Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-36
Yevhen Bratuta, O. Bratuta
The article offers an insight into the circumstances of the emergence, particular features, and prospects of the existence of the Republic of China as an unrecognized state. Specifically, the authors clarify the content of the notion ‘unrecognised state’, which is to be interpreted as a type of a temporary political and territorial entity in the form of a state that does not possess formal characteristics of a member of the world community. The article also identifies the phenomenon ‘Republic of China’ through the specific singular notion ‘unrecognised state’ and outlines a conceptual framework, which allows concluding that there is only one realistic scenario of the country’s future existence, namely uniting with the People’s Republic of China into a single state within one country through political and legal unification. According to the authors, the Republic of China currently finds itself at the democratic phase of its development in the form of an unrecognised state. Together with leading countries, it is deeply integrated into the world system, being not only a component of the globalised world but also one of the factors contributing to the spread of globalization processes into the mega level of social existence. Drawing upon the research on the problems in the emergence and functioning of new political and territorial entities in the form of unrecognised states conducted by Ukrainian and foreign scholars, it can be argued that the notion ‘unrecognised state’ is yet to be finally defined. Therefore, correct identification of new political and territorial entities is impossible. The authors propose, at the level of political leadership, devising and approving a foreign policy strategy of launching and building relations between Ukraine and the Republic of China in the economic and humanitarian fields, using the international experience of establishing economic and cultural offices in partner states. Keywords: system of international relations, political and territorial entity, state, unrecognized state, the Republic of China.
{"title":"A Study of the Republic of China as a ‘Political and Territorial Entity’ in the System of International Relations","authors":"Yevhen Bratuta, O. Bratuta","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2021-36","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-36","url":null,"abstract":"The article offers an insight into the circumstances of the emergence, particular features, and prospects of the existence of the Republic of China as an unrecognized state. Specifically, the authors clarify the content of the notion ‘unrecognised state’, which is to be interpreted as a type of a temporary political and territorial entity in the form of a state that does not possess formal characteristics of a member of the world community. The article also identifies the phenomenon ‘Republic of China’ through the specific singular notion ‘unrecognised state’ and outlines a conceptual framework, which allows concluding that there is only one realistic scenario of the country’s future existence, namely uniting with the People’s Republic of China into a single state within one country through political and legal unification.\u0000According to the authors, the Republic of China currently finds itself at the democratic phase of its development in the form of an unrecognised state. Together with leading countries, it is deeply integrated into the world system, being not only a component of the globalised world but also one of the factors contributing to the spread of globalization processes into the mega level of social existence. Drawing upon the research on the problems in the emergence and functioning of new political and territorial entities in the form of unrecognised states conducted by Ukrainian and foreign scholars, it can be argued that the notion ‘unrecognised state’ is yet to be finally defined. Therefore, correct identification of new political and territorial entities is impossible. The authors propose, at the level of political leadership, devising and approving a foreign policy strategy of launching and building relations between Ukraine and the Republic of China in the economic and humanitarian fields, using the international experience of establishing economic and cultural offices in partner states.\u0000Keywords: system of international relations, political and territorial entity, state, unrecognized state, the Republic of China.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129490289","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-8
V. Vlasenko
This article is devoted to the relationship between interwar Ukrainian political emigrants and local authorities in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia). A comparative analysis of the attitude of the Yugoslav authorities towards Russian and Ukrainian emigrants was conducted. The Russophilia of Yugoslav authorities, who viewed the Ukrainian question through the lense of the Russian emigrants, was described. The idea of Pan-Slavism had been spreading in the Balkans for a long time, which facilitated the legitimization of friendly relations between the southern Slavs (primarily Serbs) and Russians, whom Serbs considered as protectors from the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian Empires. Yugoslavia sided with the anti-Bolshevik White Movement, an ally of the Entente, which had a positive impact on the situation of Russian emigrants. The young state was in need of professionals with a good command of foreign languages and European culture. Many emigrants met those requirements. Therefore, in the early 1920s, several thousands of emigrants worked in the public service. The reigning Karadjordjević dynasty had marital ties with the Romanov dynasty. A former Russian diplomat was among advisers to the king and the head of government. The immigration from the former Russian Empire was addressed by the Royal Court as well as several ministries and central government institutions. Direct support to the immigrants was provided by the State Commission for Assistance to Russian Refugees. Yugoslavia was a center of political and religious immigration for Russians and a provincial center for Ukrainian emigration. It is concluded that the Yugoslav authorities did not distinguish Ukrainians from Russian emigrants, therefore, any specific policy towards them was not carried out. The degree of interaction of Ukrainian emigrants with local authorities in Yugoslavia varied geographically (Slovenia and Croatia, on the one hand, and Serbia and Macedonia, on the other) and in time (in the first half of the 1920s and from the mid-1920s until the beginning of World War II). Keywords: authorities, emigration, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Yugoslavia.
