Journal of personality and social psychology最新文献

Current psychological theories on daily social interactions emphasize individual differences yet are underspecified regarding contextual factors. We aim to extend this research by examining how two context factors shape social interactions in daily life: how many relationships people maintain and how densely people live together. In Study 1, 307 German participants (M_age = 39.44 years, SD_age = 14.14) answered up to 20 experience sampling questionnaires regarding their social interactions over 2 days. In Study 2, 313 German participants (M_age = 48.96 years, SD_age = 15.54) summarized their daily interactions in daily diaries for 14 days. Participants reported on their social network size and the social density (i.e., household and neighborhood density) of their living situations. Mobile sensing provided additional measures of social interactions and network size. The results showed that participants living in densely populated households transitioned faster from solitude to social interactions but slower from social interactions to solitude. Participants living in dwellings with more homes also transitioned slower from solitude to social interactions. Contrary to the hypothesis, social network size was inconsistently linked with transitions from solitude to social interactions and vice versa. Furthermore, current social desires predicted subsequent social interactions within days, but not across days-irrespective of individuals' social network size or social density. Together the results point out that people live their daily life in social contexts, which contribute to how they engage in social interactions. The findings thus call for a greater integration of contextual factors in personality theories of social interactions. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Despite the primacy of the face in social perception research, people often base their impressions on whole persons (i.e., faces and bodies). Yet, perceptions of whole persons remain critically underresearched. We address this knowledge gap by testing the relative contributions of faces and bodies to various fundamental social judgments. Results show that faces and bodies contribute different amounts to particular social judgments on orthogonal axes of social perception: Bodies primarily influence status and ability judgments, whereas faces primarily influence warmth-related evaluations. One possible reason for this may be differences in signal that bodies and faces provide for judgments along these two axes. To test this, we extended our investigation to social judgment accuracy, given that signal is a precondition to accuracy. Focusing on one kind of status/ability judgment-impressions of social class standing-we found that perceivers can discern individuals' social class standing from faces, bodies, and whole persons. Conditions that included bodies returned higher accuracy, indicating that bodies may contain more signal to individuals' social class than faces do. Within bodies, shape cued social class more than details of individuals' clothing. Altogether, these findings highlight the importance of the body for fully understanding processes and outcomes in person perception. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Exposure to an organizational diversity cue may help attract Black women to professional spaces. The cue transfer framework contends that because intergroup attitudes co-occur, both cues congruent or incongruent with one's minoritized identity signal an environment that welcomes all minoritized persons. Critically, the utility of such cues had yet to be explored among Black women. Integrating cue transfer with social identity complexity theory, across six studies (N = 2,167), we tested the novel prediction that Black women utilize a racial dominance identity structure and investigated the benefits of organizational diversity cues congruent and incongruent with Black women's identities. We also drew from stigma solidarity and examined whether perceiving an outgroup associated with an incongruent cue as experiencing similar bias (i.e., shared discrimination) facilitated cue efficacy. Ultimately, only racially congruent cues encouraged organizational safety (Studies 1, 2, and 6) and procedural fairness (Studies 2, 4, and 6), while cues aimed at lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or Latino individuals (Studies 1-4) were ineffective. Moreover, despite reporting greater shared discrimination with Latino than lesbian, gay, bisexual & transgender persons (Study 4), shared discrimination was inconsequential for cue efficacy (Study 3). Black women's lay theories revealed that although they perceived negative intergroup attitudes as co-occurring, positive attitudes toward other minoritized groups were seen as unrelated to attitudes toward Black individuals (Studies 5a/5b). Finally, racially (but not gender) congruent cues mitigated organizational invisibility (Study 6). Collectively, the present investigation supports our assertion that Black women adopt a racial dominance lens and, more broadly, underscores the necessity of an intersectional framework when examining cue efficacy. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Good fortune can be attributed to many sources, including other people, personal efforts, and various theistic and nontheistic supernatural forces (e.g., God, karma). Four studies (total N = 4,579) of religiously diverse samples from the United States and the United Kingdom investigated the distinct emotional reactions to recalled positive experiences attributed to natural and supernatural benefactors. We found that the hallmarks of interpersonal gratitude (e.g., thankfulness, admiration, indebtedness) were reported when believers attributed their good fortune to a personal, benevolent God. However, a distinct emotional profile arose when participants attributed good fortune to the process of karmic payback, which was associated with relatively less gratitude but with higher scores for feelings of pride and deservingness. These results were partially explained by participants' attributions of positive experiences to an external agent (e.g., God) versus a universal law or internal factors as in the case of karma. We conclude that diverse spiritual beliefs influence causal attributions for good fortune, which, in turn, predict distinct emotional responses. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Decades of research have identified average patterns of normative personality development across the lifespan. However, it is unclear how well these correspond to trajectories of individual development. Past work beyond general personality development might suggest these average patterns are oversimplifications, necessitating novel examinations of how personality develops and consideration of new individual difference metrics. This study uses five longitudinal data sets from Germany, Australia, the Netherlands, and the United States (N = 128,345; M_age = 45.42; 53% female) to examine personality development using mixed-effects location scale models. These models quantify individual differences in within-person residual variability, or sigma, around trajectories-thereby testing if models that assume sigma is homogeneous, unsystematic noise are appropriate. We investigate if there are individual differences in longitudinal within-person variability for Big Five trajectories, if there are variables associated with this heterogeneity, and if person-level sigma values can uniquely predict an outcome. Results indicated that, across all models, there was meaningful heterogeneity in sigma-the magnitude of which was comparable to and often even greater than that of intercepts and slopes. Individual differences in sigma were further associated with covariates central to personality development and had robust predictive utility for health status, an outcome with long-established personality associations. Collectively, these findings underscore the presence, degree, validity, and potential utility of heterogeneity in longitudinal within-person variability and indicate the typical linear model does not adequately depict individual development. We suggest it should become the default to consider this individual difference metric in personality development research. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).