Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-7
Yu. G. Kostenko
The article describes the preconditions and consequences of the Yalta meeting on confidence-building measures between the Georgian and Abkhaz parties. Assistance in its organisation as well as participation in the work of the Group of Friends of the UN Secretary-General on Georgia were of great importance for Ukraine’s international image. Ukrainian diplomats have come a long way in convincing UN members of the need and usefulness of Ukraine’s involvement in the Geneva process and in proving to the Abkhaz side that, despite the high level of partnership between Ukraine and Georgia, Ukraine is impartial in the conflict resolution process. Although the admission of our country to the Group of Friends of the UN Secretary-General on Georgia was not achieved immediately, one of the key roles of Ukraine in holding the Yalta meeting cannot be denied, as the fruits of Ukraine’s work and our state’s constructive position in resolving conflicts in the territory of the former Soviet Union, particularly in Transnistria, have already been confirmed by the international community. This paper highlights the mechanisms of disguising the hegemonic policy of the Russian Federation, which imposes its ‘peacekeeping’ participation in the settlement of armed conflicts in strategically important regions of the post-Soviet space. The article also mentions the importance of recognising the parties to the conflict and how the status of a ‘non-participant in the conflict’ is used by the Russian Federation for its own purposes to promote the policy of regional domination by means of military-strategic and economic potential. Conclusions are made on the geopolitical processes in the territory of the former USSR. Keywords: history of Ukrainian diplomacy, Group of Friends of the UN Secretary-General on Georgia, Georgian-Abkhaz conflict, peacekeeping activities.
{"title":"A Lesson Unlearned","authors":"Yu. G. Kostenko","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2021-7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-7","url":null,"abstract":"The article describes the preconditions and consequences of the Yalta meeting on confidence-building measures between the Georgian and Abkhaz parties. Assistance in its organisation as well as participation in the work of the Group of Friends of the UN Secretary-General on Georgia were of great importance for Ukraine’s international image. Ukrainian diplomats have come a long way in convincing UN members of the need and usefulness of Ukraine’s involvement in the Geneva process and in proving to the Abkhaz side that, despite the high level of partnership between Ukraine and Georgia, Ukraine is impartial in the conflict resolution process. Although the admission of our country to the Group of Friends of the UN Secretary-General on Georgia was not achieved immediately, one of the key roles of Ukraine in holding the Yalta meeting cannot be denied, as the fruits of Ukraine’s work and our state’s constructive position in resolving conflicts in the territory of the former Soviet Union, particularly in Transnistria, have already been confirmed by the international community.\u0000This paper highlights the mechanisms of disguising the hegemonic policy of the Russian Federation, which imposes its ‘peacekeeping’ participation in the settlement of armed conflicts in strategically important regions of the post-Soviet space. The article also mentions the importance of recognising the parties to the conflict and how the status of a ‘non-participant in the conflict’ is used by the Russian Federation for its own purposes to promote the policy of regional domination by means of military-strategic and economic potential. Conclusions are made on the geopolitical processes in the territory of the former USSR.\u0000Keywords: history of Ukrainian diplomacy, Group of Friends of the UN Secretary-General on Georgia, Georgian-Abkhaz conflict, peacekeeping activities.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"19 Suppl 1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121067720","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-29
H. Perepelytsia
The article refers to the challenges for the foreign policy of the President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyi, which arose as a result of the emergence of negative international trends, the bad policy of President Petro Poroshenko. The latter significantly complicated the implementation of Ukraine’s interests in the international arena for the new head of state and led to the emergence of a number of destructive internal trends. The author notes that the European international order is now destroyed, and international institutions have lost their effectiveness and capacity. Reliance on international security structures does not make it possible to ensure national security and defence of Ukraine, and reliance solely on political and diplomatic means for resolving foreign policy problems becomes meaningless. It is also noted that among the reasons for the loss of Ukraine’s subjectivity is the lack of strategic thinking among the ruling kleptocratic elite. During the five years of war with Russia, the government has not proposed any effective strategy of behaviour in this war. In addition, the author argues that in order to overcome the existing challenges to President Zelenskyi during his term of office, it is necessary to resolve the issue of overthrowing the oligarchic-kleptocratic regime and replacing it with a democratic political system, destroying total corruption, bringing a new national elite to power, carrying out radical political reforms aimed at strengthening the Ukrainian state, strengthening the country’s defence capability, establishing national values in the public life of Ukrainians, and building an effective and competitive model of the economy, improving social standards of life. It is noted that only if the tasks listed in the article are fulfilled, one can count on an optimistic scenario for the development of Ukraine and the end of the Russian-Ukrainian war. Keywords: President of Ukraine, kleptocratic regime, international political system, Ukrainian statehood.
