Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-4
O. Potiekhin
The article deals with the interaction between Ukraine and NATO in the context of russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. It is worth noting that Ukraine and the Alliance are already paving the way to closer ties, as determined by the logic of war. The focus is on strengthening bilateral contacts and forging regional alliances by means of Ukrainian diplomacy. Therefore, the author highlights the role of individual member states of NATO and the organisation as a whole in helping Ukraine in the military, humanitarian, and economic spheres. Ukraine’s membership in NATO would be a reliable guarantee of the security of our state. At the same time, the author mentions the prospects of the security alliance of the United Kingdom, Poland, and Ukraine with the possible participation of the Baltic states in pursuit of European stability. Russia presents a threat to world security considering its nuclear and energy potential. Nevertheless, the author also offers an insight into the controversial views and pro-russian sentiments of foreign analysts regarding the russian full-scale attack on Ukraine and future world order and stability. Some mentioned analysts are displacing the focus to justify the russian invasion and provide narratives for the sake of russian propaganda. The author determines the main provisions of the NATO 2022 Strategic Concept on the partner countries of the Alliance, approved at the Madrid Summit. The steps that the North Atlantic Alliance must take to become an effective player in international stability in Europe are listed. The conclusion comes up as follows: if these measures are not taken, NATO as an organisation for overcoming the problems of international security and deterring the aggressor will be comparable in effectiveness to the OSCE and the UN. Keywords: russo-Ukrainian war, NATO, cooperation, security, stability.
{"title":"NATO and the Full-Scale Invasion of the russian federation of Ukraine","authors":"O. Potiekhin","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2022-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-4","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the interaction between Ukraine and NATO in the context of russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. It is worth noting that Ukraine and the Alliance are already paving the way to closer ties, as determined by the logic of war. The focus is on strengthening bilateral contacts and forging regional alliances by means of Ukrainian diplomacy. Therefore, the author highlights the role of individual member states of NATO and the organisation as a whole in helping Ukraine in the military, humanitarian, and economic spheres. Ukraine’s membership in NATO would be a reliable guarantee of the security of our state. At the same time, the author mentions the prospects of the security alliance of the United Kingdom, Poland, and Ukraine with the possible participation of the Baltic states in pursuit of European stability.\u0000Russia presents a threat to world security considering its nuclear and energy potential. Nevertheless, the author also offers an insight into the controversial views and pro-russian sentiments of foreign analysts regarding the russian full-scale attack on Ukraine and future world order and stability. Some mentioned analysts are displacing the focus to justify the russian invasion and provide narratives for the sake of russian propaganda.\u0000The author determines the main provisions of the NATO 2022 Strategic Concept on the partner countries of the Alliance, approved at the Madrid Summit. The steps that the North Atlantic Alliance must take to become an effective player in international stability in Europe are listed. The conclusion comes up as follows: if these measures are not taken, NATO as an organisation for overcoming the problems of international security and deterring the aggressor will be comparable in effectiveness to the OSCE and the UN.\u0000Keywords: russo-Ukrainian war, NATO, cooperation, security, stability.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"161 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133189718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-4
A. Kudriachenko
Abstract. Summing up the modern course of events regarding political leadership in Germany and on the basis of activities of eight chancellors, the author contends the following: The decisive factor in ascension to the political Olympus is the affiliation with either of the two parties, the SPD or the CDU/CSU union, with the nominee’s leadership qualities and political acumen playing an essential role. Even if these conditions are met, the contender’s choice of situation and time where these qualities would be sought after is quite important. It was the political developments of a certain historical era that became an imperative for some politicians to take the reins of power and use them to the full extent. Indeed, at turning points in the history of the Federal Republic, the most crucial decisions were prepared at the German Chancellery and made unilaterally by the chancellor. The author of the article emphasises that chance cannot be ruled out. To become a successful leader in Germany, the much-needed person must be in the right place at the right time. Proof of that is the example of German federal chancellors. The political landscape, democratic footing, and well-structured state and political set-up have enabled only two political parties, the CDU/CSU and the SPD, to nominate from their ranks those who could become national leaders of their historical epoch. The basis of ‘chancellor democracy’ as a system of state and political power has never impeded but enabled such ascension for outstanding personalities. Quite a few of them have become some sort of fathers of the nation. Able leadership that has benefited national interests and fitted into the plane of German development prospects has defined the personal success of both political figures and public officials of national scope. Keywords: Federal Republic of Germany, federal chancellor, political landscape, SPD, CDU/CSU.
