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‘Brazil is known as a magic word’ “巴西被称为一个神奇的词”
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-21
Norton De Andrade Mello Rapesta
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引用次数: 0
When a Word Is a Formidable Weapon 当一个词是一个强大的武器
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-30
M. Soroka
The article explores the operation of journalists amid the russian-Ukrainian war. The author underlines the consolidation of Ukrainian media, highlighting in this regard the all-Ukrainian radio marathons, such as the ‘Together we are strong’ broadcast. Ukrainian mass media, particularly broadcasting media, have mobilised into a robust frontline for powerful resistance against the enemy’s attempts to sow panic, launch fakes and disseminate falsehoods.The paper argues that such mobilisation of domestic mass media resources in the war for Ukraine is unique not only for state-level but for global journalism as well. In this connection, the Pulitzer Prize Board recognised Ukrainian journalists with a special award ‘for courage, endurance and commitment to truthful reporting’ in April 2022.The article also states that the challenges of the information sphere, including those of regional outlets, warrant our utmost attention. To understate them, let alone neglect them, means to sabotage our resistance to the enemy, which has been investing colossal capital into its mass media tools.The author observes the sharp lack of military-specialised media outlets following their liquidation amid hastened denationalisation. Finally, he asserts that policymakers need to review certain legislative norms of denationalisation and urgently implement opportunities for restoration and support of all-Ukrainian printed outlets on the state level.Keywords: war, journalists, mass media, information, Pulitzer Prize, broadcast channels.
这篇文章探讨了记者在俄乌战争中的行动。作者强调了乌克兰媒体的整合,在这方面强调了全乌克兰的广播马拉松,如“团结起来,我们是强大的”广播。乌克兰的大众媒体,特别是广播媒体,已经动员起来,成为一个强大的前线,对敌人制造恐慌、发布虚假消息和传播虚假信息的企图进行有力抵抗。本文认为,在乌克兰战争中,国内大众媒体资源的这种动员不仅在国家层面上是独一无二的,在全球新闻业也是如此。在这方面,普利策奖委员会于2022年4月向乌克兰记者颁发了特别奖,以表彰他们“对真实报道的勇气、耐力和承诺”。文章还指出,新闻领域的挑战,包括区域性媒体的挑战,值得我们高度重视。低估它们,更不用说忽视它们,意味着破坏我们对敌人的抵抗,敌人已经在大众媒体工具上投入了巨大的资本。作者注意到,在加速非国有化的情况下,军事专业媒体在被清算后严重缺乏。最后,他断言,政策制定者需要审查某些非国有化的立法规范,并在国家层面上紧急实施恢复和支持全乌克兰印刷网点的机会。关键词:战争,记者,大众传媒,信息,普利策奖,广播渠道。
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引用次数: 0
High-Profile Visits of German Officials to Ukraine in 2018 – A strong Sign of Germany’s Support for Ukraine’s Reform Agenda 2018年德国官员高调访问乌克兰——这是德国支持乌克兰改革议程的强烈信号
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-25
E. Reichel
The article examines the main visits of German officials to Ukraine in 2018. It is mentioned that Ukraine is a top-priority partner for Germany; the latter provides long-term and substantial technical and financial support in energy efficiency, economic development and infrastructure, decentralisation and local governance, the rule of law and fight against corruption as well as education, science, and mass media. Besides, trade relations between Ukraine and Germany are quite robust.It is mentioned that Frank-Walter Steinmeier, President of the Federal Republic of Germany, was the first to hand over the baton of high-profile diplomatic visits of German high-ranked officials to Ukraine. In the course of the durable conversation with President Poroshenko, two parishioners of statecraft discussed the matters related to the armed conflict in Donbas. For Steinmeier, that visit came as an opportunity to talk to Ukrainian youth and encourage communication between representatives of civil society of the two states. He also urged Ukrainian society to implement reforms in the state persistently, however hard they might be and whatever obstacles might be on the road.In several hours after the departure of President Steinmeier, Heiko Maas paid a visit to Ukraine. Mr Maas reiterated President Steinmeier’s statement about the readiness to help Ukraine and focused his attention on specific actions to be taken to that end. It is stressed that it is highly important for Germany to stop the bloodshed in Europe. After visiting the destroyed city of Shyrokyne, Heiko Maas was deeply impressed with the scale of destruction and despair.The visit of Chancellor Angela Merkel, who came to Ukraine in November 2018, was also examined. After the traditional reception with bread and salt at the Boryspil Airport organised by Kyiv Mayor Vitalii Klychko, the official reception was held in the Mariinskyi Palace where President Poroshenko met the Chancellor with military honours. The negotiations focused on the necessity to ensure progress in implementing the Minsk Accords. The meeting of Chancellor Merkel with Prime Minister Hroisman was mostly devoted to the issues of bilateral relations and economic development. The Chancellor also delivered a speech before the students of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv and encouraged youth to always search for the truth and not to be allured by populist promises.Key words: Germany, state visits, Ukrainian-German relations, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, Heiko Maas, Angela Merkel.