{"title":"Interwar Ukrainian Political Emigrants in Yugoslavia: Relations with the Authorities","authors":"V. Vlasenko","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-8","url":null,"abstract":"This article is devoted to the relationship between interwar Ukrainian political emigrants and local authorities in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia). A comparative analysis of the attitude of the Yugoslav authorities towards Russian and Ukrainian emigrants was conducted. The Russophilia of Yugoslav authorities, who viewed the Ukrainian question through the lense of the Russian emigrants, was described. The idea of Pan-Slavism had been spreading in the Balkans for a long time, which facilitated the legitimization of friendly relations between the southern Slavs (primarily Serbs) and Russians, whom Serbs considered as protectors from the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian Empires. Yugoslavia sided with the anti-Bolshevik White Movement, an ally of the Entente, which had a positive impact on the situation of Russian emigrants. The young state was in need of professionals with a good command of foreign languages and European culture. Many emigrants met those requirements. Therefore, in the early 1920s, several thousands of emigrants worked in the public service. The reigning Karadjordjević dynasty had marital ties with the Romanov dynasty. A former Russian diplomat was among advisers to the king and the head of government. The immigration from the former Russian Empire was addressed by the Royal Court as well as several ministries and central government institutions. Direct support to the immigrants was provided by the State Commission for Assistance to Russian Refugees. Yugoslavia was a center of political and religious immigration for Russians and a provincial center for Ukrainian emigration.\u0000It is concluded that the Yugoslav authorities did not distinguish Ukrainians from Russian emigrants, therefore, any specific policy towards them was not carried out. The degree of interaction of Ukrainian emigrants with local authorities in Yugoslavia varied geographically (Slovenia and Croatia, on the one hand, and Serbia and Macedonia, on the other) and in time (in the first half of the 1920s and from the mid-1920s until the beginning of World War II).\u0000Keywords: authorities, emigration, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Yugoslavia.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"95 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129846245","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-41
S. Zubchenko
The article deals with the analysis of humanitarian and security aspects of topical issues on the international agenda (particularly Russia’s ongoing aggression against Ukraine and the deepening geopolitical rivalry between the U.S. and China, in which the PRC uses Russia as an ‘icebreaker’ against the collective West) in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, erosion of the international legal system, and weaknesses of international institutions. The author outlines the origins of trends regarding unjustified tolerance of various ‘left’ ideas, pro-Russian politicians, and practices in liberal-democratic countries after the collapse of the USSR; these trends often lead to indoctrination of harmful strategic illusions, growth of dangerous populist, authoritarian or extremist public attitudes, and significant escalation of threats to national, regional, and international security. The article substantiates the fundamental importance of restoring the territorial integrity of Ukraine within internationally recognised borders for ensuring global stability, security, and legal order. The author articulates the necessity of imposing greater sanctions and restrictive measures against Russia, its legal entities, individuals, and proxies, which continue to use the methods of hybrid warfare and state terrorism (not only in the occupied Crimea and ORDLO but also around the world), as well as of bringing to justice the persons involved in international and war crimes. Given the changes in the global security environment, the article emphasises the need for critical analysis and rational rethinking of some methodological approaches and strategic ideas previously used in national and international policy. The author also enunciates some recommendations for Ukraine to ensure its national resilience, further strengthen its humanitarian component, and implement appropriate internal (to support the readiness of society to effectively resist permanent and sudden security threats) and external (to establish a proper international credibility of Ukraine, ensure its international support) measures. Keywords: Russian military aggression against Ukraine, international law, international security, diplomacy, foreign policy, national security, national resilience, geopolitics.