{"title":"The Fulfillment of Nationwide Interests of Post-War Germany in the Dimension of ‘Chancellor Democracy’","authors":"A. Kudriachenko","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2021-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-4","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. Summing up the modern course of events regarding political leadership in Germany and on the basis of activities of eight chancellors, the author contends the following: The decisive factor in ascension to the political Olympus is the affiliation with either of the two parties, the SPD or the CDU/CSU union, with the nominee’s leadership qualities and political acumen playing an essential role. Even if these conditions are met, the contender’s choice of situation and time where these qualities would be sought after is quite important. It was the political developments of a certain historical era that became an imperative for some politicians to take the reins of power and use them to the full extent. Indeed, at turning points in the history of the Federal Republic, the most crucial decisions were prepared at the German Chancellery and made unilaterally by the chancellor. The author of the article emphasises that chance cannot be ruled out. To become a successful leader in Germany, the much-needed person must be in the right place at the right time. Proof of that is the example of German federal chancellors.\u0000The political landscape, democratic footing, and well-structured state and political set-up have enabled only two political parties, the CDU/CSU and the SPD, to nominate from their ranks those who could become national leaders of their historical epoch. The basis of ‘chancellor democracy’ as a system of state and political power has never impeded but enabled such ascension for outstanding personalities. Quite a few of them have become some sort of fathers of the nation. Able leadership that has benefited national interests and fitted into the plane of German development prospects has defined the personal success of both political figures and public officials of national scope.\u0000Keywords: Federal Republic of Germany, federal chancellor, political landscape, SPD, CDU/CSU.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115437818","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-6
Elena Leticia Mikusinski
{"title":"Activities of the Embassy of the Argentine Republic in Ukraine","authors":"Elena Leticia Mikusinski","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2022-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-6","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114422396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-10
Yurii Bohaievsky, Ihor Turianskyi
The article is dedicated to Heorhiy H. Shevel, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Soviet Ukraine from August of 1970 to November of 1980.The authors presented sincere recollections about this well known person, under whose leadership they began their diplomatic service that lasted for several decades. The decision to share those memories with readers of Diplomatic Ukraine was prompted by the fact that on May 9 this year was Mr. Shevel`s 100 anniversary. Unfortunately, neither the researchers of the history of Ukrainian diplomacy, nor those in charge of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Diplomatic Academy paid the necessary tribute to this event. The authors of the article focus on the fact that with no previous experience in foreign policy matters Mr. Shevel managed in the conditions of a totalitarian Soviet system to realize important ideas in the interests of the Ukrainian diplomatic service and its development. From the very start of his duties as Minister of Foreign Affairs he undertook many practical steps to promote and improve the professional skills of his subordinates, to ensure their perfect command of foreign languages and to provide the Ministry`s staff and Ukraine`s permanent missions at the United Nations in New York, UNESCO in Paris and at other international organizations with a skilled personnel. Moreover, despite essential dependence on the policy of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Shevel