when miracles and supernatural events are in question. This differentiation basing on the distinction of the human intellect and divine revelation has not eliminated any contradiction coming out in the context of the causality. Another matter we examine in this study is the critique of Ibn Khal-dūn about rational knowledge against philosophers. According to him, it is not a correct method reaching the universals with abstractions made from the particulars. It is because such universals have not been compatible with the facts. Ibn Khaldūn criticizes the philosophers in the context of metaphysical knowledge. But, if we consider the science of ʿumrān to be a kind of metaphysics, we might say that his method contains some contradictions.","PeriodicalId":157960,"journal":{"name":"ULUM","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127069974","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Öteki, kişi ya da bir grubun kendini tanımladığı özelliklerin dışında kalanları ifade eden bir kavramdır. İnsan ve toplumlar bireysel ve kültürel açıdan birbirlerinden farklı özellikler taşırlar. Farklılık, hayatın her alanında görülen bir olgudur. İnanç, dil, etnik köken ve kültürel alanlardaki farklılıklar aslında insan hayatına anlam ve değer katan olgulardır. Bununla birlikte söz konusu farklılıklar çoğu kez birer çatışma nedeni haline de gelebilmektedir. Farklılıkların korunması, yaşatılması, saygı duyulması ve insan hayatı-nın zenginliği olduğunun öğretilmesi, çatışmaların önlenmesi ya da asgari düzeye çekilebilmesi açısından mutlaka gereklidir. Bütün bunların gerçekleştirilebilmesi ise eğitim ve hukuki düzenlemeler ile mümkün olabilir. Kültürel farklılıkların bir arada yaşaması anlamını taşıyan çok kültürlülük, insan toplumlarının temel özelliklerinden birisidir. Bu nedenle, toplumda farklılıklarla ilgili yaşanan sorunlar ve çözüm yolla-rının da dünden bugüne ortak tarafları vardır. Bu düşünceden hareketle makalenin amacı, çok kültürlü yapıya sahip Osmanlı toplumunda, İslam dışındaki inançlara mensup tebaanın eğitim haklarının hukuki kaynakları ve bu hakkın nasıl kullanıldığının tanıtılmasıdır. Öncelikle Osmanlı hukuk sistemi İslam Huku-kuna dayanmaktadır. İslam hukukunda Müslüman ve gayrimüslimlerin görev ve sorumlulukları birbirle-rinden ayrılmıştır. Ancak bu farklılık gayrimüslimlerin inanç, ibadet, eğitim, seyahat ve ticaret gibi temel hak ve hürriyetlerden mahrum oldukları anlamına gelmez. İslam hukuku, farklı inanç mensuplarının te-mel haklarını, kendi yapısı içinde güvence altına alır. Bunun ötesinde Türk devlet anlayışında, farklılıkla-rın hukuki hakları kullanmalarına saygılı olmak geleneği vardır. Bu itibarla Osmanlı Devleti din ve devlet geleneğine bağlı gerekçelerle farklı etnik köken ve dînî inançlara mensup tebaasının eğitim haklarına saygılı olmuş ve kullanmalarına engel olmamıştır. Osmanlı Devleti’nde eğitim sistemini Tanzimat öncesi ve sonrası olarak iki döneme ayırmak gerekir. Her iki dönemde de Müslüman ve gayrimüslimlerin eğitim kurumları temel özellikleri açısından birbiriyle benzer özellikler taşır. Her iki grubun eğitim kurumları vakıflar tarafından desteklendiği gibi amaç, program ve öğretmenleri de dini niteliklidir. Tanzimat döne-minde 1869 yılında Maarif-i Umumiye Nizamnamesinin hazırlanmasından sonra eğitim üzerindeki dînî etki, yerini toplumsal ihtiyaç ve eşit vatandaşlık haklarına dayanan bir anlayışa terk etmiştir. Eğitim faa-liyetleri daha önce sadece cemaat vakıflarına bağlı olarak yerine getirilirken, Tanzimat döneminde bu kurumların yanı sıra resmi devlet okulları (mektep) da kurulmuştur. Eğitim sisteminde yapılan düzenle-meler sonucunda askeri ve sivil devlet okullarına bütün vatandaşlar ayırım yapılmadan kabul edilmiştir. Yeni eğitim sisteminin planlandığı komisyonlarda gayrimüslim üyeler de yer almıştır. Böylece eğitim alanında hem idare hem de anlayış olarak laik bir yapıya doğru adım atılmıştır. Eğit
