Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-30
Volodymyr Ohryzko
The article analyses the historical, geographical, and cultural factors that influenced the formation of the Russian mentality. The author proves that the society forms the rules of coexistence – this is how the legal and ethical framework is formed, on which development is based. At that time, the socio-economic situation of the Finno-Ugric tribes that lived on the territory of the future Moscovia was historically marked by several hundred years of vassalage from the Golden Horde. Historical development and culture also significantly influenced the existence of peoples. Potential threats to the dualistic position of Western politicians who condemn Russia’s aggression in Eastern Ukraine and at the same time emphasize the need to “maintain communication” with Russia, despite the economic advantages of the Russian market’s accessibility for large businesses. The concept of “Russian policy” of Ukraine is proposed, which is more adequate to meet modern challenges. It is recommended to recognize that relations with Russia on an equal basis are impossible; to minimize all existing economic interaction with the aggressor country; to form and implement a Ukrainian-centric humanitarian policy; eliminate the influence of Russia’s “fifth column” in Ukraine. The author of the article notes that Ukrainian foreign policy (and “Russian policy” as its important component) will become successful when we are consolidated, unified, and self-sufficient. It will be possible to implement the above only if the new government demonstrates transparency, responsibility and commitment to the principles of civilized governance, when it testifies with real steps that it is the Ukrainian government. Ukraine and the collective West should finally decide whether to remain hostage to the policy of an inadequate Kremlin, or work on their secure future. Keywords: Russia, Finno-Ugric tribes, “Russian policy” of Ukraine, deterrence policy.
{"title":"The Name of the Russian Game","authors":"Volodymyr Ohryzko","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-30","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-30","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyses the historical, geographical, and cultural factors that influenced the formation of the Russian mentality. The author proves that the society forms the rules of coexistence – this is how the legal and ethical framework is formed, on which development is based. At that time, the socio-economic situation of the Finno-Ugric tribes that lived on the territory of the future Moscovia was historically marked by several hundred years of vassalage from the Golden Horde. Historical development and culture also significantly influenced the existence of peoples.\u0000Potential threats to the dualistic position of Western politicians who condemn Russia’s aggression in Eastern Ukraine and at the same time emphasize the need to “maintain communication” with Russia, despite the economic advantages of the Russian market’s accessibility for large businesses. The concept of “Russian policy” of Ukraine is proposed, which is more adequate to meet modern challenges. It is recommended to recognize that relations with Russia on an equal basis are impossible; to minimize all existing economic interaction with the aggressor country; to form and implement a Ukrainian-centric humanitarian policy; eliminate the influence of Russia’s “fifth column” in Ukraine.\u0000The author of the article notes that Ukrainian foreign policy (and “Russian policy” as its important component) will become successful when we are consolidated, unified, and self-sufficient. It will be possible to implement the above only if the new government demonstrates transparency, responsibility and commitment to the principles of civilized governance, when it testifies with real steps that it is the Ukrainian government.\u0000Ukraine and the collective West should finally decide whether to remain hostage to the policy of an inadequate Kremlin, or work on their secure future.\u0000Keywords: Russia, Finno-Ugric tribes, “Russian policy” of Ukraine, deterrence policy.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"2009 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125983693","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-23
S. Zdioruk, M. Palinchak
The factors of ethnicity and religion are the foundation of the national identity as seen across the peoples of our planet. Amid the russian war against Ukraine, the factors behind the formation and reinforcement of national identity have gained particular importance. Among those, religion occupies a distinct role; hence, in the modern age of cutting-edge scientific and technological advances of humanity, religion continues to have a colossal impact on virtually every facet of the functioning of society. Therefore, national identity also constitutes a potent driving force behind all social processes: politics, economy, culture, and, ultimately, warfare. That is why the national identity of the Ukrainian people as a whole and every individual Ukrainian is so vital and valuable. Ukraine faces an extraordinary threat emanating from religious organisations with headquarters in the territory of the aggressor state, russia. It is especially true in the case of the moscow patriarchate (MP), functioning in Ukraine under the designation of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC). Meanwhile, the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU) was one of the first to appeal to the international community and world religious leaders to help stop russian armed aggression. The OCU also disseminates truthful information about Ukraine, primarily abroad, through the channels of church diplomacy. Strengthening the identity of the Ukrainian nation and elimination of the imperial religious and ideological influence of the MP and russian eurasianism should be one of the priorities of the state security policy of Ukraine. Keywords: Ukraine, russian aggression, OCU, tomos, UOC.