also succeeded in ensuring more visible results of participation of the Ukrainian SSR in the activities of the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe and in the International Labour Organization. During his term as Minister for Foreign Affairs, representatives of the Ukrainian SSR were elected 37 times to the governing bodies of various international organizations, their sessions and conferences. As an evidence of substantial resurgence of Ukrainian diplomacy of the said period is the fact that the Ukrainian SSR also signed and ratified 64 multilateral international documents. Minister Shevel also paid particular attention to establishing Ukraine`s image abroad as one of the original members of the United Nations, by promoting its achievements in scientific, cultural and humanitarian fields, as well as to strengthening ties with Ukrainian communities in various foreign countries. This very important component of its work the Ministry of Foreign Affairs accomplished in close cooperation with two public organizations – the Society for ties with Ukrainians abroad (Society Ukraina) and the Ukrainian Society for friendship and cultural relations with foreign countries. Minister H. Shevel was also the initiator of the construction in Kyiv of several buildings to locate Consulates–General of Eastern-European states. Nowadays, these buildings are used by diplomatic missions of respective foreign states accredited in independent Ukraine. The authors of the reviewed article are confident that despite various fabricated and often unfou
本文谨献给1970年8月至1980年11月担任前苏联乌克兰外交部长的Heorhiy H. Shevel。作者真诚地回忆了这位知名人士，在他的领导下，他们开始了长达几十年的外交服务。今年5月9日是舍维尔先生诞辰100周年，促使我决定与《外交乌克兰》的读者分享这些回忆。不幸的是，无论是乌克兰外交史的研究人员，还是外交部和外交学院的负责人，都没有对这一事件表示必要的敬意。这篇文章的作者着重指出，在没有外交政策事务经验的情况下，谢维尔先生设法在苏维埃极权制度的条件下实现了有利于乌克兰外交部门及其发展的重要思想。从担任外交部长一开始，他就采取了许多实际步骤，以促进和提高其下属的专业技能，确保他们完全掌握外语，并为外交部工作人员和乌克兰在纽约联合国、巴黎教科文组织和其他国际组织的常驻代表团提供熟练的人员。此外，尽管在本质上依赖于苏联外交部的政策，舍维尔先生还成功地确保了乌克兰苏维埃社会主义共和国参加联合国欧洲经济委员会和国际劳工组织的活动所取得的更明显的成果。在他担任外交部长期间，乌克兰苏维埃社会主义共和国的代表37次当选为各国际组织的理事机构及其届会和会议的成员。乌克兰苏维埃社会主义共和国还签署和批准了64份多边国际文件，这是上述时期乌克兰外交大幅复苏的证据。谢维尔部长还特别注意通过促进乌克兰在科学、文化和人道主义领域的成就，以及加强与各国乌克兰社区的联系，树立乌克兰作为联合国创始成员国之一的形象。外交部在与两个公共组织- -与海外乌克兰人联系协会(乌克兰协会)和乌克兰与外国友好和文化关系协会- -密切合作下完成了其工作的这一非常重要的组成部分。谢维尔部长也是在基辅建造东欧国家总领事馆的几幢大楼的发起者。如今，这些建筑被各自在独立的乌克兰认可的外国外交使团使用。所审查文章的作者相信，尽管关于苏联时期乌克兰外交的各种捏造的和往往是毫无根据的结论，但无可辩驳的事实是，在谢维尔部长任职期间，乌克兰外交获得并加强了必要的实际经验和专业外交技能。因此，他们无可争辩地支持几年前一位国家外交史研究人员的结论，即“把上世纪70年代视为乌克兰外交政策办公室白白逝去的年代是不正确的”。自1989年7月17日Heorhiy H. Shevel英年早逝以来，已经过去了30年。他是他那个时代的人，在实际上有限的范围内履行外交部长的高度负责的职责，同时他也是一个独特而非凡的人。作为这样一个人物，他将永远留在所有熟悉他并有机会在他的管理下工作的人的记忆中。这篇文章的作者强调，因为记忆首先意味着不忘记过去的能力。他们说，这是当前这一代乌克兰外交官必须牢记并永远不要忘记的。关键词:外交部，乌克兰外交，外交政策，国际组织，外交服务，记忆。
{"title":"His Contribution to the Development of Ukrainian Diplomacy should not be forgotten","authors":"Yurii Bohaievsky, Ihor Turianskyi","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-10","url":null,"abstract":"The article is dedicated to Heorhiy H. Shevel, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Soviet Ukraine from August of 1970 to November of 1980.The authors presented sincere recollections about this well known person, under whose leadership they began their diplomatic service that lasted for several decades.\u0000The decision to share those memories with readers of Diplomatic Ukraine was prompted by the fact that on May 9 this year was Mr. Shevel`s 100 anniversary. Unfortunately, neither the researchers of the history of Ukrainian diplomacy, nor those in charge of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Diplomatic Academy paid the necessary tribute to this event.\u0000The authors of the article focus on the fact that with no previous experience in foreign policy matters Mr. Shevel managed in the conditions of a totalitarian Soviet system to realize important ideas in the interests of the Ukrainian diplomatic service and its development.