{"title":"Dynamics of the Approach to ‘The Other’ in Ottoman State and Its Reflections in The Field of Education","authors":"Zeki Salih Zengi̇n","doi":"10.54659/ulum.833854","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54659/ulum.833854","url":null,"abstract":"Öteki, kişi ya da bir grubun kendini tanımladığı özelliklerin dışında kalanları ifade eden bir kavramdır. İnsan ve toplumlar bireysel ve kültürel açıdan birbirlerinden farklı özellikler taşırlar. Farklılık, hayatın her alanında görülen bir olgudur. İnanç, dil, etnik köken ve kültürel alanlardaki farklılıklar aslında insan hayatına anlam ve değer katan olgulardır. Bununla birlikte söz konusu farklılıklar çoğu kez birer çatışma nedeni haline de gelebilmektedir. Farklılıkların korunması, yaşatılması, saygı duyulması ve insan hayatı-nın zenginliği olduğunun öğretilmesi, çatışmaların önlenmesi ya da asgari düzeye çekilebilmesi açısından mutlaka gereklidir. Bütün bunların gerçekleştirilebilmesi ise eğitim ve hukuki düzenlemeler ile mümkün olabilir. Kültürel farklılıkların bir arada yaşaması anlamını taşıyan çok kültürlülük, insan toplumlarının temel özelliklerinden birisidir. Bu nedenle, toplumda farklılıklarla ilgili yaşanan sorunlar ve çözüm yolla-rının da dünden bugüne ortak tarafları vardır. Bu düşünceden hareketle makalenin amacı, çok kültürlü yapıya sahip Osmanlı toplumunda, İslam dışındaki inançlara mensup tebaanın eğitim haklarının hukuki kaynakları ve bu hakkın nasıl kullanıldığının tanıtılmasıdır. Öncelikle Osmanlı hukuk sistemi İslam Huku-kuna dayanmaktadır. İslam hukukunda Müslüman ve gayrimüslimlerin görev ve sorumlulukları birbirle-rinden ayrılmıştır. Ancak bu farklılık gayrimüslimlerin inanç, ibadet, eğitim, seyahat ve ticaret gibi temel hak ve hürriyetlerden mahrum oldukları anlamına gelmez. İslam hukuku, farklı inanç mensuplarının te-mel haklarını, kendi yapısı içinde güvence altına alır. Bunun ötesinde Türk devlet anlayışında, farklılıkla-rın hukuki hakları kullanmalarına saygılı olmak geleneği vardır. Bu itibarla Osmanlı Devleti din ve devlet geleneğine bağlı gerekçelerle farklı etnik köken ve dînî inançlara mensup tebaasının eğitim haklarına saygılı olmuş ve kullanmalarına engel olmamıştır. Osmanlı Devleti’nde eğitim sistemini Tanzimat öncesi ve sonrası olarak iki döneme ayırmak gerekir. Her iki dönemde de Müslüman ve gayrimüslimlerin eğitim kurumları temel özellikleri açısından birbiriyle benzer özellikler taşır. Her iki grubun eğitim kurumları vakıflar tarafından desteklendiği gibi amaç, program ve öğretmenleri de dini niteliklidir. Tanzimat döne-minde 1869 yılında Maarif-i Umumiye Nizamnamesinin hazırlanmasından sonra eğitim üzerindeki dînî etki, yerini toplumsal ihtiyaç ve eşit vatandaşlık haklarına dayanan bir anlayışa terk etmiştir. Eğitim faa-liyetleri daha önce sadece cemaat vakıflarına bağlı olarak yerine getirilirken, Tanzimat döneminde bu kurumların yanı sıra resmi devlet okulları (mektep) da kurulmuştur. Eğitim sisteminde yapılan düzenle-meler sonucunda askeri ve sivil devlet okullarına bütün vatandaşlar ayırım yapılmadan kabul edilmiştir. Yeni eğitim sisteminin planlandığı komisyonlarda gayrimüslim üyeler de yer almıştır. Böylece eğitim alanında hem idare hem de anlayış olarak laik bir yapıya doğru adım atılmıştır. Eğit","PeriodicalId":157960,"journal":{"name":"ULUM","volume":"490 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122749413","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study on the field of early Tafsir (Qur’anic exegesis) history deals with the correlation between tafsir and classical Arabic dictionaries in the first four centuries of the Hijri. Examining the contact between the two disciplines allows the direction, nature and character of the relationship between the tafsir litera-ture and dictionaries to be revealed. For this purpose, the dictionaries and commentary materials of the first four centuries are first examined using the text analysis method. The strength of Arabic lexico-graphical activities in the first four centuries is evident from the many strong texts that were produced. The plentiful works from this period have made the preference of Arabic dictionaries necessary with their high representational value. The preference of dictionaries that can provide abundant data on Qur’anic interpretation is due to the fact that the main subject of the thesis is the study of the tafsir-dictionary relationship. The