COVID-19 is the ongoing menace to the all over the world, labeled as pandemic and worst economic shock in recent history. Sri Lanka is one of the most vulnerable middle- income countries suffer most during this novel virus outbreak. The economic impact of COVID-19 can expect substantially both direct and indirect. Sri Lankan economy mainly depends on the foreign trade. The paper was basically a desk study involving compilation and examination of information from national and international level research studies and media reports such as newspaper articles featuring the updates on COVID-19. Various Short term and middle term, direct or indirect economic shocks were identified in Sri Lanka due to COVID-19. In this article, we discussed and illustrated about historical evidences on global pandemics that have occur over time and identified the COVID-19 and its impact of Sri Lanka economy. The study forwards to explain Impact on Sri Lanka’s GDP and Employment, also founds that key income earning sectors such as agriculture, tourism, apparel and textile and small medium enterprises have been adversely affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. COVID-19 pandemic has created many negative effects on key income earning sectors.
{"title":"Impact of COVID-19 on Sri Lanka Economy","authors":"Waruna Nisanka","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3913532","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3913532","url":null,"abstract":"COVID-19 is the ongoing menace to the all over the world, labeled as pandemic and worst economic shock in recent history. Sri Lanka is one of the most vulnerable middle- income countries suffer most during this novel virus outbreak. The economic impact of COVID-19 can expect substantially both direct and indirect. Sri Lankan economy mainly depends on the foreign trade. The paper was basically a desk study involving compilation and examination of information from national and international level research studies and media reports such as newspaper articles featuring the updates on COVID-19. Various Short term and middle term, direct or indirect economic shocks were identified in Sri Lanka due to COVID-19. In this article, we discussed and illustrated about historical evidences on global pandemics that have occur over time and identified the COVID-19 and its impact of Sri Lanka economy. The study forwards to explain Impact on Sri Lanka’s GDP and Employment, also founds that key income earning sectors such as agriculture, tourism, apparel and textile and small medium enterprises have been adversely affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. COVID-19 pandemic has created many negative effects on key income earning sectors.","PeriodicalId":169556,"journal":{"name":"Culture Area Studies eJournal","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126919848","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article recaptures the philosophy of Nyerere and the idea of Ujamaa (familyhood) in modern African socialism. Nyerere’s political idea for Tanzania centred on the creation of an egalitarian socialist society based on cooperative agriculture, racial and tribal harmony, as well as moralistic self-sacrifice. The study argues that contemporary challenges in Africa caused by colonialism, misrule, and corruption have called for backwards-looking and integration to prevent political and economic chaos on the continent. Presently, the Corona Virus-19 Pandemic (COVID-19) like its twin disease, the Influenza Pandemic of 1918, had triggered unemployment, food shortages, inflation, price instability, the balance of payment disequilibrium, and social vices. Drawing on primary and secondary sources to substantiate its claim, this study found that the present state of affairs in the world has introduced the new normal and new methods of doing things;hence the need for indigenous solutions to Africa’s problems. This article recommends that African leaders need re-invent indigenous political philosophy such as the Nyerere’s African socialism to save its citizens from poverty rather than the present dependency on colonial masters and donor countries.
{"title":"Visionary Leadership in Africa: The Example of Julius Nyerere of Tanzania 1922 to 1999","authors":"Justus Adim Nzemeka","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3857011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3857011","url":null,"abstract":"This article recaptures the philosophy of Nyerere and the idea of Ujamaa (familyhood) in modern African socialism. Nyerere’s political idea for Tanzania centred on the creation of an egalitarian socialist society based on cooperative agriculture, racial and tribal harmony, as well as moralistic self-sacrifice. The study argues that contemporary challenges in Africa caused by colonialism, misrule, and corruption have called for backwards-looking and integration to prevent political and economic chaos on the continent. Presently, the Corona Virus-19 Pandemic (COVID-19) like its twin disease, the Influenza Pandemic of 1918, had triggered unemployment, food shortages, inflation, price instability, the balance of payment disequilibrium, and social vices. Drawing on primary and secondary sources to substantiate its claim, this study found that the present state of affairs in the world has introduced the new normal and new methods of doing things;hence the need for indigenous solutions to Africa’s problems. This article recommends that African leaders need re-invent indigenous political philosophy such as the Nyerere’s African socialism to save its citizens from poverty rather than the present dependency on colonial masters and donor countries.","PeriodicalId":169556,"journal":{"name":"Culture Area Studies eJournal","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124339399","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The activities of extractive industries on the lands of indigenous peoples and communities have had significant human rights impacts, either negatively or positively. Some oil, gas and mining companies, especially MNCs in Uganda have policies and guidelines on indigenous people’s lands and as well provide capacity building to their staff to be cautious about rights of local communities.