{"title":"‘Humanitarian Weapons’ in Geopolitical Confrontations of the 21st Century: Strategic Resources of National Resilience","authors":"S. Zubchenko","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2021-41","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-41","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the analysis of humanitarian and security aspects of topical issues on the international agenda (particularly Russia’s ongoing aggression against Ukraine and the deepening geopolitical rivalry between the U.S. and China, in which the PRC uses Russia as an ‘icebreaker’ against the collective West) in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, erosion of the international legal system, and weaknesses of international institutions.\u0000The author outlines the origins of trends regarding unjustified tolerance of various ‘left’ ideas, pro-Russian politicians, and practices in liberal-democratic countries after the collapse of the USSR; these trends often lead to indoctrination of harmful strategic illusions, growth of dangerous populist, authoritarian or extremist public attitudes, and significant escalation of threats to national, regional, and international security. The article substantiates the fundamental importance of restoring the territorial integrity of Ukraine within internationally recognised borders for ensuring global stability, security, and legal order. The author articulates the necessity of imposing greater sanctions and restrictive measures against Russia, its legal entities, individuals, and proxies, which continue to use the methods of hybrid warfare and state terrorism (not only in the occupied Crimea and ORDLO but also around the world), as well as of bringing to justice the persons involved in international and war crimes.\u0000Given the changes in the global security environment, the article emphasises the need for critical analysis and rational rethinking of some methodological approaches and strategic ideas previously used in national and international policy. The author also enunciates some recommendations for Ukraine to ensure its national resilience, further strengthen its humanitarian component, and implement appropriate internal (to support the readiness of society to effectively resist permanent and sudden security threats) and external (to establish a proper international credibility of Ukraine, ensure its international support) measures.\u0000Keywords: Russian military aggression against Ukraine, international law, international security, diplomacy, foreign policy, national security, national resilience, geopolitics.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130608763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-3
S. Pyrozhkov, N. Khamitov
The article conceptualises the real value of Ukraine in the context of the contemporary Euro-Atlantic civilisational community. In this regard, it raises the question of the global criteria of victory of our country in the war with the neo-totalitarian ‘northern neighbour’. Those criteria simultaneously serve as the global purport and meaning of Ukraine’s victory for the world and drive the decisions of the Western countries on rendering economic and military aid. The underlying criterion of Ukraine’s victory is the preservation and development of civilisational agency of our country and the triumph of the new humanism over neo-totalitarianism, which today threatens not only our country but also the world as a whole. Facing neo-totalitarianism, the new humanism is not confined to compassion for the Other, but rather extends to consolidation and co-creativity with the Other. Furthermore, the article highlights the Kyiv-Rus identity of Ukrainians, which consolidates the Ukrainian political nation, facilitating national resilience for the sake of the country’s agency. The Kyiv-Rus identity in its essence is juxtaposed against the muscovite-russian imperial identity at the level of values and further aligns Ukraine with the European identity. The author stresses that in addition to value-centred consolidation, Ukraine must also actively fulfil its interests in cooperation with the ‘Collective West’, given that shared interests among countries amid emergencies often prevail over values. Keywords: Euro-Atlantic space, humanism, neo-totalitarianism, meta-anthropology, meta-anthropological potentialism, personalism, worldview tolerance, consolidation, identity, mentality, Kyiv-Rus identity, Kyiv-Rus mentality, civilisational agency of Ukraine.