temporal limitation of the study being the first four centuries AH required a halt at the stage described as the peak age of Arabic dictionaries. Considering this temporal scheme has a positive effect on the point of observing the effect of historical periods. Moreover, if the sharh and hashiye period of dictionaries started in the 5th century AH, encountering a wide range of tafsir data in the first four centuries is to be expected. However, limiting the scope of the study to the first four centuries of the Hijri also has a negative side. The negative effect of this temporal limitation is the difficulty of determin-ing the relationship between species. This situation arises from the distribution of the types of works produced in this process. In other words, while commentaries in the first four centuries are generally positioned at the beginning of this process, the part concentrating on dictionaries corresponds to the end of this process. Therefore, while examining the effect of commentaries on dictionaries is possible, exam-ining the opposite effect of dictionaries on commentaries is difficult. Therefore, in order to observe the effect of dictionaries belonging to the first four centuries on tafsirs, examining tafsirs produced after the fourth century becomes necessary. As a matter of fact, linguistic commentaries having emerged in the fourth century is no coincidence, as this considered to be the period dictionaries emerged. For these works and their types to be free from the chain of interaction is unimaginable. Such exegeses focus on word analysis, Zamakhshari’s (d. 538/1144) al-Kashshāf, Abu Hayyan’s (d. 745/1344) al-Bahr al-muḥiṭ and Qurṭubī’s (d. 671/1273) al-Jāmiʻ li-aḥkām al-Qur’ān, indicate that past lexical accumulation had prepared the necessary conditions for the writing linguistic commentaries. The main aim of this doctoral dissertation in the field of tafsir is to reinforce the existence of the interactions between classical Arabic dictionaries and tafsirs from the first f
{"title":"Hicrî İlk Dört Asırda Tefsir-Sözlük İlişkisi","authors":"A. Uzun","doi":"10.54659/ulum.801132","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54659/ulum.801132","url":null,"abstract":"This study on the field of early Tafsir (Qur’anic exegesis) history deals with the correlation between tafsir and classical Arabic dictionaries in the first four centuries of the Hijri. Examining the contact between the two disciplines allows the direction, nature and character of the relationship between the tafsir litera-ture and dictionaries to be revealed. For this purpose, the dictionaries and commentary materials of the first four centuries are first examined using the text analysis method. The strength of Arabic lexico-graphical activities in the first four centuries is evident from the many strong texts that were produced. The plentiful works from this period have made the preference of Arabic dictionaries necessary with their high representational value. The preference of dictionaries that can provide abundant data on Qur’anic interpretation is due to the fact that the main subject of the thesis is the study of the tafsir-dictionary relationship. The temporal limitation of the study being the first four centuries AH required a halt at the stage described as the peak age of Arabic dictionaries. Considering this temporal scheme has a positive effect on the point of observing the effect of historical periods. Moreover, if the sharh and hashiye period of dictionaries started in the 5th century AH, encountering a wide range of tafsir data in the first four centuries is to be expected. However, limiting the scope of the study to the first four centuries of the Hijri also has a negative side. The negative effect of this temporal limitation is the difficulty of determin-ing the relationship between species. This situation arises from the distribution of the types of works produced in this process. In other words, while commentaries in the first four centuries are generally positioned at the beginning of this process, the part concentrating on dictionaries corresponds to the end of this process. Therefore, while