{"title":"Influence of the moscow patriarchate on the National Identity in the Context of the russian War against Ukraine","authors":"S. Zdioruk, M. Palinchak","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2022-23","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-23","url":null,"abstract":"The factors of ethnicity and religion are the foundation of the national identity as seen across the peoples of our planet. Amid the russian war against Ukraine, the factors behind the formation and reinforcement of national identity have gained particular importance. Among those, religion occupies a distinct role; hence, in the modern age of cutting-edge scientific and technological advances of humanity, religion continues to have a colossal impact on virtually every facet of the functioning of society.\u0000Therefore, national identity also constitutes a potent driving force behind all social processes: politics, economy, culture, and, ultimately, warfare. That is why the national identity of the Ukrainian people as a whole and every individual Ukrainian is so vital and valuable. Ukraine faces an extraordinary threat emanating from religious organisations with headquarters in the territory of the aggressor state, russia. It is especially true in the case of the moscow patriarchate (MP), functioning in Ukraine under the designation of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC).\u0000Meanwhile, the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU) was one of the first to appeal to the international community and world religious leaders to help stop russian armed aggression. The OCU also disseminates truthful information about Ukraine, primarily abroad, through the channels of church diplomacy.\u0000Strengthening the identity of the Ukrainian nation and elimination of the imperial religious and ideological influence of the MP and russian eurasianism should be one of the priorities of the state security policy of Ukraine.\u0000Keywords: Ukraine, russian aggression, OCU, tomos, UOC.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"124 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121534832","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-30
{"title":"France in the Cultural Landscape of Ukraine","authors":"","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2021-30","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-30","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123223591","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-26
V. Soloshenko
The article highlights that the problem of restitution of cultural valuables lost in connection with World War II has been a matter of concern for humanity for many decades. Most European countries have no choice but to address such issues in order to move on from those tragic pages of history and discern crucial lessons for the future. The author reveals that the territories of European countries suffered such an unprecedented and total relocation of objects of culture, equivalents of which are hardly present in the recent history of European civilisation. It is proven that the issue of defending, preserving, and reclaiming cultural valuables stolen by the Nazis at the onset of and throughout World War II has been reinvented by German society. The paper highlights Germany’s considerable experience in overcoming the burden of the past. The article analyses the history of the creation and operation of the Munich Central Collecting Point. It outlines the interaction between American and German fellow art experts in the employ of Munich Central Institute of Art, which was overall positive. The author accentuates the problem of cultural valuables, which in the wake of World War II ended up scattered across the world, having been trafficked from Germany, Austria, Poland, Ukraine, etc., transported, or otherwise permanently lost. The contractual framework enabling the protection of cultural heritage is outlined, and the cases of recovery and restitution of cultural valuables transported or lost during World War II are showcased. The central problems impeding or limiting such recovery and restitution are discovered. Finally, the author analyses the German experience of recent decades in recovery and restitution of lost or illegally trafficked works along with the significance of that experience to Ukraine. Keywords: Munich Central Collecting Point, Germany, totalitarian past, Nazi policy, cultural valuables, restitution.
{"title":"Uniqueness of the Legacy of the Munich Central Collecting Point of the Defeated Germany (1945–9)","authors":"V. Soloshenko","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2022-26","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-26","url":null,"abstract":"The article highlights that the problem of restitution of cultural valuables lost in connection with World War II has been a matter of concern for humanity for many decades. Most European countries have no choice but to address such issues in order to move on from those tragic pages of history and discern crucial lessons for the future.\u0000The author reveals that the territories of European countries suffered such an unprecedented and total relocation of objects of culture, equivalents of which are hardly present in the recent history of European civilisation. It is proven that the issue of defending, preserving, and reclaiming cultural valuables stolen by the Nazis at the onset of and throughout World War II has been reinvented by German society. The paper highlights Germany’s considerable experience in overcoming the burden of the past.\u0000The article analyses the history of the creation and operation of the Munich Central Collecting Point. It outlines the interaction between American and German fellow art experts in the employ of Munich Central Institute of Art, which was overall positive. The author accentuates the problem of cultural valuables, which in the wake of World War II ended up scattered across the world, having been trafficked from Germany, Austria, Poland, Ukraine, etc., transported, or otherwise permanently lost. The contractual framework enabling the protection of cultural heritage is outlined, and the cases of recovery and restitution of cultural valuables transported or lost during World War II are showcased. The central problems impeding or limiting such recovery and restitution are discovered. Finally, the author analyses the German experience of recent decades in recovery and restitution of lost or illegally trafficked works along with the significance of that experience to Ukraine.\u0000Keywords: Munich Central Collecting Point, Germany, totalitarian past, Nazi policy, cultural valuables, restitution.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"26 10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131284967","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-27