Key human rights abuses associated with mining, gas and oil extraction include violation of the right to life, forced displacement and destruction of the environment on which local communities depend. In the current era, outsiders seeking to exploit resources on indigenous peoples lands often don’t remain any longer than necessary to complete a specific development project, even brief intrusions can have devastating and long term consequences.
Despite universally accepted human rights standards protecting indigenous peoples, national laws that recognize their lands and rights to be consulted as well as a growing body of jurisprudence endorsing these norms, indigenous peoples continue to face unprecedented pressures on their lands and resources most often resulting into conflict and a negation of their rights.
In Uganda, the discovery of oil deposits, coupled with government’s push to expedite economic growth and development, has become a breeding ground for conflict. Extractive activities with harmful human rights outcomes are being launched throughout the country and host communities are feeling the heat of the problem. The purpose of this research has been to generate greater understanding of the situation of natural resource extraction and exploitation and the consequent human rights implications upon the most vulnerable and discriminated segments of the society. While Uganda’s Mining Laws require a surface rights agreement to be negotiated with land owners, prior to active mining and payment of royalties to land owners once revenue starts flowing, the law however, does not require any communication or consent from the local community or population during exploration works. These have raised fears of land grabs, loss of access to mineral deposits, water contamination and erosion, forced evictions and failure to pay royalties to traditional land owners by the MNC concerned.
The study was conducted in the two regions of the country (Albertine Region and Karamoja). Key informants of the study were local communities in the two regions, local government leaders, CSOs, Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development Officials and selective managers of the MNCs operating in this industry. The study used both quantitative and qualitative methods. Data was processed using SPSS Statistical Software program and reference to relevant laws in place.
The key findings were that marginalized groups, especially women were often inhibited by cultural norms and social attitudes when they attempt to get employment in the oil and gas sector. The same a
{"title":"Foreign Direct Investors and Affirmative Action in Promoting Equal Opportunities in the Mining, Oil and Gas Sector in Uganda","authors":"Nicholas Olwor","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3710573","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3710573","url":null,"abstract":"The activities of extractive industries on the lands of indigenous peoples and communities have had significant human rights impacts, either negatively or positively. Some oil, gas and mining companies, especially MNCs in Uganda have policies and guidelines on indigenous people’s lands and as well provide capacity building to their staff to be cautious about rights of local communities.<br><br>Key human rights abuses associated with mining, gas and oil extraction include violation of the right to life, forced displacement and destruction of the environment on which local communities depend. In the current era, outsiders seeking to exploit resources on indigenous peoples lands often don’t remain any longer than necessary to complete a specific development project, even brief intrusions can have devastating and long term consequences.<br><br>Despite universally accepted human rights standards protecting indigenous peoples, national laws that recognize their lands and rights to be consulted as well as a growing body of jurisprudence endorsing these norms, indigenous peoples continue to face unprecedented pressures on their lands and resources most often resulting into conflict and a negation of their rights.<br><br>In Uganda, the discovery of oil deposits, coupled with government’s push to expedite economic growth and development, has become a breeding ground for conflict. Extractive activities with harmful human rights outcomes are being launched throughout the country and host communities are feeling the heat of the problem. The purpose of this research has been to generate greater understanding of the situation of natural resource extraction and exploitation and the consequent human rights implications upon the most vulnerable and discriminated segments of the society. While Uganda’s Mining Laws require a surface rights agreement to be negotiated with land owners, prior to active mining and payment of royalties to land owners once revenue starts flowing, the law however, does not require any communication or consent from the local community or population during exploration works. These have raised fears of land grabs, loss of access to mineral deposits, water contamination and erosion, forced evictions and failure to pay royalties to traditional land owners by the MNC concerned.<br><br>The study was conducted in the two regions of the country (Albertine Region and Karamoja). Key informants of the study were local communities in the two regions, local government leaders, CSOs, Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development Officials and selective managers of the MNCs operating in this industry. The study used both quantitative and qualitative methods. Data was processed using SPSS Statistical Software program and reference to relevant laws in place.<br><br>The key findings were that marginalized groups, especially women were often inhibited by cultural norms and social attitudes when they attempt to get employment in the oil and gas sector. The same a","PeriodicalId":169556,"journal":{"name":"Culture Area Studies eJournal","volume":"243 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120982375","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This research discuss link between football and the 1998 reform movement in Indonesia. The 1998 reforms movement and football became linked each other because of Indonesia president, Soeharto, factor.