\u0000From the very start of his duties as Minister of Foreign Affairs he undertook many practical steps to promote and improve the professional skills of his subordinates, to ensure their perfect command of foreign languages and to provide the Ministry`s staff and Ukraine`s permanent missions at the United Nations in New York, UNESCO in Paris and at other international organizations with a skilled personnel. Moreover, despite essential dependence on the policy of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Shevel also succeeded in ensuring more visible results of participation of the Ukrainian SSR in the activities of the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe and in the International Labour Organization.\u0000During his term as Minister for Foreign Affairs, representatives of the Ukrainian SSR were elected 37 times to the governing bodies of various international organizations, their sessions and conferences. As an evidence of substantial resurgence of Ukrainian diplomacy of the said period is the fact that the Ukrainian SSR also signed and ratified 64 multilateral international documents.\u0000Minister Shevel also paid particular attention to establishing Ukraine`s image abroad as one of the original members of the United Nations, by promoting its achievements in scientific, cultural and humanitarian fields, as well as to strengthening ties with Ukrainian communities in various foreign countries. This very important component of its work the Ministry of Foreign Affairs accomplished in close cooperation with two public organizations – the Society for ties with Ukrainians abroad (Society Ukraina) and the Ukrainian Society for friendship and cultural relations with foreign countries.\u0000Minister H. Shevel was also the initiator of the construction in Kyiv of several buildings to locate Consulates–General of Eastern-European states. Nowadays, these buildings are used by diplomatic missions of respective foreign states accredited in independent Ukraine.\u0000The authors of the reviewed article are confident that despite various fabricated and often unfou","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114489552","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-41
V. Konstantynov
The article examines China’s policy in Eastern Europe within the framework of the ‘Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)’. The level of Ukraine’s involvement in the cooperation within the framework of this initiative and China’s policy in general is analyzed. It is stressed that in recent years, the ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative is not only economic but also political and security project of China. The main purpose of the initiative is to consolidate the role of Beijing as one of the leaders in the modern world. It is noted that Europe is becoming increasingly important in China’s foreign policy. How-ever, in this region, it cannot use the usual strategy of wielding its influence, worked out in Asia and Africa. Therefore, Central and Eastern Europe, new EU members and candidate countries are considered as objects for spreading Chinese influence in the Old World. The article identifies the principal reasons for Beijing’s particular attention to Central and Eastern Europe. The main one is the relative weakness of state and political institutions and their vulnerability to financial and political instruments of the spread of Chinese influence. Also, the importance of the European Union as a market for Chinese goods continues to grow, therefore making the transit through the territory of the Eastern European countries increasingly important for Beijing. The significance of the ‘16+1’ format on the formation of a specific role of China in the region is considered. It is argued that the formal ground of the absence of Ukraine in the Chinese strategy in Central and Eastern Europe is that our state is not involved in the ‘16+1’ format. However, bilateral relations with Ukraine do not differ from those with Central and Eastern European countries. An important factor is the lack of Ukraine’s influence on political decisions of the EU, which is the main criterion for China. This accounts for the insufficient level of Ukraine’s involvement in the cooperation within the framework of the ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative. Keywords: ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative, the People’s Republic of China, Eastern Europe, European Union, Ukraine, politics.