The article analyses the difficulties and successes of the three-decade long process of development of the Republic of Azerbaijan in the context of post-Soviet transformations, which enabled the country to not only overcome the tremendous challenges and crises of the initial years of independence, but also set a course towards sustainable social and economic development. The author states that in the centre of it was the strategy of the national leader Heydar Aliyev on the consolidation of society and strengthening of stateinstitutions, combating separatism, and the implementation of economic and market reforms. The factors that soundly reinforced the strategy were the pragmatism and balance of the domestic and foreign policy, involvement of substantial direct foreign investment, and measures towards forming a hospitable business environment. The research highlights the significance of stopping armed hostilities, departing from radical nationalism, instituting the policies for the preservation and development of Azerbaijan’s national identity, and substantial awakening of public conscience. The author argues that economic successes such as the return of the economy of post-Soviet Azerbaijan to growth, enabled by Azerbaijan’s exploration of oil resources in the Caspian Sea shelf, served as a steady basis for the development of the national project in the post-Soviet period. National consolidation, Azerbaijan’s growth, and the development of the Armed Forces were precisely what factored into the restoration of the territorial integrity and reclamation of uncontrolled territories with their subsequent revitalisation. The article also highlights Azerbaijan’s aid to Ukraine amid its struggle against full-scale russian aggression. Keywords: Azerbaijan, independence, transformations, pragmatism and balance, consolidation strategy, national unity, social and economic growth, territorial integrity.
{"title":"Pragmatism and Balance as Defining Features of Azerbaijan’s Post-Soviet Rise","authors":"","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2022-27","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-27","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyses the difficulties and successes of the three-decade long process of development of the Republic of Azerbaijan in the context of post-Soviet transformations, which enabled the country to not only overcome the tremendous challenges and crises of the initial years of independence, but also set a course towards sustainable social and economic development. The author states that in the centre of it was the strategy of the national leader Heydar Aliyev on the consolidation of society and strengthening of stateinstitutions, combating separatism, and the implementation of economic and market reforms. The factors that soundly reinforced the strategy were the pragmatism and balance of the domestic and foreign policy, involvement of substantial direct foreign investment, and measures towards forming a hospitable business environment.\u0000The research highlights the significance of stopping armed hostilities, departing from radical nationalism, instituting the policies for the preservation and development of Azerbaijan’s national identity, and substantial awakening of public conscience.\u0000The author argues that economic successes such as the return of the economy of post-Soviet Azerbaijan to growth, enabled by Azerbaijan’s exploration of oil resources in the Caspian Sea shelf, served as a steady basis for the development of the national project in the post-Soviet period. National consolidation, Azerbaijan’s growth, and the development of the Armed Forces were precisely what factored into the restoration of the territorial integrity and reclamation of uncontrolled territories with their subsequent revitalisation.\u0000The article also highlights Azerbaijan’s aid to Ukraine amid its struggle against full-scale russian aggression.\u0000Keywords: Azerbaijan, independence, transformations, pragmatism and balance, consolidation strategy, national unity, social and economic growth, territorial integrity.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125533986","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-48
V. Kremen
{"title":"International Cooperation: An Essential Component of the Activities of the National Academy of Educational Sciences of Ukraine","authors":"V. Kremen","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2021-48","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-48","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131756843","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-42
I. Nahorniak
The article suggests that ten years after the Eastern Partnership initiative was founded, its format and structure do not allow to draw full potential of the states that seek European Union membership. The author emphasizes that the change in the EU’s approach to the Eastern Partnership countries will make it possible to ensure the accomplishment of the fundamental mission of the European Neighbourhood Policy, namely peace and prosperity in the region. The European Union has already done quite a lot in this regard. Expanding the EU’s social rights as part of the Europeanization process will provide a more stable and favourable environment in the Eastern Partnership countries and reduce migration flows therefrom. The main efforts of the European Union and Eastern Partnership countries in the near future will be focused on solving domestic political, social and economic problems. In this case, Ukraine and the region as a whole will appear on the European Union agenda in terms of security issues. The biggest success story of the European Union is its enlargement policy, which can force enemies to negotiate and find a compromise, as well as motivate political leaders to take risks for the implementation of European integration reforms. This policy does not apply to Eastern Partnership countries. The author concludes that the neighbourhood policy has already exhausted its potential, and in order for the dialogue within the Eastern partnership not to descend to the solution of technical issues of the European Union Association Agreements implementation, it is necessary to offer an attractive model of cooperation that would provide support for pro-European reforms in the Eastern Partnership countries. Keywords: European Union, Eastern Partnership, politics, bilateral dialogue.