{"title":"Real Value of Ukraine to the Contemporary Euro-Atlantic Space","authors":"S. Pyrozhkov, N. Khamitov","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2022-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-3","url":null,"abstract":"The article conceptualises the real value of Ukraine in the context of the contemporary Euro-Atlantic civilisational community. In this regard, it raises the question of the global criteria of victory of our country in the war with the neo-totalitarian ‘northern neighbour’. Those criteria simultaneously serve as the global purport and meaning of Ukraine’s victory for the world and drive the decisions of the Western countries on rendering economic and military aid. The underlying criterion of Ukraine’s victory is the preservation and development of civilisational agency of our country and the triumph of the new humanism over neo-totalitarianism, which today threatens not only our country but also the world as a whole. Facing neo-totalitarianism, the new humanism is not confined to compassion for the Other, but rather extends to consolidation and co-creativity with the Other.\u0000Furthermore, the article highlights the Kyiv-Rus identity of Ukrainians, which consolidates the Ukrainian political nation, facilitating national resilience for the sake of the country’s agency. The Kyiv-Rus identity in its essence is juxtaposed against the muscovite-russian imperial identity at the level of values and further aligns Ukraine with the European identity. The author stresses that in addition to value-centred consolidation, Ukraine must also actively fulfil its interests in cooperation with the ‘Collective West’, given that shared interests among countries amid emergencies often prevail over values.\u0000Keywords: Euro-Atlantic space, humanism, neo-totalitarianism, meta-anthropology, meta-anthropological potentialism, personalism, worldview tolerance, consolidation, identity, mentality, Kyiv-Rus identity, Kyiv-Rus mentality, civilisational agency of Ukraine.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130824383","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-33
S. Koshovyi
The article analyses the trends and developments in Ukraine-Malaysia relations since their establishment in 1992. During the contemporary period, the economic, cultural, tourism links and other aspects of bilateral relations have expanded. There is plenty of scope for trade to continue growing. In fact, Ukrainian-Malaysian relations are complex, multifaceted, and have significant potential for further development. Ukraine sees Malaysia as an important and stable partner in Southeast Asia, a leading member of ASEAN and a moderate representative of the Islamic world. Both being UN members, Ukraine and Malaysia share a common perspective on a broad range of regional and global issues. This is followed by a whole complex of Malaysian issues, namely foreign, domestic, security policies, regional cooperation and others. The article also assesses the contemporary trends in and prospects for Malaysian multilateral ties by identifying the changing dynamics that have brought a qualitative shift in Malaysia’s relationships with the US, China, and Japan. Conclusions have been made on the enhancement of bilateral and multilateral cooperation. The author concludes that the relations with Malaysia should be focused on the further intensification of political dialogue, maintenance of economic cooperation with Malaysian partners, search for opportunities for industrial and investment cooperation, taking into account national interests, as well as securing main lines of sectoral cooperation and developing cultural and humanitarian cooperation. The issue of expanding the legal framework of bilateral relations with Malaysia remains relevant. Therefore, today there is a need to elaborate a new format of relations between Ukraine and Malaysia. Keywords: Ukraine, Malaysia, Southeast Asian countries, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), foreign policy, diplomatic relations, security, regional cooperation, newly-industrialized countries, ‘second wave’, infrastructure.
{"title":"Ukraine-Malaysia Relations: Priorities and Machinery","authors":"S. Koshovyi","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-33","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-33","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyses the trends and developments in Ukraine-Malaysia relations since their establishment in 1992. During the contemporary period, the economic, cultural, tourism links and other aspects of bilateral relations have expanded. There is plenty of scope for trade to continue growing. In fact, Ukrainian-Malaysian relations are complex, multifaceted, and have significant potential for further development. Ukraine sees Malaysia as an important and stable partner in Southeast Asia, a leading member of ASEAN and a moderate representative of the Islamic world. Both being UN members, Ukraine and Malaysia share a common perspective on a broad range of regional and global issues. This is followed by a whole complex of Malaysian issues, namely foreign, domestic, security policies, regional cooperation and others.\u0000The article also assesses the contemporary trends in and prospects for Malaysian multilateral ties by identifying the changing dynamics that have brought a qualitative shift in Malaysia’s relationships with the US, China, and Japan. Conclusions have been made on the enhancement of bilateral and multilateral cooperation.\u0000The author concludes that the relations with Malaysia should be focused on the further intensification of political dialogue, maintenance of economic cooperation with Malaysian partners, search for opportunities for industrial and investment cooperation, taking into account national interests, as well as securing main lines of sectoral cooperation and developing cultural and humanitarian cooperation. The issue of expanding the legal framework of bilateral relations with Malaysia remains relevant. Therefore, today there is a need to elaborate a new format of relations between Ukraine and Malaysia.\u0000Keywords: Ukraine, Malaysia, Southeast Asian countries, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), foreign policy, diplomatic relations, security, regional cooperation, newly-industrialized countries, ‘second wave’, infrastructure.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128532414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-2
P. Hai-Nyzhnyk
The author outlines several periods and peculiarities of the russian-Ukrainian war of 2014–22. Within each of the seven periods, the author reaches beyond the significant military operations and names the political and diplomatic aspects that have influenced both the state of military and political events in general and the russian-Ukrainian confrontation and war in particular. For example, russia’s occupation of Crimea in 2014 is highlighted as an act of military aggression against Ukraine, a historical and legal falsification, and an international crime committed by the russian federation. The article offers an insight into the evolution of russian aggression and Ukrainian resistance. The author emphasises that the full-scale attack launched on 24 February 2022 as part of the broader russian-Ukrainian war is simultaneously characterised by its encompassing destructive extent, as well as civilisational and existential nature. The goal of the russian federation is the extermination of Ukraine and the entire Ukrainian nation; therefore, this is a total war. Starting from the early moments of the war, its five main fronts were clearly defined: Northern, Eastern, and Southern military frontlines, diplomacy, and people’s resistance. The people of Ukraine revolted against russia’s unjust war, and they defend statehood and the right to life. The article emphasises that the russian-Ukrainian war actually goes beyond the framework of a bilateral conflict and has signs of a general crisis in the world security system, which will lead to changes of global significance. Keywords: russian-Ukrainian war, periodisation, Minsk agreements, Anti-Terrorist Operation, Joint Forces Operation.