{"title":"Challenges for the Foreign Policy of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy","authors":"H. Perepelytsia","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-29","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-29","url":null,"abstract":"The article refers to the challenges for the foreign policy of the President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyi, which arose as a result of the emergence of negative international trends, the bad policy of President Petro Poroshenko. The latter significantly complicated the implementation of Ukraine’s interests in the international arena for the new head of state and led to the emergence of a number of destructive internal trends.\u0000The author notes that the European international order is now destroyed, and international institutions have lost their effectiveness and capacity. Reliance on international security structures does not make it possible to ensure national security and defence of Ukraine, and reliance solely on political and diplomatic means for resolving foreign policy problems becomes meaningless. It is also noted that among the reasons for the loss of Ukraine’s subjectivity is the lack of strategic thinking among the ruling kleptocratic elite. During the five years of war with Russia, the government has not proposed any effective strategy of behaviour in this war.\u0000In addition, the author argues that in order to overcome the existing challenges to President Zelenskyi during his term of office, it is necessary to resolve the issue of overthrowing the oligarchic-kleptocratic regime and replacing it with a democratic political system, destroying total corruption, bringing a new national elite to power, carrying out radical political reforms aimed at strengthening the Ukrainian state, strengthening the country’s defence capability, establishing national values in the public life of Ukrainians, and building an effective and competitive model of the economy, improving social standards of life.\u0000It is noted that only if the tasks listed in the article are fulfilled, one can count on an optimistic scenario for the development of Ukraine and the end of the Russian-Ukrainian war.\u0000Keywords: President of Ukraine, kleptocratic regime, international political system, Ukrainian statehood.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116448027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-52
B. Humeniuk
{"title":"A review of O. Slipchenko’s book The Art of Remembrance. Notes on Diplomacy and Diplomats","authors":"B. Humeniuk","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2021-52","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-52","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129604948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-46
R. Kryvonos
The article deals with the place of Ukraine in German foreign policy. The Federal Republic of Germany is a leading partner in the process of Ukraine’s gradual entry into European and Transatlantic international institutions. It is noted that the methods of conducting German foreign policy were formed during the «Cold War». This has led to the predominant use of tools, which Joseph Nye summarized in the concept of ‘soft power’. However, Germany is faced with new challenges, such as, inter alia policy towards post-Soviet countries, including Ukraine. The main interests of Germany in relation to Ukraine are considered. Firstly, it is the preservation of the independence, territorial integrity and effectiveness of Ukraine as an actor in international relations. Other important factors include the political consolidation of Ukraine, the implementation of reforms in the economy, public administration and other spheres of public life and support for the European integration of Ukraine as a powerful tool for the transformation of the country. However, Ukraine’s admission to the European Union in the near future is not an option. It is argued that part of the population and politicians in Germany believe that Russia has legitimate interests in the post-Soviet space. However, after the Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine, Germany gave wide support to the European choice of Ukraine and became one of the main allies and assistants of Ukraine in reforming public administration and economy. Germany was involved in Minsk-1 and Minsk-2. Emphasis is attached to the vigorous development of economic cooperation between the two states. Summing up, the author draws several conclusions. Firstly, there is a gradual intensification of bilateral relations. Germany, along with the United States, provides Ukraine with transformational assistance, which began before the proclamation of its independence in 1991. Additionally, the undeclared Russian aggression against Ukraine and Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 have amply demonstrated that political power factors continue to be the key tools of international politics. Ukrainian vector was not clearly conceptualized in the German foreign policy till the Russian aggression of 2014, and it was in the circum-stances of the Russian aggression that Germany opted for political support to Ukraine. Keywords: Ukraine, Germany, Russia, international relations.