Soeharto, who was the target of the 1998 reform movement, in fact also has a close relationship with Indonesian football.
The link between Soeharto and football manifestated in Arseto Solo. Arseto is football club owned by Suharto's eldest son, Sigit Harjojuanto. Not only being a club owner, Sigit also had become one of the PSSI officials.
In other ways, chaotic situation struck Indonesian football. In 1997, Indonesia affected by the economical crisis. As a results, football scandalous and cheating became a shortcut taken by referees and players who at that time were having financial difficulties. This conditions become the igniter of supporters' anger.
The crisis situation in football was considered as a form of failure of the New Order that was so closely attached to national Football federation (PSSI). Almost all the top management in PSSI are people who have the same political factions as the New Order.
All these conditions make supporters act destructively. The action was the beginning of a series of riots in May 1998 that hit Indonesia and caused Soeharto to resign.
Finally, this research will raise issues around the relationship of football with politics in Indonesia. This research will also answer research questions about how football supporters driven 1998 reforms movement?
{"title":"Role of Football Behind 1998 Reforms in Indonesia","authors":"Abdullah Sammy","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3668953","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3668953","url":null,"abstract":"This research discuss link between football and the 1998 reform movement in Indonesia. The 1998 reforms movement and football became linked each other because of Indonesia president, Soeharto, factor.<br><br>Soeharto, who was the target of the 1998 reform movement, in fact also has a close relationship with Indonesian football.<br><br>The link between Soeharto and football manifestated in Arseto Solo. Arseto is football club owned by Suharto's eldest son, Sigit Harjojuanto. Not only being a club owner, Sigit also had become one of the PSSI officials.<br><br>In other ways, chaotic situation struck Indonesian football. In 1997, Indonesia affected by the economical crisis. As a results, football scandalous and cheating became a shortcut taken by referees and players who at that time were having financial difficulties. This conditions become the igniter of supporters' anger.<br><br>The crisis situation in football was considered as a form of failure of the New Order that was so closely attached to national Football federation (PSSI). Almost all the top management in PSSI are people who have the same political factions as the New Order.<br><br>All these conditions make supporters act destructively. The action was the beginning of a series of riots in May 1998 that hit Indonesia and caused Soeharto to resign.<br><br>Finally, this research will raise issues around the relationship of football with politics in Indonesia. This research will also answer research questions about how football supporters driven 1998 reforms movement?<br>","PeriodicalId":169556,"journal":{"name":"Culture Area Studies eJournal","volume":"111 17","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131912476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Warren Nutter’s work as director of the National Bureau of Economic Research’s (NBER’s) Soviet growth project is his best-known contribution to economics and public affairs. Many histories of Sovietology note the oddity of Nutter’s selection as project director, given his apparent lack of prior experience studying the Soviet Union. This paper provides new context for Nutter’s selection to lead the NBER effort. From 1951 to 1952 Warren Nutter was the Acting Chief of the Economic Capabilities Branch of the CIA’s Office of Research and Reports (ORR), and Chairman of the Economic Analysis Subcommittee of the interagency Economic Intelligence Committee. In this capacity he managed at least three major research efforts, including an input-output analysis of the Soviet Union and contributions to two national intelligence estimates. Nutter may have been proposed as a director of the NBER project by Robert Amory, the Deputy Director of Intelligence, in 1953. Nutter’s research for the CIA cultivated new analytic capacities for the agency and provided a foundation for Nutter’s future work on the Soviet Union.