examining the effect of commentaries on dictionaries is possible, exam-ining the opposite effect of dictionaries on commentaries is difficult. Therefore, in order to observe the effect of dictionaries belonging to the first four centuries on tafsirs, examining tafsirs produced after the fourth century becomes necessary. As a matter of fact, linguistic commentaries having emerged in the fourth century is no coincidence, as this considered to be the period dictionaries emerged. For these works and their types to be free from the chain of interaction is unimaginable. Such exegeses focus on word analysis, Zamakhshari’s (d. 538/1144) al-Kashshāf, Abu Hayyan’s (d. 745/1344) al-Bahr al-muḥiṭ and Qurṭubī’s (d. 671/1273) al-Jāmiʻ li-aḥkām al-Qur’ān, indicate that past lexical accumulation had prepared the necessary conditions for the writing linguistic commentaries. The main aim of this doctoral dissertation in the field of tafsir is to reinforce the existence of the interactions between classical Arabic dictionaries and tafsirs from the first f","PeriodicalId":157960,"journal":{"name":"ULUM","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127439585","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
‘al-Asmāʾ al-Ḥusnā’ is an expression in the sense of ‘the beautiful or most beautiful names of Allah’ in that appears in four verses of the Qurʾān (al-Aʿrāf 7/180; al-Isrāʾ 17/110; Ṭāha 20/8; and al-Ḥashr 59/ 24) and two versions of a tradition (ḥadīth) narrated by the Abū Hurayra (d. 57/678). The books, which include al-asmāʾ al-ḥusnā’, the meanings of these names and praying with these names, have been written by Muslim scholars from an early period. The book of Tafsīr al-asmāʾ al-ḥusnā, written by Arabic language scholar Abū Isḥāq al-Zajjāj (d. 311/923), is the first known work devoted to this subject. The book of al-Asmāʾ wa-l-ṣifāt, writ-ten by Ashʿarī theologian ʿAbd al-Qāhir al-Baghdādī (d. 429/1037-38) is also on this subject. In this study, Māturīdī scholar Abū Ishāk al-Saffār’s (d. 534/1139) understanding of Kalām based on his al-asmāʾ al-ḥusnā interpretation was discussed. Approximately one-third of his theology book called Talkhīṣ al-adilla li-qawāʿid al-tawḥīd constitutes his al-asmāʾ al-ḥusnā. When this section is examined, it can be seen that al-Saffār’s is trying to explain the issue of divinity based on 177 al-Asmāʾ al-Ḥusnā. al-Saffār’s first explains the divine names in alphabetical order, primarily in terms of semantic. Afterward, he explains the divine name he studied, theologically, by linking to a subject of theology. When his book Talkhīṣ al-adilla is analyzed, it can be seen that he deals with all other theology issues in connection with the subject of al-asmāʾ al-ḥusnā, except for caliphate. The fact that another book in which al-asmāʾ al-ḥusnā was handled in such detail in the Hanafī-Māturīdī theological literature was not known before al-Saffār, led us to do research on this subject. In this article, it will be tried to introduce and evaluate his understanding of theology based on his al-asmāʾ al-ḥusnā interpretation. Thus, the originality of his book will be handled within the framework of the literature of al-asmāʾ al-ḥusnā.
{"title":"Māturīdite Scholar Abū Isḥāq al-Ṣaffār’s Understanding of Kalām Based on al-asmāʾ al-ḥusnā","authors":"Hümeyra SEVGÜLÜ HACİİBRAHİMOĞLU, Abdullah Demir","doi":"10.54659/ulum.833933","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54659/ulum.833933","url":null,"abstract":"‘al-Asmāʾ al-Ḥusnā’ is an expression in the sense of ‘the beautiful or most beautiful names of Allah’ in that appears in four verses of the Qurʾān (al-Aʿrāf 7/180; al-Isrāʾ 17/110; Ṭāha 20/8; and al-Ḥashr 59/ 24) and two versions of a tradition (ḥadīth) narrated by the Abū Hurayra (d. 57/678). The books, which include al-asmāʾ al-ḥusnā’, the meanings of these names and praying with these names, have been written by Muslim scholars from an early period. The book of Tafsīr al-asmāʾ al-ḥusnā, written by Arabic language scholar Abū Isḥāq al-Zajjāj (d. 311/923), is the first known work devoted to this subject. The book of al-Asmāʾ wa-l-ṣifāt, writ-ten by Ashʿarī