{"title":"A War for Life","authors":"P. Hai-Nyzhnyk","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2022-2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-2","url":null,"abstract":"The author outlines several periods and peculiarities of the russian-Ukrainian war of 2014–22. Within each of the seven periods, the author reaches beyond the significant military operations and names the political and diplomatic aspects that have influenced both the state of military and political events in general and the russian-Ukrainian confrontation and war in particular. For example, russia’s occupation of Crimea in 2014 is highlighted as an act of military aggression against Ukraine, a historical and legal falsification, and an international crime committed by the russian federation. The article offers an insight into the evolution of russian aggression and Ukrainian resistance. The author emphasises that the full-scale attack launched on 24 February 2022 as part of the broader russian-Ukrainian war is simultaneously characterised by its encompassing destructive extent, as well as civilisational and existential nature. The goal of the russian federation is the extermination of Ukraine and the entire Ukrainian nation; therefore, this is a total war. Starting from the early moments of the war, its five main fronts were clearly defined: Northern, Eastern, and Southern military frontlines, diplomacy, and people’s resistance.\u0000The people of Ukraine revolted against russia’s unjust war, and they defend statehood and the right to life.\u0000The article emphasises that the russian-Ukrainian war actually goes beyond the framework of a bilateral conflict and has signs of a general crisis in the world security system, which will lead to changes of global significance.\u0000Keywords: russian-Ukrainian war, periodisation, Minsk agreements, Anti-Terrorist Operation, Joint Forces Operation.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131310853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-22
Dato’ Raja Reza Raja Zaib Shah
The interview examines the achievements of bilateral relations of Ukraine and Malaysia since the establishment of the Embassy of Malaysia in Kyiv. It is stressed that Malaysia founded its diplomatic mission in Kyiv 15 years ago. At the nascent stage of cooperation, education was its most important component and catalyst of development due to many Malaysians pursuing studies in Ukraine. Nowadays, the Embassy changed the accent to popularization of Malaysia as an educational center for foreign students, including those from Ukraine. The Embassy is also increasingly focused on the development of tourism. From the beginning of 2019, Malaysia has offered a range of courses in a wide spectrum of reams conducted under the auspices of the Malaysian Technical Cooperation Programme (MTCP), an international cooperation programme ensuring training and technical consulting in crucially important realms for developing countries. It offers services, inter alia, in diplomacy and crisis management, courses on physical infrastructure, combating corruption, and the development of electric power and solar power stations as well as customs system. It is mentioned that bilateral trade turnover between Ukraine and Malaysia has increased for the last two years after stagnation. The accelerated increase in trade between Malaysia and Ukraine is partially driven by initiatives conducted by the Governments of Malaysia and Ukraine, with the assistance of Malaysian and Ukrainian business communities, to find common means for boosting cooperation. In January 2018, business meetings took place in Kuala Lumpur, organised with the assistance of the Malaysia External Trade Development Corporation (MATRADE). The seminar brought together 19 Ukrainian companies and trade associations. It is stated that despite the signature of the 2007 Memorandum of Understanding on Cooperation in the Defense Sphere between Malaysia and Ukraine, activities of the two states in this realm are still limited. Key words: Malaysia, cooperation, tourism, education, turnover.