{"title":"Before NBER: Warren Nutter's Soviet Research at the CIA","authors":"D. Kuehn","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3649652","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3649652","url":null,"abstract":"Warren Nutter’s work as director of the National Bureau of Economic Research’s (NBER’s) Soviet growth project is his best-known contribution to economics and public affairs. Many histories of Sovietology note the oddity of Nutter’s selection as project director, given his apparent lack of prior experience studying the Soviet Union. This paper provides new context for Nutter’s selection to lead the NBER effort. From 1951 to 1952 Warren Nutter was the Acting Chief of the Economic Capabilities Branch of the CIA’s Office of Research and Reports (ORR), and Chairman of the Economic Analysis Subcommittee of the interagency Economic Intelligence Committee. In this capacity he managed at least three major research efforts, including an input-output analysis of the Soviet Union and contributions to two national intelligence estimates. Nutter may have been proposed as a director of the NBER project by Robert Amory, the Deputy Director of Intelligence, in 1953. Nutter’s research for the CIA cultivated new analytic capacities for the agency and provided a foundation for Nutter’s future work on the Soviet Union.","PeriodicalId":169556,"journal":{"name":"Culture Area Studies eJournal","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131810016","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, I empirically evaluate the effect of exposure to the Internet on Spanish attitudes towards immigrants. Exploiting a confidential, innovative survey dataset, I am able to identify a relationship between Internet access and attitudes towards immigrants at the micro (municipal) level. I address the endogeneity of Internet availability by looking at pre-existing voice telecommunication characteristics and using outcome variables before and after the arrival of the Internet. Results show that Internet availability between 2008 and 2012 is associated with a better knowledge of (national) immigration dynamics and that it leads to an overall improvement in attitudes towards immigrants. This result is particularly strong among young and urban individuals. Additionally, I find that access to the Internet reduces political support for the Partido Popular, Spain’s traditional right-wing party.
{"title":"Does the Internet Change Attitudes Towards Immigrants? Evidence From Spain","authors":"Alessio Romarri","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3621400","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3621400","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I empirically evaluate the effect of exposure to the Internet on Spanish attitudes towards immigrants. Exploiting a confidential, innovative survey dataset, I am able to identify a relationship between Internet access and attitudes towards immigrants at the micro (municipal) level. I address the endogeneity of Internet availability by looking at pre-existing voice telecommunication characteristics and using outcome variables before and after the arrival of the Internet. Results show that Internet availability between 2008 and 2012 is associated with a better knowledge of (national) immigration dynamics and that it leads to an overall improvement in attitudes towards immigrants. This result is particularly strong among young and urban individuals. Additionally, I find that access to the Internet reduces political support for the Partido Popular, Spain’s traditional right-wing party.","PeriodicalId":169556,"journal":{"name":"Culture Area Studies eJournal","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131657043","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How is China viewed by citizens of other countries? Popular polling data based on the feeling thermometer scale can reveal overall patterns of the public sentiment toward China, but they do not necessarily capture the multidimensional preferences of the public. In this article, I explore both perceptions and misperceptions of China held by the Canadian public through a series of surveys that cover a wide range of topics from trade and investment to international leadership. Two broad conclusions follow. First, public perceptions of China are much more nuanced and conflicted than can be quickly gleaned from the simple dichotomy of “favorable vs unfavorable”. Second, misperceptions of China are widespread but they may be remedied by corrective information. At a time when countries around the world are grappling with the rise of China and its expanded global footprint, failure to account for either of these features in the public opinion of China may lead to misguided policies.
{"title":"More than Meets the Eye: Public Perceptions and Misperceptions of China","authors":"Xiaojun Li","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3650564","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3650564","url":null,"abstract":"How is China viewed by citizens of other countries? Popular polling data based on the feeling thermometer scale can reveal overall patterns of the public sentiment toward China, but they do not necessarily capture the multidimensional preferences of the public. In this article, I explore both perceptions and misperceptions of China held by the Canadian public through a series of surveys that cover a wide range of topics from trade and investment to international leadership. Two broad conclusions follow. First, public perceptions of China are much more nuanced and conflicted than can be quickly gleaned from the simple dichotomy of “favorable vs unfavorable”. Second, misperceptions of China are widespread but they may be remedied by corrective information. At a time when countries around the world are grappling with the rise of China and its expanded global footprint, failure to account for either of these features in the public opinion of China may lead to misguided policies.","PeriodicalId":169556,"journal":{"name":"Culture Area Studies eJournal","volume":"73 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127364820","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Many people argue that India has been rich but a large section of her people are poor- the scenario would be different if majority of us had genuine care for society. An attempt is made here to present what do we mean by 'spiritual culture' and 'genuine care for society' and how they are related.The relationship has been highlighted based on established theories and concrete illustrations from the field of industrial management in contemporary India. It is briefly pointed out how our ancient nation builders developed a socio-cultural model based on spirituality to inculcate care for the society which resulted in all round development for thousands of years. It is concluded with concrete suggestions from noble and lofty minds as to which direction our Civilization should evolve to ameliorate the situation.
