Journal of personality and social psychology最新文献

Compassionate love, generally defined as giving oneself for the good of another, has been receiving increased attention, especially in the context of romantic relationships. The purpose of the present research was to examine compassionate love "where it begins," namely, in the family. Seven studies were conducted to test the hypothesis that compassionate love would be correlated with various kinds of beneficence in familial relationships, including parent-child (Studies 1 and 2) and adult child-parent relationships (Studies 3-7). Levels of compassionate love and beneficence varied somewhat, depending on the gender of the parent and the child (e.g., adult children reported more compassionate love for their mother than their father). Across relationships, there was strong support for the main prediction that compassionate love would be associated with beneficence, such as willingness to sacrifice, responsive caregiving, and the provision of support. However, it was not the case that compassionate love was negatively associated with variables that were expected to be antithetical to beneficence (e.g., caregiving motivated by obligation). It was concluded that it is important to promote compassionate love where it begins-in the home-given its strong associations with other-oriented, prosocial motivations and behaviors. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

People's attitudes toward almost any stimulus (e.g., brands, people, food items) can change in line with the valence of co-occurring stimuli (e.g., images, messages, other people), a phenomenon known as the evaluative conditioning (EC) effect. Recent research has shown that EC effects are not always controlled, which is problematic in many circumstances (e.g., advertising, misinformation). We examined conditions under which uncontrolled EC effects are more likely to reflect retrieval failures or uncontrolled encoding processes. To provide an experimental test of this question, we propose that people can either integrate or add validity information to the stimulus valence. Specifically, we propose that controlled processes can integrate validity information into the stored valence representations mostly when validity information is provided at the time of exposure to the evaluative information. Control attempts taking place later are more likely to add than to integrate the validity information to the stored representation. Moreover, if validity information is merely added to the stimulus valence as compared to integrated, forgetting this information potentially inflates indices of uncontrolled processes. Our findings demonstrate important boundary conditions for the interpretation of measures of uncontrolled encoding processes. Nevertheless, they provide further evidence that uncontrolled encoding processes can contribute to EC effects. We discuss implications for theories of attitude change and for protection from misinformation. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Why do we care so much for friends-much more than one might predict from reciprocity alone? According to a recent theory, organisms who cooperate with each other come to have a stake in each other's well-being: A good cooperator is worth protecting-even anonymously if necessary-so they can be available to cooperate in the future. Here, we present three experiments showing that reciprocity creates a stake in a partner's well-being, such that people are willing to secretly pay to protect good cooperative partners, if doing so keeps those partners available for future interaction. Participants played five rounds of a cooperative game (Prisoner's Dilemma) and then received an opportunity to help their partner, without the partner ever knowing. In Experiments 1 and 2, participants were more willing to help a cooperative partner if doing so kept that partner available for future rounds, compared to when the help simply raised the partner's earnings. This effect was specific to cooperative partners: The type of help mattered less for uncooperative partners or for recipients that participants did not directly interact with. In other words, an ongoing history of reciprocity gave people a stake in their partner's good condition but not their partner's payoff. Experiment 3 showed that participants had less stake in their partners if those partners could be easily replaced by another cooperator. These findings show that reciprocity and stake are not separate processes. Instead, even shallow reciprocity creates a deeper stake in a partner's well-being, including a willingness to help with zero expectation of recognition. Future work should examine how one's stake in partners is affected by ecological factors that affect the gains of cooperation and the ease of finding new partners. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Although the structure of subjective well-being (SWB) has been examined in various studies, no consensus on its structure has yet been reached. This may be due to a neglect of the construct's dynamic aspects and domain satisfaction as a core aspect of SWB. This article aimed to overcome existing research gaps by applying network modeling to longitudinal data of 32,700 adults (24-64 years old) from the German Socioeconomic Panel to analyze within- and between-person dynamics in the structure of SWB across the lifespan. Results indicated that the relationships across SWB components differed across the investigated within- and between-person network structures. Family, work, and income satisfaction tended to be the most central domains across different levels of analysis. The relationship between life and domain satisfaction was neither solely top-down nor bottom-up but instead characterized by distinct, mostly reciprocal relationships. Furthermore, the dynamic relationships of SWB were similar across compared age groups. In sum, the results suggest that the structure of SWB differs between the within-person level and the between-person level but does not change fundamentally throughout middle adulthood. Additionally, this study demonstrates the importance of considering domain satisfaction as an essential component of SWB and that psychometric network models can advance our understanding of the structure and dynamics of SWB. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Are people better at recognizing individuals of more relevant groups, such as ingroup compared to outgroup members or high-status compared to low-status individuals? Previous studies that associated faces with group information found a robust effect of group on face recognition but only tested it using the same images presented during the learning phase. They therefore cannot tell whether group information enhances encoding of the specific image presented during learning or encoding of the person who appears in it, which should generalize to other images of that person. In addition, the measures used in these studies do not sufficiently distinguish between sensitivity and response bias. In this article, we addressed these limitations and examined in three experiments the effect of group membership (Experiments 1 and 2) and social status (Experiment 3) on face recognition. In all experiments, we assessed recognition of both learned and unlearned views of the learned faces. Our results show improved recognition of ingroup members compared to outgroup members and of individuals of high-status groups compared to low-status groups for both learned and unlearned views. These effects emerged also when we used measures of memory accuracy that adequately control for response bias. These findings highlight the importance of group and status information in person recognition. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