{"title":"Eastern Europe in the Policy of ‘Belt And Road’: Is There a Place for Ukraine?","authors":"V. Konstantynov","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-41","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-41","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines China’s policy in Eastern Europe within the framework of the ‘Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)’. The level of Ukraine’s involvement in the cooperation within the framework of this initiative and China’s policy in general is analyzed.\u0000It is stressed that in recent years, the ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative is not only economic but also political and security project of China. The main purpose of the initiative is to consolidate the role of Beijing as one of the leaders in the modern world.\u0000It is noted that Europe is becoming increasingly important in China’s foreign policy. How-ever, in this region, it cannot use the usual strategy of wielding its influence, worked out in Asia and Africa. Therefore, Central and Eastern Europe, new EU members and candidate countries are considered as objects for spreading Chinese influence in the Old World.\u0000The article identifies the principal reasons for Beijing’s particular attention to Central and Eastern Europe. The main one is the relative weakness of state and political institutions and their vulnerability to financial and political instruments of the spread of Chinese influence. Also, the importance of the European Union as a market for Chinese goods continues to grow, therefore making the transit through the territory of the Eastern European countries increasingly important for Beijing. The significance of the ‘16+1’ format on the formation of a specific role of China in the region is considered.\u0000It is argued that the formal ground of the absence of Ukraine in the Chinese strategy in Central and Eastern Europe is that our state is not involved in the ‘16+1’ format. However, bilateral relations with Ukraine do not differ from those with Central and Eastern European countries. An important factor is the lack of Ukraine’s influence on political decisions of the EU, which is the main criterion for China. This accounts for the insufficient level of Ukraine’s involvement in the cooperation within the framework of the ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative.\u0000Keywords: ‘Belt and Road’ Initiative, the People’s Republic of China, Eastern Europe, European Union, Ukraine, politics.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117104498","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-31
I. Nahorniak
In 2019, as a result of election processes, the political leadership of both Ukraine and the EU changed. The first diplomatic contacts of the newly elected leaders augured an ambitious agenda of bilateral relations. On his first visit to Brussels, President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy confirmed the irreversibility of the country’s course towards European and Euro-Atlantic integration and noted the essential role of the EU in supporting the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine. In turn, the newly elected European Commission led by Ursula von Der Leyen called itself a ‘geopolitical’ Commission, which gave hope for the intensification of EU integration policy in the region and a more proactive position in the fight against Russian aggression. This article is an attempt to analyse the trend and results of the political dialogue between Ukraine and the EU in the period from June 2019 to April 2021. It also seeks to answer the question of what has been achieved and what agenda the current authorities in Kyiv and Brussels should promote in order to bring stability to Eastern Europe and the socioeconomic development to Ukraine, particularly in the context of renewing the Association Agreement. The author concludes by noting that within the framework of the post-pandemic recovery and the long-term EU budget for 2021–2027, EU member states will receive €1.8 trillion in support of socioeconomic development and ‘green’ transformation. This may lead to the widening of the already significant development gap between our country and the EU, thus making Ukraine’s European integration next to impossible unless its partners provide major assistance or an unexpected economic breakthrough takes place. It is also argued that 2021 and 2022 are going to be decisive, as it is during this period that the EU is expected to promulgate its political and normative documents defining Ukraine’s place in its ‘open strategic autonomy’ and the European Green Deal. Keywords: EU, European integration, Eastern Partnership, Association Agreement, renewal of the Agreement, European Neighbourhood Policy.