{"title":"What Ukrainian Diplomats Need to Know about Germany’s Foreign Policy in its Relations with Ukraine","authors":"R. Kryvonos","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-46","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-46","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the place of Ukraine in German foreign policy. The Federal Republic of Germany is a leading partner in the process of Ukraine’s gradual entry into European and Transatlantic international institutions.\u0000It is noted that the methods of conducting German foreign policy were formed during the «Cold War». This has led to the predominant use of tools, which Joseph Nye summarized in the concept of ‘soft power’. However, Germany is faced with new challenges, such as, inter alia policy towards post-Soviet countries, including Ukraine.\u0000The main interests of Germany in relation to Ukraine are considered. Firstly, it is the preservation of the independence, territorial integrity and effectiveness of Ukraine as an actor in international relations. Other important factors include the political consolidation of Ukraine, the implementation of reforms in the economy, public administration and other spheres of public life and support for the European integration of Ukraine as a powerful tool for the transformation of the country. However, Ukraine’s admission to the European Union in the near future is not an option.\u0000It is argued that part of the population and politicians in Germany believe that Russia has legitimate interests in the post-Soviet space. However, after the Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine, Germany gave wide support to the European choice of Ukraine and became one of the main allies and assistants of Ukraine in reforming public administration and economy. Germany was involved in Minsk-1 and Minsk-2. Emphasis is attached to the vigorous development of economic cooperation between the two states.\u0000Summing up, the author draws several conclusions. Firstly, there is a gradual intensification of bilateral relations. Germany, along with the United States, provides Ukraine with transformational assistance, which began before the proclamation of its independence in 1991. Additionally, the undeclared Russian aggression against Ukraine and Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 have amply demonstrated that political power factors continue to be the key tools of international politics. Ukrainian vector was not clearly conceptualized in the German foreign policy till the Russian aggression of 2014, and it was in the circum-stances of the Russian aggression that Germany opted for political support to Ukraine.\u0000Keywords: Ukraine, Germany, Russia, international relations.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128539387","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-14
Sardar Mohammad Rahman Oghli
The author reveals that Ukrainians are the closest people to him, since some important events in his life are related to Ukraine (obtaining higher education). The article describes the professional and diplomatic path of the author, characterises the circumstances of his rise as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan to Ukraine, and aspiration to forge good-neighbourly relations between Ukraine and Afghanistan. The article also provides information on the structure and peculiarities of the diplomatic mission with a focus on over 15,000 Afghanistan-born Ukrainians resident in Ukraine, which accounts for the operation of the consular office of the embassy. It also outlines interesting facts about specificity of gender politics in Afghanistan. It is constitutionally enshrined that 30 percent of all deputies shall be women. Four out of 25 ministerial portfolios are currently held by women, which the author applauds, since he has no doubt that women’s experience and ideas are invaluable and must be taken into account in policy-making and public administration processes. The author narrates about bilateral cooperation at high official levels. For instance, there were held several visits of Ukrainian people’s deputies to Afghanistan; in turn, a delegation of nine Afghani ministers and deputy ministers paid a reciprocal visit to Ukraine. The article stresses that Afghanistan highly appreciates Ukrainian experience. Many Ukrainians in Afghanistan work at the NATO mission or in organisations engaged in building roads and hydroelectric power plants. The author lays emphasis on the fact that dozens of Ukrainians obtain visas for employment in Afghanistan every month. Special attention is drawn to certain aspects of the history of Afghanistan, namely the heroic upholding of state independence and struggle against foreign invaders. The author stresses the peculiarities of Ukrainian mindset, his affection to and respect for Ukraine. The Ambassador makes a conclusion that the development of bilateral cooperation will allow strengthening the positions of the two states on the international arena. On behalf of Afghanistan, he voices his support for Ukraine and entertains hopes that the terrible war in Ukrainian territory will soon be over. Key words: Afghanistan, Ukraine, cooperation, Ukrainians in Afghanistan, diplomacy, official visits.