{"title":"Malaysia–Ukraine: Fair and Square Partnership","authors":"Dato’ Raja Reza Raja Zaib Shah","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-22","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-22","url":null,"abstract":"The interview examines the achievements of bilateral relations of Ukraine and Malaysia since the establishment of the Embassy of Malaysia in Kyiv.\u0000It is stressed that Malaysia founded its diplomatic mission in Kyiv 15 years ago. At the nascent stage of cooperation, education was its most important component and catalyst of development due to many Malaysians pursuing studies in Ukraine. Nowadays, the Embassy changed the accent to popularization of Malaysia as an educational center for foreign students, including those from Ukraine. The Embassy is also increasingly focused on the development of tourism.\u0000From the beginning of 2019, Malaysia has offered a range of courses in a wide spectrum of reams conducted under the auspices of the Malaysian Technical Cooperation Programme (MTCP), an international cooperation programme ensuring training and technical consulting in crucially important realms for developing countries. It offers services, inter alia, in diplomacy and crisis management, courses on physical infrastructure, combating corruption, and the development of electric power and solar power stations as well as customs system.\u0000It is mentioned that bilateral trade turnover between Ukraine and Malaysia has increased for the last two years after stagnation. The accelerated increase in trade between Malaysia and Ukraine is partially driven by initiatives conducted by the Governments of Malaysia and Ukraine, with the assistance of Malaysian and Ukrainian business communities, to find common means for boosting cooperation. In January 2018, business meetings took place in Kuala Lumpur, organised with the assistance of the Malaysia External Trade Development Corporation (MATRADE). The seminar brought together 19 Ukrainian companies and trade associations.\u0000It is stated that despite the signature of the 2007 Memorandum of Understanding on Cooperation in the Defense Sphere between Malaysia and Ukraine, activities of the two states in this realm are still limited.\u0000Key words: Malaysia, cooperation, tourism, education, turnover.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129399904","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2020-4
T. Rendiuk
The article covers the activities of the Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission of the UPR in Bucharest. The year of 1920 marked a special period in the relations of the UPR of the Directorate times with the neighboring Kingdom of Romania, given a specific geopolitical situation and the conditions of almost complete isolation of Ukraine caused by the relentless advance of the Bolshevist army from the north and east as well as an offensive of the White Guard troops of A. Denikin and P. Wrangel from the south. Under such circumstances, the UPR considered Romania as its most important military, political, and economic partner. In turn, the erstwhile Romanian leadership was deeply interested in the existence of an independent Ukraine, primarily as a political and military buffer zone between Romania and the aggressive Soviet Russia. The article mentions the main areas of activity of the Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Bucharest: representing and protecting political, economic, and military interests of the UPR, encouraging trade relations, providing assistance to civilians and military emigrants from Ukraine who found themselves in the territory of the neighbouring country against their will as well as activities aimed at overcoming information vacuum around the UPR. The activities of the UPR Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Bucharest in 1920 contributed to the expansion of the Ukrainian idea abroad, promotion of knowledge about Ukraine and its struggle for independence, whilst drawing the attention of the international community to the acute problems Ukraine was facing at that time. The UPR Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Bucharest was also entrusted with a special task of providing the Ukrainian government with a full-fledged connection with Europe, especially with the En-tente countries. The article also is a pioneering research of the aspect of activities of the Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Bucharest associated with providing working conditions in the city for I. Mazepa, Head of the Council of People’s Commissars of the UPR, in March 2020, who was forced to flee Ukraine because of unconducive military circumstances and seek asylum in the adjacent country. Keywords: Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission, Ukrainian People’s Republic of the Directorate times, Kingdom of Romania, Isaak Mazepa, Kostiantyn Matsievych.