{"title":"Spiritual Culture and Care for Society : Management Perspectives in Indian Context","authors":"B. Sarkar","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3596090","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3596090","url":null,"abstract":"Many people argue that India has been rich but a large section of her people are poor- the scenario would be different if majority of us had genuine care for society. An attempt is made here to present what do we mean by 'spiritual culture' and 'genuine care for society' and how they are related.The relationship has been highlighted based on established theories and concrete illustrations from the field of industrial management in contemporary India. It is briefly pointed out how our ancient nation builders developed a socio-cultural model based on spirituality to inculcate care for the society which resulted in all round development for thousands of years. It is concluded with concrete suggestions from noble and lofty minds as to which direction our Civilization should evolve to ameliorate the situation.","PeriodicalId":169556,"journal":{"name":"Culture Area Studies eJournal","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131972857","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
K. Croke, Maria Elena Garcia Mora, Markus Goldstein, E. Mensah, Michael B. O'Sullivan
Small-scale cross-border trade provides opportunities for economic gains in many developing countries. Yet cross-border traders -- many of whom are women -- face harassment and corruption, which can undermine these potential gains. This paper presents evidence from a randomized controlled trial of a training intervention that provided access to information on procedures, tariffs, and rights to small-scale traders to facilitate border crossings, lower corruption, and reduce gender-based violence along the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)–Rwanda border. The training reduces bribe payment by 5 percentage points in the full sample and by 27.5 percentage points on average among compliers. The training also reduces the incidence of gender-based violence by 5.4 percentage points (30.5 percentage points among compliers). The paper assesses competing explanations for the impacts using a game-theoretic model based on Hirschman's Exit, Voice, and Loyalty framework. The effects are achieved through early border crossings at unofficial hours (exit) instead of traders' use of voice mechanisms or reduced rent-seeking from border officials. These results highlight the need to improve governance and establish clear cross-border trade regulations, particularly on the DRC side of the border.
{"title":"Up Before Dawn: Experimental Evidence from a Cross-Border Trader Training at the Democratic Republic of Congo? Rwanda Border","authors":"K. Croke, Maria Elena Garcia Mora, Markus Goldstein, E. Mensah, Michael B. O'Sullivan","doi":"10.1596/1813-9450-9123","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1596/1813-9450-9123","url":null,"abstract":"Small-scale cross-border trade provides opportunities for economic gains in many developing countries. Yet cross-border traders -- many of whom are women -- face harassment and corruption, which can undermine these potential gains. This paper presents evidence from a randomized controlled trial of a training intervention that provided access to information on procedures, tariffs, and rights to small-scale traders to facilitate border crossings, lower corruption, and reduce gender-based violence along the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)–Rwanda border. The training reduces bribe payment by 5 percentage points in the full sample and by 27.5 percentage points on average among compliers. The training also reduces the incidence of gender-based violence by 5.4 percentage points (30.5 percentage points among compliers). The paper assesses competing explanations for the impacts using a game-theoretic model based on Hirschman's Exit, Voice, and Loyalty framework. The effects are achieved through early border crossings at unofficial hours (exit) instead of traders' use of voice mechanisms or reduced rent-seeking from border officials. These results highlight the need to improve governance and establish clear cross-border trade regulations, particularly on the DRC side of the border.","PeriodicalId":169556,"journal":{"name":"Culture Area Studies eJournal","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121393697","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Nepal has been characterized as a country that has grappled over the years in attempting “to manage its diverse population, its powerful neighbors and its topographical extremes.” This context informed, pushed and pulled the space within which Nepali women have attempted to secure complete and total equity and empowerment. Scholars examining gender-based discrimination have all articulated a salient and seminal point on the violence against women – “as one of the most pervasive forms of human rights violations across the world.” With Nepal becoming a signatory to, and ratifying the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, as well as developed a National Action Plan in response to the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, it is warranted to examine how these international instruments have influenced and effectuated meaningful change. The purpose of this paper is to critically examine the landscape of the Nepali women’s experiences and realize an