{"title":"Ukrainians are the Closest People to Me","authors":"Sardar Mohammad Rahman Oghli","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-14","url":null,"abstract":"The author reveals that Ukrainians are the closest people to him, since some important events in his life are related to Ukraine (obtaining higher education). The article describes the professional and diplomatic path of the author, characterises the circumstances of his rise as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan to Ukraine, and aspiration to forge good-neighbourly relations between Ukraine and Afghanistan.\u0000The article also provides information on the structure and peculiarities of the diplomatic mission with a focus on over 15,000 Afghanistan-born Ukrainians resident in Ukraine, which accounts for the operation of the consular office of the embassy. It also outlines interesting facts about specificity of gender politics in Afghanistan. It is constitutionally enshrined that 30 percent of all deputies shall be women. Four out of 25 ministerial portfolios are currently held by women, which the author applauds, since he has no doubt that women’s experience and ideas are invaluable and must be taken into account in policy-making and public administration processes.\u0000The author narrates about bilateral cooperation at high official levels. For instance, there were held several visits of Ukrainian people’s deputies to Afghanistan; in turn, a delegation of nine Afghani ministers and deputy ministers paid a reciprocal visit to Ukraine. The article stresses that Afghanistan highly appreciates Ukrainian experience. Many Ukrainians in Afghanistan work at the NATO mission or in organisations engaged in building roads and hydroelectric power plants. The author lays emphasis on the fact that dozens of Ukrainians obtain visas for employment in Afghanistan every month.\u0000Special attention is drawn to certain aspects of the history of Afghanistan, namely the heroic upholding of state independence and struggle against foreign invaders. The author stresses the peculiarities of Ukrainian mindset, his affection to and respect for Ukraine.\u0000The Ambassador makes a conclusion that the development of bilateral cooperation will allow strengthening the positions of the two states on the international arena. On behalf of Afghanistan, he voices his support for Ukraine and entertains hopes that the terrible war in Ukrainian territory will soon be over.\u0000Key words: Afghanistan, Ukraine, cooperation, Ukrainians in Afghanistan, diplomacy, official visits.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"96 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124626094","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-33
Oleksandr Mishyn
The article addresses the problem of the African region’s place in the system of Ukrainian foreign policy priorities. For a long time, African countries have been neither the focus of attention for the Ukrainian political authorities nor a subject of substantial research on the part of the national academic and scholarly community. Therefore, the unexplored topic of Africa as a Ukrainian foreign policy priority contains fundamental elements of scientific novelty itself. The continent with a large population and a considerable resource potential remained deeply marginalised in the Ukrainian diplomatic activity practically during the entire period of Ukraine’s independent development. In order to find out the origins of the abovementioned state of affairs, the author formulates a research question in the following way: How is the African space positioned in the state documents of strategic character? Accordingly, the article draws preliminary conclusions on the evolution of views concerning Ukraine’s interaction with African states and traces a way from a total disregard to the attempt to integrate even peripheral African states into the modern national strategy of Ukraine’s foreign policy, which is also being revised. Given the abovementioned, the exploration of the reasons of radical change in attitude towards the region in the period of the Russian-Ukrainian war and the COVID-19 pandemic is all the more interesting. The author seeks to thoroughly determine the correlation of internal and external imperatives that influence the rethinking of the perception of Africa and increase its weight in the hierarchy of Ukraine’s national interests. Besides, a comprehensive examination of the institutional basis and resourcing of the foreign policy course is presented in the article. Also ascertained are the notable reasons to consider Africa the priority vector of diplomatic efforts. All of this is necessary to provide a body of evidence to explain the motive of Ukraine’s higher authorities to intensify activities exactly towards Africa. Consequently, the author draws a conclusion about the primacy of economization in Ukraine-Africa relations. The final part of the article explains such a strategy of behaviour and presents its advantages and disadvantages. Keywords: Ukraine, Africa, foreign policy strategy, economisation, diplomacy, COVID-19.