theologian ʿAbd al-Qāhir al-Baghdādī (d. 429/1037-38) is also on this subject. In this study, Māturīdī scholar Abū Ishāk al-Saffār’s (d. 534/1139) understanding of Kalām based on his al-asmāʾ al-ḥusnā interpretation was discussed. Approximately one-third of his theology book called Talkhīṣ al-adilla li-qawāʿid al-tawḥīd constitutes his al-asmāʾ al-ḥusnā. When this section is examined, it can be seen that al-Saffār’s is trying to explain the issue of divinity based on 177 al-Asmāʾ al-Ḥusnā. al-Saffār’s first explains the divine names in alphabetical order, primarily in terms of semantic. Afterward, he explains the divine name he studied, theologically, by linking to a subject of theology. When his book Talkhīṣ al-adilla is analyzed, it can be seen that he deals with all other theology issues in connection with the subject of al-asmāʾ al-ḥusnā, except for caliphate. The fact that another book in which al-asmāʾ al-ḥusnā was handled in such detail in the Hanafī-Māturīdī theological literature was not known before al-Saffār, led us to do research on this subject. In this article, it will be tried to introduce and evaluate his understanding of theology based on his al-asmāʾ al-ḥusnā interpretation. Thus, the originality of his book will be handled within the framework of the literature of al-asmāʾ al-ḥusnā.","PeriodicalId":157960,"journal":{"name":"ULUM","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130854275","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Eser, Suudi Arabistan’daki Dar al-İfta (İlmi Araştırma ve İfta Genel Başkanlığı) ve Türkiye’deki Diyanet (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı) kurumları tarafından verilen fetvaları, hangi İslam hukuk kavramlarına ve yöntemlerine başvurulduğunu tespit etmek amacıyla karşılaştırır. Araştırma, kurumların İslam hukukunun ana kaynaklarını nasıl yorumladıklarını ve bu kurumların farklı ve hatta taban tabana zıt İslami hukuki hükümlere ulaşma sürecini değerlendirir. Çalışma, bu iki dini modern kurumu inceleyerek ve onların İslam hukuk yorumlarına ve görüşlerine (fetvalar) odaklanarak, İslam hukuk metodolojileri ve toplumsal gerçeklikler arasındaki dinamik bağlantıların ve karşılıklı etkileşimin anlaşılmasını sağlar. İslam hukukunun aktif boyutu, fetva mekanizmasının yeni düzenlemeler ve hükümler sağladığı, kültürel, yasal, siyasi ve sosyal bağlamlarda görünür bir şekilde ortaya konmaktadır.
本研究比较了沙特阿拉伯 Dar al-Ifta（科学研究和 Ifta 总局）和土耳其 Diyanet（宗教事务主席团）发布的教令，以确定使用了哪些伊斯兰法律概念和方法。研究评估了这些机构如何解释伊斯兰法律的主要渊源，以及它们得出不同甚至截然相反的伊斯兰法律裁决的过程。通过分析这两个现代宗教机构，并重点研究它们对伊斯兰法的解释和观点（法特瓦），本研究有助于了解伊斯兰法律方法与社会现实之间的动态联系和相互作用。伊斯兰法律的积极层面在文化、法律、政治和社会背景中得到了明显的体现，法特瓦机制提供了新的规定和裁决。
{"title":"The Interaction Between Islamic Legal Methodologies and Social Context in the Light of the Contemporary Practice of Iftā’: A Case Study of Two Institutions","authors":"E. Yakar","doi":"10.54659/ulum.791150","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54659/ulum.791150","url":null,"abstract":"Eser, Suudi Arabistan’daki Dar al-İfta (İlmi Araştırma ve İfta Genel Başkanlığı) ve Türkiye’deki Diyanet (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı) kurumları tarafından verilen fetvaları, hangi İslam hukuk kavramlarına ve yöntemlerine başvurulduğunu tespit etmek amacıyla karşılaştırır. Araştırma, kurumların İslam hukukunun ana kaynaklarını nasıl yorumladıklarını ve bu kurumların farklı ve hatta taban tabana zıt İslami hukuki hükümlere ulaşma sürecini değerlendirir. Çalışma, bu iki dini modern kurumu inceleyerek ve onların İslam hukuk yorumlarına ve görüşlerine (fetvalar) odaklanarak, İslam hukuk metodolojileri ve toplumsal gerçeklikler arasındaki dinamik bağlantıların ve karşılıklı etkileşimin anlaşılmasını sağlar. İslam hukukunun aktif boyutu, fetva mekanizmasının yeni düzenlemeler ve hükümler sağladığı, kültürel, yasal, siyasi ve sosyal bağlamlarda görünür bir şekilde ortaya konmaktadır.","PeriodicalId":157960,"journal":{"name":"ULUM","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-06-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133959842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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