{"title":"10 Years of Eastern Partnership: The Scenarios for the Further Development of the Initiative and the EU Eastern Neighbourhood Policy","authors":"I. Nahorniak","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-42","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-42","url":null,"abstract":"The article suggests that ten years after the Eastern Partnership initiative was founded, its format and structure do not allow to draw full potential of the states that seek European Union membership.\u0000The author emphasizes that the change in the EU’s approach to the Eastern Partnership countries will make it possible to ensure the accomplishment of the fundamental mission of the European Neighbourhood Policy, namely peace and prosperity in the region. The European Union has already done quite a lot in this regard. Expanding the EU’s social rights as part of the Europeanization process will provide a more stable and favourable environment in the Eastern Partnership countries and reduce migration flows therefrom.\u0000The main efforts of the European Union and Eastern Partnership countries in the near future will be focused on solving domestic political, social and economic problems. In this case, Ukraine and the region as a whole will appear on the European Union agenda in terms of security issues.\u0000The biggest success story of the European Union is its enlargement policy, which can force enemies to negotiate and find a compromise, as well as motivate political leaders to take risks for the implementation of European integration reforms. This policy does not apply to Eastern Partnership countries.\u0000The author concludes that the neighbourhood policy has already exhausted its potential, and in order for the dialogue within the Eastern partnership not to descend to the solution of technical issues of the European Union Association Agreements implementation, it is necessary to offer an attractive model of cooperation that would provide support for pro-European reforms in the Eastern Partnership countries.\u0000Keywords: European Union, Eastern Partnership, politics, bilateral dialogue.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130671314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-18
H. Perepelytsia, Natalia Novytska
The Middle Eastern countries did not join the Western-led condemnation of russia’s aggression against Ukraine and refused to join efforts to isolate the russian federation economically. The article examines the impact of the russian-Ukrainian war on the Persian Gulf states. The stance of the Arab states regarding the ongoing conflict and the level of cooperation with its parties are highlighted. The reasons for hedging the policy of the Persian Gulf states to closer cooperation with russia and the People’s Republic of China with the simultaneous weakening of the US position are given. The authors argue that the war of russia against Ukraine may serve as a bifurcation point for the American Middle East policy. It would manifest in a tipping point when the US government shall decide that weapons cannot be sold to the Arab autocracies in cases where it would demean American values, such as the support for human rights. The consequences of the war between russia and Ukraine for the Arab monarchies and food security in the Middle East region, as well as the rise in oil prices in the world, are analysed. The Arab countries are concerned that the war has jeopardised the uninterrupted supply of agricultural products to international markets, provoking a significant jump in product prices, which in the long run may lead to unforeseen consequences. The analysis of stances of the Persian Gulf states on russian aggression is stipulated by the complexity of the geopolitical situation in the Middle East, the level of reception of russian propaganda and the value orientation of countries in the region. Keywords: Ukraine, the Persian Gulf, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, the Middle East, russia’s aggression against Ukraine, humanitarian aid, US policy in the Middle East.
{"title":"The Influence of russian Aggression against Ukraine on the Security Situation of the Persian Gulf Countries","authors":"H. Perepelytsia, Natalia Novytska","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2022-18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-18","url":null,"abstract":"The Middle Eastern countries did not join the Western-led condemnation of russia’s aggression against Ukraine and refused to join efforts to isolate the russian federation economically. The article examines the impact of the russian-Ukrainian war on the Persian Gulf states. The stance of the Arab states regarding the ongoing conflict and the level of cooperation with its parties are highlighted. The reasons for hedging the policy of the Persian Gulf states to closer cooperation with russia and the People’s Republic of China with the simultaneous weakening of the US position are given. The authors argue that the war of russia against Ukraine may serve as a bifurcation point for the American Middle East policy. It would manifest in a tipping point when the US government shall decide that weapons cannot be sold to the Arab autocracies in cases where it would demean American values, such as the support for human rights.\u0000The consequences of the war between russia and Ukraine for the Arab monarchies and food security in the Middle East region, as well as the rise in oil prices in the world, are analysed. The Arab countries are concerned that the war has jeopardised the uninterrupted supply of agricultural products to international markets, provoking a significant jump in product prices, which in the long run may lead to unforeseen consequences. The analysis of stances of the Persian Gulf states on russian aggression is stipulated by the complexity of the geopolitical situation in the Middle East, the level of reception of russian propaganda and the value orientation of countries in the region.\u0000Keywords: Ukraine, the Persian Gulf, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, the Middle East, russia’s aggression against Ukraine, humanitarian aid, US policy in the Middle East.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133551027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-54