{"title":"Africa as a Priority Direction of Ukrainian Foreign Policy","authors":"Oleksandr Mishyn","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2021-33","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-33","url":null,"abstract":"The article addresses the problem of the African region’s place in the system of Ukrainian foreign policy priorities. For a long time, African countries have been neither the focus of attention for the Ukrainian political authorities nor a subject of substantial research on the part of the national academic and scholarly community. Therefore, the unexplored topic of Africa as a Ukrainian foreign policy priority contains fundamental elements of scientific novelty itself. The continent with a large population and a considerable resource potential remained deeply marginalised in the Ukrainian diplomatic activity practically during the entire period of Ukraine’s independent development. In order to find out the origins of the abovementioned state of affairs, the author formulates a research question in the following way: How is the African space positioned in the state documents of strategic character? Accordingly, the article draws preliminary conclusions on the evolution of views concerning Ukraine’s interaction with African states and traces a way from a total disregard to the attempt to integrate even peripheral African states into the modern national strategy of Ukraine’s foreign policy, which is also being revised.\u0000Given the abovementioned, the exploration of the reasons of radical change in attitude towards the region in the period of the Russian-Ukrainian war and the COVID-19 pandemic is all the more interesting. The author seeks to thoroughly determine the correlation of internal and external imperatives that influence the rethinking of the perception of Africa and increase its weight in the hierarchy of Ukraine’s national interests. Besides, a comprehensive examination of the institutional basis and resourcing of the foreign policy course is presented in the article. Also ascertained are the notable reasons to consider Africa the priority vector of diplomatic efforts. All of this is necessary to provide a body of evidence to explain the motive of Ukraine’s higher authorities to intensify activities exactly towards Africa. Consequently, the author draws a conclusion about the primacy of economization in Ukraine-Africa relations. The final part of the article explains such a strategy of behaviour and presents its advantages and disadvantages.\u0000Keywords: Ukraine, Africa, foreign policy strategy, economisation, diplomacy, COVID-19.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"53 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120926468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-16
H. Perepelytsia
The year 2022 saw the turning point in the paradigm of the russian-Ukrainian war, as its perception transcended the notion of a local intra-Ukrainian conflict. The international community joined Ukrainian authorities in the realisation that they face a deeply rooted and global inter-civilisational conflict between russia and the collective West over the reshaping of the global order. Case in point to prove this challenge was the Treaty between the russian federation and the United States of America on Security Guarantees. It resulted from a military ultimatum vladimir putin issued to NATO and the USA on 17 December 2021. Russia’s hybrid war against Ukraine has entered its final phase, i.e. the phase of total conventional warfare. There is little room now for doubting the futility of the Minsk and Normandy formats for regulating the Donbas conflict, or ‘Zelenskyy’s plan’ on modernizing the Minsk Agreements. Ukraine had but one choice left, to recognise the reality of the russian-Ukrainian war and be ready for russia’s full-scale military aggression. However, that has since proven to be a major challenge for Ukrainian authorities. This article attempts to analyse the efforts of Ukrainian diplomacy in solving this challenge and bringing Ukraine’s victory closer. The article aims to identify the strategic vectors of Ukrainian diplomacy during the initial period and climactic phase of the war. It also seeks to analyse the miscalculations and successes of Ukrainian diplomacy in bringing Ukraine closer to victory in the war against russia. A crucial objective of the research lies in contemplating the new architecture of European security emerging in the wake of the russian-Ukrainian war. The object of research is the full-scale russian-Ukrainian war; the subject of research is the role of diplomacy therein. Keywords: russian-Ukrainian war, negotiations, victory, anti-putin coalition, diplomacy
{"title":"Ukrainian Diplomacy amid the russian-Ukrainian War","authors":"H. Perepelytsia","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2022-16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-16","url":null,"abstract":"The year 2022 saw the turning point in the paradigm of the russian-Ukrainian war, as its perception transcended the notion of a local intra-Ukrainian conflict. The international community joined Ukrainian authorities in the realisation that they face a deeply rooted and global inter-civilisational conflict between russia and the collective West over the reshaping of the global order. Case in point to prove this challenge was the Treaty between the russian federation and the United States of America on Security Guarantees. It resulted from a military ultimatum vladimir putin issued to NATO and the USA on 17 December 2021.\u0000Russia’s hybrid war against Ukraine has entered its final phase, i.e. the phase of total conventional warfare. There is little room now for doubting the futility of the Minsk and Normandy formats for regulating the Donbas conflict, or ‘Zelenskyy’s plan’ on modernizing the Minsk Agreements. Ukraine had but one choice left, to recognise the reality of the russian-Ukrainian war and be ready for russia’s full-scale military aggression. However, that has since proven to be a major challenge for Ukrainian authorities. This article attempts to analyse the efforts of Ukrainian diplomacy in solving this challenge and bringing Ukraine’s victory closer.\u0000The article aims to identify the strategic vectors of Ukrainian diplomacy during the initial period and climactic phase of the war. It also seeks to analyse the miscalculations and successes of Ukrainian diplomacy in bringing Ukraine closer to victory in the war against russia.\u0000A crucial objective of the research lies in contemplating the new architecture of European security emerging in the wake of the russian-Ukrainian war. The object of research is the full-scale russian-Ukrainian war; the subject of research is the role of diplomacy therein.\u0000Keywords: russian-Ukrainian war, negotiations, victory, anti-putin coalition, diplomacy","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"68 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126335419","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-32