A great deal of research in dual-process models has been devoted to highlighting differences in the structure and function of the implicit and explicit attitude constructs. However, the two forms of attitudes can also demonstrate important shared properties, and prior work suggests that one similarity may be in factors that determine measurement reliability. To better explore this issue, Study 1 analyzed the test-retest reliability in measures of both implicit and explicit attitudes within a single study session across 75 topics (N > 35,000). Explicit attitudes had greater test-retest reliability than implicit attitudes, but each showed considerable heterogeneity across topics even when measured within a single study session. Analyses also included several candidate moderator variables, such as attitude certainty or familiarity. While results were not identical, the moderators associated with greater test-retest reliability for implicit and explicit attitudes exhibited more similarities than differences. Specifically, attitudes experienced as more distinctive, more relevant to one's self-concept, more certain, and more accessible had higher test-retest reliability for both forms of evaluation. Variation in short-term reliability for implicit and explicit attitudes was replicated in Study 2, and Study 3 revealed that topics low in short-term reliability were also lower in a longitudinal sample that completed attitude measures separated by several weeks. These results advance our understanding of each attitude construct and are consistent with a more dynamic relationship between an attitude and its measure, as even attitudes measured with high levels of conscious control could show remarkable short-term instability when assessed only minutes apart. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Discrimination in the evaluation of others is a key cause of social inequality around the world. However, relatively little is known about psychological interventions that can be used to prevent biased evaluations. The limited evidence that exists on these strategies is spread across many methods and populations, making it difficult to generate reliable best practices that can be effective across contexts. In the present work, we held a research contest to solicit interventions with the goal of reducing discrimination based on physical attractiveness using a hypothetical admissions task. Thirty interventions were tested across four rounds of data collection (total N > 20,000). Using a signal detection theory approach to evaluate interventions, we identified two interventions that reduced discrimination by lessening both decision noise and decision bias, while two other interventions reduced overall discrimination by only lessening noise or bias. The most effective interventions largely provided concrete strategies that directed participants' attention toward decision-relevant criteria and away from socially biasing information, though the fact that very similar interventions produced differing effects on discrimination suggests certain key characteristics that are needed for manipulations to reliably impact judgment. The effects of these four interventions on decision bias, noise, or both also replicated in a different discrimination domain, political affiliation, and generalized to populations with self-reported hiring experience. Results of the contest for decreasing attractiveness-based favoritism suggest that identifying effective routes for changing discriminatory behavior is a challenge and that greater investment is needed to develop impactful, flexible, and scalable strategies for reducing discrimination. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Evaluative conditioning (EC) is the change of a conditioned stimulus's evaluation due to its pairing with an unconditioned stimulus (US). While learning typically shows negativity biases, we found no such biases in a reanalysis of meta-analytic EC data. We provide and test a cognitive-ecological answer for this lack of negativity bias. We assume that negativity effects follow from ecological differences in evaluative information's distributions (i.e., differential frequency). Accordingly, no negativity bias emerges because positive and negative information is equally frequent in most EC experiments. However, if negative (or positive) information is rare, we predict a negativity (positivity) bias. We tested this prediction in five preregistered experiments (three laboratory-based, N = 394, two online, N = 391). As predicted, if negative USs were rare, a negativity bias followed. However, if positive USs were rare, we also observed positivity biases in participants' conditioned stimulus evaluations. These data support a cognitive-ecological explanation of valence asymmetries and partially explain why EC experiments show no negativity bias: Typical EC designs do not reflect the ecological information structure that contributes to a negativity bias in the first place. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

How does living in an environment with many or few family relatives shape our psychology? Here, we draw upon ideas from behavioral ecology to explore the psychological effects of ecological relatedness-the prevalence of family relatives in one's environment. We present six studies, both correlational and experimental, that examine this. In general, people and populations that live in ecologies with more family relatives (Studies 1-4b), or who imagine themselves to be living in such ecologies (Studies 2/3a/3b/4b), engage in more extreme pro-group behavior (e.g., being willing to go to war for their country), hold more interdependent self-concepts, are more punishing of antisocial behaviors (e.g., support the death penalty for murder), identify themselves as more connected to and trust nearby groups (e.g., their community and neighbors) but less so distant groups (e.g., foreigners, the world), and also judge sibling incest as more morally wrong. These effects are examined across three countries (the United States, Ghana, the Philippines) and are robust to a range of controls and alternative explanations (e.g., ingroup preferences, familiarity effects, kinship intensity). The current work highlights the psychological effects of an underexamined dimension of our social ecology, provides a set of methods for studying it, and holds implications for understanding the ecological origins of a range of social behaviors and cultural differences. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

This research synthesis sought to determine the magnitude of associations between major personality dimensions and components of diet. A comprehensive literature search identified 49 articles (584 effect sizes; 151,750 participants) that met the inclusion criteria. Pooled mean effects were computed using inverse-variance weighted random effects meta-analysis. Mean effect sizes from 98 separate meta-analyses provided evidence that lower levels of neuroticism, r = -.05 (95% confidence interval, CI [-.09, -.01]), and higher levels of extraversion, r = .07 (95% CI [.03, .11]); openness, r = .13 (95% CI [.07, .18]); agreeableness, r = .07 (95% CI [.04, .11]); and conscientiousness, r = .12 (95% CI [.08, .16]), are associated with a healthier diet. Personality traits related to fruit and vegetable consumption; sugar intake (e.g., candy, sugary drinks); salt intake; consumption of meat, dairy, and fiber; low-fat foods; fast food and snacks; convenience foods; breakfast frequency; meal irregularity; and emotional and restrained eating. There was evidence of publication bias complicating conclusions for conscientiousness and meat eating. Random effects metaregression showed that agreeableness had a stronger positive association with healthy eating among older adults. These findings should be of interest to health care professionals developing health care services that aim to promote healthy eating. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).