{"title":"Ukrainian Diplomacy and the EU: Going beyond Association","authors":"I. Nahorniak","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2021-31","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-31","url":null,"abstract":"In 2019, as a result of election processes, the political leadership of both Ukraine and the EU changed. The first diplomatic contacts of the newly elected leaders augured an ambitious agenda of bilateral relations. On his first visit to Brussels, President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy confirmed the irreversibility of the country’s course towards European and Euro-Atlantic integration and noted the essential role of the EU in supporting the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine. In turn, the newly elected European Commission led by Ursula von Der Leyen called itself a ‘geopolitical’ Commission, which gave hope for the intensification of EU integration policy in the region and a more proactive position in the fight against Russian aggression.\u0000This article is an attempt to analyse the trend and results of the political dialogue between Ukraine and the EU in the period from June 2019 to April 2021. It also seeks to answer the question of what has been achieved and what agenda the current authorities in Kyiv and Brussels should promote in order to bring stability to Eastern Europe and the socioeconomic development to Ukraine, particularly in the context of renewing the Association Agreement.\u0000The author concludes by noting that within the framework of the post-pandemic recovery and the long-term EU budget for 2021–2027, EU member states will receive €1.8 trillion in support of socioeconomic development and ‘green’ transformation. This may lead to the widening of the already significant development gap between our country and the EU, thus making Ukraine’s European integration next to impossible unless its partners provide major assistance or an unexpected economic breakthrough takes place. It is also argued that 2021 and 2022 are going to be decisive, as it is during this period that the EU is expected to promulgate its political and normative documents defining Ukraine’s place in its ‘open strategic autonomy’ and the European Green Deal.\u0000Keywords: EU, European integration, Eastern Partnership, Association Agreement, renewal of the Agreement, European Neighbourhood Policy.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124009399","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2020-37
O. Motsyk
The article describes international sanctions against the Russian Federation as an instrument of pressure and punishment for its aggression against Ukraine and other international crimes. The author asserts that sanctions are used to enforce international legal norms when all voluntary conciliation measures of resolving a conflict caused by an international delinquency are exhausted. The Russian aggression endangered the whole European security architecture formed after World War II with the meaningful participation of the US, European countries, and Moscow, then the Soviet Union. As Ambassador of Ukraine to the USA in 2010–15, the author of the article worked in 2014 with his American colleagues from the State Department, National Security Council, Pentagon, and US Department of the Treasury on the provision of support to Ukraine and imposition of sanctions on Russia. Appeals to exert pressure on Russia to stop its intervention and to provide assistance to Ukraine were also addressed to the UN, other international organisations, and financial institutions. More than 40 states have joined the anti-Russian sanctions. The author underscores that sanctions can in no case be reduced; rather, they should made tougher until Russia withdraws its troops Ukraine and stops flagrantly violating international law. If Western states have a unified position and political will, Russia will be compelled to respect the international order and security system formed by the international community after World War II, particularly in Europe. The author emphasises that despite the importance of sanctions, it is not until Ukraine has a robust economy, consistent alignment with Europe, European values, and a powerful military that it will regain control over the occupied Donbas and Crimea. Keywords: international sanctions, Russian Federation, Donbas, Crimea, security system, law and order.
{"title":"International Sanctions against the Russian Federation: An Instrument of Pressure and Punishment for Its Aggression against Ukraine and Other International Crimes","authors":"O. Motsyk","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2020-37","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-37","url":null,"abstract":"The article describes international sanctions against the Russian Federation as an instrument of pressure and punishment for its aggression against Ukraine and other international crimes. The author asserts that sanctions are used to enforce international legal norms when all voluntary conciliation measures of resolving a conflict caused by an international delinquency are exhausted. The Russian aggression endangered the whole European security architecture formed after World War II with the meaningful participation of the US, European countries, and Moscow, then the Soviet Union.\u0000As Ambassador of Ukraine to the USA in 2010–15, the author of the article worked in 2014 with his American colleagues from the State Department, National Security Council, Pentagon, and US Department of the Treasury on the provision of support to Ukraine and imposition of sanctions on Russia. Appeals to exert pressure on Russia to stop its intervention and to provide assistance to Ukraine were also addressed to the UN, other international organisations, and financial institutions. More than 40 states have joined the anti-Russian sanctions.