{"title":"Operating Features of the Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in Romania in 1920","authors":"T. Rendiuk","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2020-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-4","url":null,"abstract":"The article covers the activities of the Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission of the UPR in Bucharest. The year of 1920 marked a special period in the relations of the UPR of the Directorate times with the neighboring Kingdom of Romania, given a specific geopolitical situation and the conditions of almost complete isolation of Ukraine caused by the relentless advance of the Bolshevist army from the north and east as well as an offensive of the White Guard troops of A. Denikin and P. Wrangel from the south. Under such circumstances, the UPR considered Romania as its most important military, political, and economic partner. In turn, the erstwhile Romanian leadership was deeply interested in the existence of an independent Ukraine, primarily as a political and military buffer zone between Romania and the aggressive Soviet Russia. The article mentions the main areas of activity of the Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Bucharest: representing and protecting political, economic, and military interests of the UPR, encouraging trade relations, providing assistance to civilians and military emigrants from Ukraine who found themselves in the territory of the neighbouring country against their will as well as activities aimed at overcoming information vacuum around the UPR. The activities of the UPR Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Bucharest in 1920 contributed to the expansion of the Ukrainian idea abroad, promotion of knowledge about Ukraine and its struggle for independence, whilst drawing the attention of the international community to the acute problems Ukraine was facing at that time. The UPR Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Bucharest was also entrusted with a special task of providing the Ukrainian government with a full-fledged connection with Europe, especially with the En-tente countries. The article also is a pioneering research of the aspect of activities of the Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission in Bucharest associated with providing working conditions in the city for I. Mazepa, Head of the Council of People’s Commissars of the UPR, in March 2020, who was forced to flee Ukraine because of unconducive military circumstances and seek asylum in the adjacent country. Keywords: Extraordinary Diplomatic Mission, Ukrainian People’s Republic of the Directorate times, Kingdom of Romania, Isaak Mazepa, Kostiantyn Matsievych.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"54 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128754072","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-6
Y. Klymenko, O. Potiekhin
Abstract. The Russian Federation’s military aggression against Ukraine, preceded by the war of the Russian Federation against Georgia, raised the question of a joint repulse of democratic states to actions aimed at undermining European stability. The problem of protecting small and medium-sized states from the threat posed by Russia has arisen in a new way. In this context, the inability of leading European states to stop the aggression of Nazi Germany is repeatedly mentioned. To assess the relevance of such parallels with modernity, the authors of this article seek to briefly and objectively analyse what was happening in the 1930s. The threat of a military catastrophe and complete destabilisation of Europe had been growing since 1933, when Hitler came to power in Germany. He and his entourage gradually dragged Europe into a series of international conflicts and the World War II. According to the authors of the article, the leading motive for the inaction of Western powers within the military and political allied cooperation was not the desire to balance Germany’s military power and thus deter aggression but the attempt to avoid involvement in a world war by appeasing Hitler. In pursuit of European stability, France aimed to secure the military support of as wide a range of European countries as possible, and Great Britain was seeking to build a stable European system without making clear military commitments to the continental powers. London felt at peace with Berlin’s continental ambitions, as they did not cover the seas. London entertained the illusion that its security could be guaranteed without interfering in the war on the mainland. The authors emphasise that only in a state of conscious self-blindness could Western politicians for years retain the illusion of the prospect of civilising and taming the German dictator by satisfying his whims. Such illusions, however, never concerned Stalin. In the pre-war period, the Stalinist regime did its best to prevent the Soviet Union from being involved in building a system of collective security in Europe. The authors come to the following conclusion: in an effort to preserve at least the remnants of stability in Europe, the states have consistently moved towards continuous destabilization and war. Keywords: Europe, military and political union, World War II, Germany.