articulate and nuanced picture of where positive changes have been made and where progress remains. In order to achieve this detailed portrait reflective of the true realities that contextualize Nepali women’s experiences, this paper analyzes three important dimensions of the narrative: (1) the collective action, mobilization and contributions of Nepali women in the People’s War as combatants, in the peace process, and Interim Constitution Drafting; (2) the judicial setting and how international instruments have been leveraged; and (3) examining how Nepal’s diverse population and the varied intersectionalities juxtaposed against the work of NGOs led by elite Nepali women limit the achievement of total equity and empowerment for all women. Through this analysis and discussion, this paper will demonstrate that the voice of Nepali women is not a single voice. Instead, the voice of many women, affected by distinct and diverse intersectionalities, weave the Nepali Women’s Narrative. Hence, in order to appreciate the progress achieved and fundamentally understand the most effective way to improve and further secure equity and empowerment of women at all levels – cultural, social, economic and legal – we must apply a nuanced and discrete approach. While the marked improvements discussed in sections I and II seem monumental, an analysis that digs deep and goes below the surface uncovers findings that belies initial thoughts. Similarly, while small, slow, negotiated processes in smaller communities might not, on the surface, seem significant, scholars explain that such efforts are monumental in the objective of achieving complete and total peace, security and safety for all Nepali women. As the different spaces women occupy as delineated by their religion, economic status, and caste, among others, specifically inform their rights and restrictions to equal treatment, community-oriented and daily negotiations with men in day-to-day activities are a pivotal counterpa
{"title":"The Nepali Women’s Narrative on Peace, Security, Safety and Equal Treatment: The Voice of Many","authors":"Chloe-Lynn Chartouni","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3575209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3575209","url":null,"abstract":"Nepal has been characterized as a country that has grappled over the years in attempting “to manage its diverse population, its powerful neighbors and its topographical extremes.” This context informed, pushed and pulled the space within which Nepali women have attempted to secure complete and total equity and empowerment. Scholars examining gender-based discrimination have all articulated a salient and seminal point on the violence against women – “as one of the most pervasive forms of human rights violations across the world.” With Nepal becoming a signatory to, and ratifying the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, as well as developed a National Action Plan in response to the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, it is warranted to examine how these international instruments have influenced and effectuated meaningful change. \u0000 \u0000The purpose of this paper is to critically examine the landscape of the Nepali women’s experiences and realize an articulate and nuanced picture of where positive changes have been made and where progress remains. In order to achieve this detailed portrait reflective of the true realities that contextualize Nepali women’s experiences, this paper analyzes three important dimensions of the narrative: (1) the collective action, mobilization and contributions of Nepali women in the People’s War as combatants, in the peace process, and Interim Constitution Drafting; (2) the judicial setting and how international instruments have been leveraged; and (3) examining how Nepal’s diverse population and the varied intersectionalities juxtaposed against the work of NGOs led by elite Nepali women limit the achievement of total equity and empowerment for all women. \u0000 \u0000Through this analysis and discussion, this paper will demonstrate that the voice of Nepali women is not a single voice. Instead, the voice of many women, affected by distinct and diverse intersectionalities, weave the Nepali Women’s Narrative. Hence, in order to appreciate the progress achieved and fundamentally understand the most effective way to improve and further secure equity and empowerment of women at all levels – cultural, social, economic and legal – we must apply a nuanced and discrete approach. While the marked improvements discussed in sections I and II seem monumental, an analysis that digs deep and goes below the surface uncovers findings that belies initial thoughts. Similarly, while small, slow, negotiated processes in smaller communities might not, on the surface, seem significant, scholars explain that such efforts are monumental in the objective of achieving complete and total peace, security and safety for all Nepali women. As the different spaces women occupy as delineated by their religion, economic status, and caste, among others, specifically inform their rights and restrictions to equal treatment, community-oriented and daily negotiations with men in day-to-day activities are a pivotal counterpa","PeriodicalId":169556,"journal":{"name":"Culture Area Studies eJournal","volume":"163 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127922921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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