\u0000The author underscores that sanctions can in no case be reduced; rather, they should made tougher until Russia withdraws its troops Ukraine and stops flagrantly violating international law. If Western states have a unified position and political will, Russia will be compelled to respect the international order and security system formed by the international community after World War II, particularly in Europe.\u0000The author emphasises that despite the importance of sanctions, it is not until Ukraine has a robust economy, consistent alignment with Europe, European values, and a powerful military that it will regain control over the occupied Donbas and Crimea.\u0000Keywords: international sanctions, Russian Federation, Donbas, Crimea, security system, law and order.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129228408","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-50
V. Andrushchenko
{"title":"A review of the monograph by S. Pyrozhkov and S. Khamitov Civilisational Agency of Ukraine: From Potentialities to New Outlook and Human Existence","authors":"V. Andrushchenko","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2021-50","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-50","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126544510","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-57
Yurii Bohaievsky
In the article, the author analyses the book of memoirs of a veteran of the diplomatic service, Volodymyr Chornyi. “The siege from Pereiaslav to this day” – under this significant name, with the assistance of the Directorate-General for Rendering Services to Foreign Missions and the creative team of the Advertising and Publishing Department of the “Mediacenter” Directorate, the long-awaited book was published. The book presents author’s reflections on the difficult past and present not only of our Ukraine and its people, but also of an individual who has suffered and cooled down over many years. The author claims that this work of his colleague is impossible to read without accompanying personal reflections and memories. It is noted that the book started with a story about Volodymyr Chornyi’s native village – Ivanhorod in Cherkasy region – which then goes into the context of Ukrainian history. The book contains many unknown or little-known facts. The author claims that the book pays great attention to the sad and tragic periods of social life in Ukraine in different years – wars and famines. Volodymyr Chornyi also mentions the negative consequences of a strategic partnership with post-Soviet Russia. It is noted that under the leadership of the current President, the Russian Federation is increasingly becoming an outspoken successor of the totalitarian ideology of the former Soviet “Evil Empire”. The author of the article described the publication as a collection of memoirs, interviews and documents about the Soviet reality from the personal Latvian, Kazakh and Yakut experience of the author of the book. It is important that the book presents for the first time all available lists of victims of political repression, the Second World War and the Holodomor of 1932-1933. It is mentioned that the lead in the story has an opinion about the extremely important role of parents in everything that the author has achieved over the long years of his life. He dedicated this book to them and his countrymen. Keywords: Volodymyr Chornyi, memories, Ukraine, World War II, Holodomor.
{"title":"The Siege. From Pereiaslav to the Present","authors":"Yurii Bohaievsky","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-57","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-57","url":null,"abstract":"In the article, the author analyses the book of memoirs of a veteran of the diplomatic service, Volodymyr Chornyi. “The siege from Pereiaslav to this day” – under this significant name, with the assistance of the Directorate-General for Rendering Services to Foreign Missions and the creative team of the Advertising and Publishing Department of the “Mediacenter” Directorate, the long-awaited book was published. The book presents author’s reflections on the difficult past and present not only of our Ukraine and its people, but also of an individual who has suffered and cooled down over many years.\u0000The author claims that this work of his colleague is impossible to read without accompanying personal reflections and memories. It is noted that the book started with a story about Volodymyr Chornyi’s native village – Ivanhorod in Cherkasy region – which then goes into the context of Ukrainian history. The book contains many unknown or little-known facts.\u0000The author claims that the book pays great attention to the sad and tragic periods of social life in Ukraine in different years – wars and famines. Volodymyr Chornyi also mentions the negative consequences of a strategic partnership with post-Soviet Russia. It is noted that under the leadership of the current President, the Russian Federation is increasingly becoming an outspoken successor of the totalitarian ideology of the former Soviet “Evil Empire”.\u0000The author of the article described the publication as a collection of memoirs, interviews and documents about the Soviet reality from the personal Latvian, Kazakh and Yakut experience of the author of the book. It is important that the book presents for the first time all available lists of victims of political repression, the Second World War and the Holodomor of 1932-1933.\u0000It is mentioned that the lead in the story has an opinion about the extremely important role of parents in everything that the author has achieved over the long years of his life. He dedicated this book to them and his countrymen.\u0000Keywords: Volodymyr Chornyi, memories, Ukraine, World War II, Holodomor.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121378707","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-49