Dmytro Vernyhor
The article deals with the life and career path of Serge Lifar, a Ukrainian world-class dancer, choreographer, theorist of choreography, historian and reformer of the 20thcentury ballet, Honorary President of the UNESCO International Dance Council. Serge Lifar was a prolific artist, choreographer and director of the Paris Opéra Ballet, one of the most preeminent ballet companies in Western Europe. Attention is drawn to the fact that pedagogical activity constituted a significant part of Lifar’s work. In 1947, he founded the French Academy of Dance, from 1955 he taught his-tory and theory of dance at Sorbonne University, having developed his own system of ballet dancers’ training and authored more than 20 works on ballet. In the same year, he was recognized as the best dancer and choreographer in France and was awarded the ‘Golden Shoe’. In 1957, he became the founder and rector of the Paris University of Dance. The author emphasizes that Lifar’s creative heritage is huge. He choreographed more than 200 ballets and wrote 25 books on dance theory. Serge Lifar trained 11 ballet stars. Serge Lifar’s style, which he called choreographic neoromanticism, determined the ways of development of the European ballet art of the second half of the 20th century. At the age of 65, Lifar showed his talent as a visual artist. His heritage includes more than a hundred original paintings and drawings, the main plot of which is ballet, dance, and movement. In 1972–1975, exhibitions of his works were held in Cannes, Paris, Monte Carlo and Venice. His yet another passion was books. It all began with Serhii Diahiliev’s personal archive, which included a collection of theatrical paintings, scenery and a library. Lifar bought it from the French government for a one year’s salary at the Grand Opera. In the USSR, Lifar’s name was concealed. Only in 1961, did he and his wife visit it for the first time as the Soviet authorities did not allow him to stage any ballet in the USSR. He always felt he was Ukrainian and ardently promoted the history and culture of his people. In honour of the outstanding countryman, the Serge Lifar International Ballet Competition and the festival ‘Serge Lifar de La dance’ have been held since 1994 and 1995, accordingly. Keywords: cultural diplomacy, art of artistic vision of choreography, Serge Lifar International Ballet Competition.
{"title":"The Ukrainian Star of World Ballet","authors":"Dmytro Vernyhor","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-54","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-54","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the life and career path of Serge Lifar, a Ukrainian world-class dancer, choreographer, theorist of choreography, historian and reformer of the 20thcentury ballet, Honorary President of the UNESCO International Dance Council.\u0000Serge Lifar was a prolific artist, choreographer and director of the Paris Opéra Ballet, one of the most preeminent ballet companies in Western Europe.\u0000Attention is drawn to the fact that pedagogical activity constituted a significant part of Lifar’s work. In 1947, he founded the French Academy of Dance, from 1955 he taught his-tory and theory of dance at Sorbonne University, having developed his own system of ballet dancers’ training and authored more than 20 works on ballet. In the same year, he was recognized as the best dancer and choreographer in France and was awarded the ‘Golden Shoe’. In 1957, he became the founder and rector of the Paris University of Dance.\u0000The author emphasizes that Lifar’s creative heritage is huge. He choreographed more than 200 ballets and wrote 25 books on dance theory. Serge Lifar trained 11 ballet stars. Serge Lifar’s style, which he called choreographic neoromanticism, determined the ways of development of the European ballet art of the second half of the 20th century.\u0000At the age of 65, Lifar showed his talent as a visual artist. His heritage includes more than a hundred original paintings and drawings, the main plot of which is ballet, dance, and movement. In 1972–1975, exhibitions of his works were held in Cannes, Paris, Monte Carlo and Venice.\u0000His yet another passion was books. It all began with Serhii Diahiliev’s personal archive, which included a collection of theatrical paintings, scenery and a library. Lifar bought it from the French government for a one year’s salary at the Grand Opera.\u0000In the USSR, Lifar’s name was concealed. Only in 1961, did he and his wife visit it for the first time as the Soviet authorities did not allow him to stage any ballet in the USSR.\u0000He always felt he was Ukrainian and ardently promoted the history and culture of his people. In honour of the outstanding countryman, the Serge Lifar International Ballet Competition and the festival ‘Serge Lifar de La dance’ have been held since 1994 and 1995, accordingly.\u0000Keywords: cultural diplomacy, art of artistic vision of choreography, Serge Lifar International Ballet Competition.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"104 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132258839","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-12
Alisher Kurmanov
{"title":"The Main Goal of the Constitutional Reform Is to Secure the Honour and Dignity of the Individual and the Interests of the People","authors":"Alisher Kurmanov","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2022-12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-12","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130059480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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