O. Demenko
The article examines Greek-Turkish relations, whose periodic aggravation is one of the pressing problems of modern international relations. The main reasons for the conflict in relations between Greece and Turkey are: the unresolved Cyprus problem; historical and civilisational contradictions; non-compliance with the rights of national minorities in both countries; the struggle for access to energy resources in the Eastern Mediterranean; unresolved issues regarding the delimitation of territorial waters, the continental shelf, exclusive economic zones, and airspace in the Aegean Sea. Analysis of the current stage in the development of Greek-Turkish relations allows us to make a conclusion about their instability and a high level of conflict potential, which is exacerbated by the irreconcilable positions of the parties on the key bilateral issues, historical prejudices, and domestic political factors. This has a negative impact on the security situation in the Eastern Mediterranean. At the same time, it is hoped that the political will of both countries, the resolute position of NATO, the EU, and the US on finding a mutually acceptable compromise and establishing dialogue, trust, and mutual tolerance between the two neighbouring states will eliminate the threat of a military conflict. The experience of dynamic cooperation between Greece and Turkey in the late 20th – early 21st centuries shows that the normalisation of relations between these countries is quite possible. The reduction of confrontational potential will be facilitated by the following factors: renunciation of belligerent and offensive rhetoric and threats of the use of force; demilitarization of the Aegean basin; normalisation and development of Turkey’s relations with the European Union; strengthening of trade and economic relations between Greece and Turkey; search for opportunities to jointly produce and transport energy resources; cooperation in culture and tourism; efforts to reach a compromise in the settlement of the Cyprus problem. Keywords: Greek-Turkish relations, conflict, Cyprus problem, ‘Aegean crisis’, Eastern Mediterranean.
{"title":"Greek-Turkish Relations: Current Status and Opportunities to Reduce Confrontational Potential","authors":"O. Demenko","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2021-32","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-32","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines Greek-Turkish relations, whose periodic aggravation is one of the pressing problems of modern international relations. The main reasons for the conflict in relations between Greece and Turkey are: the unresolved Cyprus problem; historical and civilisational contradictions; non-compliance with the rights of national minorities in both countries; the struggle for access to energy resources in the Eastern Mediterranean; unresolved issues regarding the delimitation of territorial waters, the continental shelf, exclusive economic zones, and airspace in the Aegean Sea.\u0000Analysis of the current stage in the development of Greek-Turkish relations allows us to make a conclusion about their instability and a high level of conflict potential, which is exacerbated by the irreconcilable positions of the parties on the key bilateral issues, historical prejudices, and domestic political factors. This has a negative impact on the security situation in the Eastern Mediterranean. At the same time, it is hoped that the political will of both countries, the resolute position of NATO, the EU, and the US on finding a mutually acceptable compromise and establishing dialogue, trust, and mutual tolerance between the two neighbouring states will eliminate the threat of a military conflict. The experience of dynamic cooperation between Greece and Turkey in the late 20th – early 21st centuries shows that the normalisation of relations between these countries is quite possible.\u0000The reduction of confrontational potential will be facilitated by the following factors: renunciation of belligerent and offensive rhetoric and threats of the use of force; demilitarization of the Aegean basin; normalisation and development of Turkey’s relations with the European Union; strengthening of trade and economic relations between Greece and Turkey; search for opportunities to jointly produce and transport energy resources; cooperation in culture and tourism; efforts to reach a compromise in the settlement of the Cyprus problem.\u0000Keywords: Greek-Turkish relations, conflict, Cyprus problem, ‘Aegean crisis’, Eastern Mediterranean.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128029234","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-37
V. Tsivatyi, M. Martsyniuk
The article deals with the features of Ukrainian migration policy and Ukrainian labour migration to Europe in the polycentric world order of the 21st century. It also considers the network-based social assistance programmes launched by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine to help Ukrainian citizens stranded abroad due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The purpose of this article is to perform a systemic analysis of the engagement of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine with Ukrainian citizens and Ukrainian migrants abroad, including a range of programmes launched by the ministry and their impact on the management of migration processes during the pandemic. The authors of the article emphasise the effectiveness of the implementation of network-based programmes in terms of mondialisation, whilst also giving recommendations on their possible adaptation and usage of the experience of diaspora policies and the diaspora. Keywords: migration processes, migration policy, diaspora, foreign policy, diplomacy, institutionalisation, mondialisation, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, COVID-19.