V. Andrushchenko
The article deals with the characteristics of the national education system, its transformation and development from the time of Rus to modern times. Despite the influence of other states, the spiritual core of Ukrainian education has always been Ukrainian cultural and historical tradition, the struggle for the revival and development of which in all historical times was defined as the main vector of spiritual development of the nation. The article states that the Ukrainian ‘pedagogical matrix’ in the Hetmanate and Slobozhanshchyna from the second half of the 17th to the end of the 18th century was up-held and developed by the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Chernihiv and Kharkiv Collegiums, Pereyaslavl and Glukhiv Seminaries. Later on, Dnipro Ukraine saw the inauguration of historical educational courses at Kharkiv, Kyiv and Odessa Universities. Despite a number of negative factors, traditional folk culture and education have never receded from the cultural and educational space. It is noted that the educational level in Ukraine ranks among the highest in Central and Eastern Europe. Among the features that distinguish the ‘pedagogical matrix’ of Ukrainian education, the author highlights, first of all, the familiarization with fundamental human values. The educational system appears to be enlightening, natural and humane to form an integrated human being. The article also provides a detailed elaboration of the understanding of the Ukrainian educational system by such historical figures as V. Sukhomlynskyi and V. Shynkaruk. The author analyses the influence of the Bologna Process on the ‘pedagogical matrix’ of Ukrainian education. As a result, there was an increase in the latter’s quality, reliability and competitiveness of specialists, primarily in the economic, political and sociocultural space. However, Ukrainian education has retained its identity. It has remained Ukrainian – highly spiritual and sacred, humane, folk and family-like, patriotic and moral in all human dimensions. Then author raises the question of the need for education, spirituality and morality, which are brought up for success, career and comfortable existence, which he answers in the affirmative. Given modern challenges, the main segments of preparation for independent life should be provided with the means of education and upbringing. Among these segments there are knowledge, competence and value formation. In addition, importance is attached to the significance of spiritual growth for the formation of personality. Keywords: person, education, culture, upbringing, national idea, pedagogical matrix.
{"title":"Ukrainian Education in the European Space","authors":"V. Andrushchenko","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-49","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-49","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the characteristics of the national education system, its transformation and development from the time of Rus to modern times. Despite the influence of other states, the spiritual core of Ukrainian education has always been Ukrainian cultural and historical tradition, the struggle for the revival and development of which in all historical times was defined as the main vector of spiritual development of the nation.\u0000The article states that the Ukrainian ‘pedagogical matrix’ in the Hetmanate and Slobozhanshchyna from the second half of the 17th to the end of the 18th century was up-held and developed by the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Chernihiv and Kharkiv Collegiums, Pereyaslavl and Glukhiv Seminaries. Later on, Dnipro Ukraine saw the inauguration of historical educational courses at Kharkiv, Kyiv and Odessa Universities. Despite a number of negative factors, traditional folk culture and education have never receded from the cultural and educational space. It is noted that the educational level in Ukraine ranks among the highest in Central and Eastern Europe. Among the features that distinguish the ‘pedagogical matrix’ of Ukrainian education, the author highlights, first of all, the familiarization with fundamental human values. The educational system appears to be enlightening, natural and humane to form an integrated human being. The article also provides a detailed elaboration of the understanding of the Ukrainian educational system by such historical figures as V. Sukhomlynskyi and V. Shynkaruk.\u0000The author analyses the influence of the Bologna Process on the ‘pedagogical matrix’ of Ukrainian education. As a result, there was an increase in the latter’s quality, reliability and competitiveness of specialists, primarily in the economic, political and sociocultural space. However, Ukrainian education has retained its identity. It has remained Ukrainian – highly spiritual and sacred, humane, folk and family-like, patriotic and moral in all human dimensions.\u0000Then author raises the question of the need for education, spirituality and morality, which are brought up for success, career and comfortable existence, which he answers in the affirmative. Given modern challenges, the main segments of preparation for independent life should be provided with the means of education and upbringing. Among these segments there are knowledge, competence and value formation. In addition, importance is attached to the significance of spiritual growth for the formation of personality.\u0000Keywords: person, education, culture, upbringing, national idea, pedagogical matrix.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"76 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122590450","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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