{"title":"Europe on the Road to World War II: Polemical Notes","authors":"Y. Klymenko, O. Potiekhin","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2021-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-6","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. The Russian Federation’s military aggression against Ukraine, preceded by the war of the Russian Federation against Georgia, raised the question of a joint repulse of democratic states to actions aimed at undermining European stability. The problem of protecting small and medium-sized states from the threat posed by Russia has arisen in a new way. In this context, the inability of leading European states to stop the aggression of Nazi Germany is repeatedly mentioned. To assess the relevance of such parallels with modernity, the authors of this article seek to briefly and objectively analyse what was happening in the 1930s. The threat of a military catastrophe and complete destabilisation of Europe had been growing since 1933, when Hitler came to power in Germany. He and his entourage gradually dragged Europe into a series of international conflicts and the World War II. According to the authors of the article, the leading motive for the inaction of Western powers within the military and political allied cooperation was not the desire to balance Germany’s military power and thus deter aggression but the attempt to avoid involvement in a world war by appeasing Hitler. In pursuit of European stability, France aimed to secure the military support of as wide a range of European countries as possible, and Great Britain was seeking to build a stable European system without making clear military commitments to the continental powers. London felt at peace with Berlin’s continental ambitions, as they did not cover the seas. London entertained the illusion that its security could be guaranteed without interfering in the war on the mainland. The authors emphasise that only in a state of conscious self-blindness could Western politicians for years retain the illusion of the prospect of civilising and taming the German dictator by satisfying his whims. Such illusions, however, never concerned Stalin. In the pre-war period, the Stalinist regime did its best to prevent the Soviet Union from being involved in building a system of collective security in Europe. The authors come to the following conclusion: in an effort to preserve at least the remnants of stability in Europe, the states have consistently moved towards continuous destabilization and war.\u0000Keywords: Europe, military and political union, World War II, Germany.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"184 1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116425754","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-32
V. Vlasenko
This research is focused on the life and legacy of Serhii Tymoshenko (1881–1950), Ukrainian political emigrant, political activist, statesman, and a member of the Ukrainian national liberation movement in the early 20th century and the Ukrainian Revolution in 1917–21. In addition to his political involvement, Mr Tymoshenko was also famous for his achievements in architecture, engineering and arts. The research is based on the documents found in the National Archive of the Czech Republic, several Ukrainian national archives and the Manuscript Institute of the Vernadskyi National Library of Ukraine. Serhii Tymoshenko is considered one of the founders of Ukrainian Art Nouveau architecture in the early 20th century. He took active part in the Ukrainian state-building process as a member of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Labour Party, the Central Council of Ukraine, and by holding leadership positions in Ukrainian state institutions in Kharkiv region, as well as being appointed as a Minister of Roads of the Ukrainian People’s Republic and a member of the Council of the Republic in Tarnów. Moreover, he played an important role in the foreign policy of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. The research covers Tymoshenko’s artistic, scientific and political legacies in Poland (1921–3) and Czechoslovakia (1924–9), and his life trials and tribulations during World War II and emigration to the United States. Serhii Tymoshenko is presented as a public and political figure, the leader of the Ukrainian political emigration in Volyn, the head of the Volyn Ukrainian Association and the Lutsk Centre of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, a member of the Polish Sejm (since 1935) and Senate (since 1938), and the head of the Ukrainian Parliamentary Representation of Volyn. Keywords: Poland, Serhii Tymoshenko, Ukrainian emigration, Ukrainian architecture, Ukrainian People’s Republic.
{"title":"Serhii Tymoshenko: Ukrainian Architect and Diplomat","authors":"V. Vlasenko","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2022-32","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-32","url":null,"abstract":"This research is focused on the life and legacy of Serhii Tymoshenko (1881–1950), Ukrainian political emigrant, political activist, statesman, and a member of the Ukrainian national liberation movement in the early 20th century and the Ukrainian Revolution in 1917–21. In addition to his political involvement, Mr Tymoshenko was also famous for his achievements in architecture, engineering and arts. The research is based on the documents found in the National Archive of the Czech Republic, several Ukrainian national archives and the Manuscript Institute of the Vernadskyi National Library of Ukraine. Serhii Tymoshenko is considered one of the founders of Ukrainian Art Nouveau architecture in the early 20th century. He took active part in the Ukrainian state-building process as a member of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Labour Party, the Central Council of Ukraine, and by holding leadership positions in Ukrainian state institutions in Kharkiv region, as well as being appointed as a Minister of Roads of the Ukrainian People’s Republic and a member of the Council of the Republic in Tarnów.\u0000Moreover, he played an important role in the foreign policy of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. The research covers Tymoshenko’s artistic, scientific and political legacies in Poland (1921–3) and Czechoslovakia (1924–9), and his life trials and tribulations during World War II and emigration to the United States. Serhii Tymoshenko is presented as a public and political figure, the leader of the Ukrainian political emigration in Volyn, the head of the Volyn Ukrainian Association and the Lutsk Centre of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, a member of the Polish Sejm (since 1935) and Senate (since 1938), and the head of the Ukrainian Parliamentary Representation of Volyn.\u0000Keywords: Poland, Serhii Tymoshenko, Ukrainian emigration, Ukrainian architecture, Ukrainian People’s Republic.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125312752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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