{"title":"The Public Dimension of Migration Policy in the Conditions of Mondialisation: The Paradigms of Ukrainian and European Diplomatic and Diaspora Engagement Practices of the 21st Century","authors":"V. Tsivatyi, M. Martsyniuk","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2021-37","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-37","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the features of Ukrainian migration policy and Ukrainian labour migration to Europe in the polycentric world order of the 21st century. It also considers the network-based social assistance programmes launched by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine to help Ukrainian citizens stranded abroad due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The purpose of this article is to perform a systemic analysis of the engagement of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine with Ukrainian citizens and Ukrainian migrants abroad, including a range of programmes launched by the ministry and their impact on the management of migration processes during the pandemic.\u0000The authors of the article emphasise the effectiveness of the implementation of network-based programmes in terms of mondialisation, whilst also giving recommendations on their possible adaptation and usage of the experience of diaspora policies and the diaspora.\u0000Keywords: migration processes, migration policy, diaspora, foreign policy, diplomacy, institutionalisation, mondialisation, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, COVID-19.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134334597","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-42
Ihor Lossovskyi
The article highlights the role and place of Ukraine, which has just celebrated the 30th anniversary of its independence’s resumption, in the Transnistrian settlement process. The article contains an analysis of the first state peacekeeping experience of Ukraine and updated plans for further steps in light of the national interests of our state. The author of the article argues that an analysis of the mistakes made during the settlement will help prevent a repetition of such failures in countering Russian aggression in Donbas. Refusal of Russian ‘peacekeepers’ in Transnistria and reorientation to the mechanisms of international observation missions are to meet the world peacekeeping criteria, as well as the interests and positions of Moldova, Ukraine, the European Union, the United States and the OSCE as an international organisation responsible for security issues in the European region. In particular, the article notes that Ukraine and Moldova are interested in stabilising the situation in Transnistria, as it will reduce the region’s criminality, significantly limit the flow of smuggled goods to Ukraine, and put a barrier against illegal migration to the EU. The fact of an active conflict so close to Ukrainian borders becomes a potential threat of Ukraine possibly being drawn into a confrontation. The active participation of Ukraine in the peacekeeping process is concurrently of great importance for improving the image of our state in the international arena. The 30-year experience of the Transnistrian settlement process becomes a vivid example for Ukraine of effective counteraction to Russian expansionist intentions. A careful study of the mistakes made by Moldova and Ukraine is imperative to determine our further actions in Donbas. Keywords: Transnistrian conflict, Moldova, national security of Ukraine, Russia, Donbas.
{"title":"Transnistrian Settlement Process: Contribution of Ukraine and Conclusions for Donbas","authors":"Ihor Lossovskyi","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2021-42","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-42","url":null,"abstract":"The article highlights the role and place of Ukraine, which has just celebrated the 30th anniversary of its independence’s resumption, in the Transnistrian settlement process. The article contains an analysis of the first state peacekeeping experience of Ukraine and updated plans for further steps in light of the national interests of our state. The author of the article argues that an analysis of the mistakes made during the settlement will help prevent a repetition of such failures in countering Russian aggression in Donbas. Refusal of Russian ‘peacekeepers’ in Transnistria and reorientation to the mechanisms of international observation missions are to meet the world peacekeeping criteria, as well as the interests and positions of Moldova, Ukraine, the European Union, the United States and the OSCE as an international organisation responsible for security issues in the European region. In particular, the article notes that Ukraine and Moldova are interested in stabilising the situation in Transnistria, as it will reduce the region’s criminality, significantly limit the flow of smuggled goods to Ukraine, and put a barrier against illegal migration to the EU. The fact of an active conflict so close to Ukrainian borders becomes a potential threat of Ukraine possibly being drawn into a confrontation. The active participation of Ukraine in the peacekeeping process is concurrently of great importance for improving the image of our state in the international arena. The 30-year experience of the Transnistrian settlement process becomes a vivid example for Ukraine of effective counteraction to Russian expansionist intentions. A careful study of the mistakes made by Moldova and Ukraine is imperative to determine our further actions in Donbas. Keywords: Transnistrian conflict, Moldova, national security of Ukraine, Russia, Donbas.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"91 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130891472","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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