本文考察了2018年德国官员对乌克兰的主要访问。其中提到,乌克兰是德国最优先的合作伙伴;后者在能源效率、经济发展和基础设施、权力下放和地方治理、法治和反腐败以及教育、科学和大众媒体方面提供长期和大量的技术和资金支持。此外,乌克兰和德国之间的贸易关系相当稳固。其中提到,德意志联邦共和国总统弗兰克-瓦尔特·施泰因迈尔是第一个将德国高级官员对乌克兰进行高调外交访问的接力棒交给乌克兰的。在与波罗申科总统的持久对话中,两位具有治国才能的教区居民讨论了与顿巴斯武装冲突有关的问题。对施泰因迈尔来说,这次访问是一个与乌克兰青年交谈并鼓励两国民间社会代表交流的机会。他还敦促乌克兰社会坚持不懈地实施国家改革,无论改革多么艰难,无论前进道路上有什么障碍。施泰因迈尔总统离开几个小时后,海科·马斯访问了乌克兰。马斯重申了施泰因迈尔总统关于愿意帮助乌克兰的声明,并将注意力集中在为此目的采取的具体行动上。有人强调,德国停止欧洲的流血是非常重要的。海科·马斯在参观了被摧毁的希罗基涅城后,对那里的破坏程度和绝望印象深刻。2018年11月访问乌克兰的德国总理安格拉·默克尔也受到了审查。基辅市长维塔利·克里奇科在鲍里斯波尔机场组织了传统的面包和盐招待会,之后在马林斯基宫举行了正式招待会,波罗申科总统以军事荣誉会见了总理。谈判的重点是必须确保在执行《明斯克协议》方面取得进展。默克尔总理与霍斯曼总理的会晤主要讨论了双边关系和经济发展问题。总理还向基辅塔拉斯舍甫琴科国立大学的学生发表了演讲,鼓励年轻人永远追求真理,不要被民粹主义的承诺所诱惑。关键词:德国,国事访问,乌德关系,施泰因迈尔,马斯,默克尔
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引用次数: 0
The Model of Diplomacy and the Diplomatic System of the Kingdom of Belgium in Globalisation: Institutional and Political-International Discourses (Experience for Ukraine) 全球化中比利时王国的外交模式与外交体系:制度与政治-国际话语(乌克兰的经验)
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-28
V. Tsivatyi
The study is devoted to methodological problems, modern and historical discourses of the study of the institutional origins, achievements and present of the diplomacy of the Kingdom of Belgium. The authors emphasise the relevance and significance of the subject, which has not received a comprehensive comparative analysis in modern Ukrainian and world historiography. When analysing the model of diplomacy and the diplomatic system of the Kingdom of Belgium, the authors focus on the features and national specificity of the stages of the institutional history and the present of Belgian diplomacy in the system of international political coordinates. Special attention is focused on the expediency of implementing in Ukraine the best diplomatic examples (models) and achievements of Belgian diplomacy in the conditions of a globalised world system.The article emphasises the methods of research, which is interdisciplinary in nature and is based on important cognitive principles: scientificity, historicism and objectivity. The use of various general and special methods allowed the authors to determine the trajectory of scientific research for the real reconstruction of historical and modern events, institutional stages of formation and the current state of the model of diplomacy of the Kingdom of Belgium.The historical legacy and modern practical experience of the diplomacy of the Kingdom of Belgium have not lost their relevance to this day; bilateral Belgian-Ukrainian relations firmly connect Belgium and Ukraine through centuries and millennia of European history.Keywords: international relations, foreign policy, diplomacy, public diplomacy, institutional history, institutionalisation, Ukraine, Belgium.
该研究致力于研究比利时王国外交的体制起源、成就和现状的方法论问题、现代和历史论述。作者强调的相关性和意义的主题,这还没有收到一个全面的比较分析,在现代乌克兰和世界史学。在分析比利时王国的外交模式和外交体系时,作者着重分析了比利时外交在国际政治坐标体系中的制度历史阶段和现状的特点和国家特殊性。特别注意的是在全球化世界体系的条件下,在乌克兰实施比利时外交的最佳外交范例(模式)和成就的便宜性。文章强调研究方法是跨学科的,以科学性、历史性和客观性为重要的认知原则。使用各种一般和特殊方法使作者能够确定科学研究的轨迹,以便真正重建历史和现代事件、体制形成阶段和比利时王国外交模式的现状。比利时王国外交的历史遗产和现代实际经验对今天并没有失去意义;比乌双边关系将比利时和乌克兰在欧洲历史上紧密联系在一起。关键词:国际关系,外交政策,外交,公共外交,制度历史,制度化,乌克兰,比利时。
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引用次数: 0
The Firm Friendship: Turkish–Ukrainian Cooperation 牢固的友谊:土乌合作
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-28
Yağmur Ahmet Güldere
The article examines the cooperation of Turkey and Ukraine and its future prospects. It is mentioned that Turkey defined Ukraine as a top-priority partner in 2003, and in 2011, this concept was transformed into a strategic partnership.It is noted that trade turnover between the two countries currently stands at $4,1 billion. However, a larger volume is eminently achievable, which has prompted the leaders to announce $10 billion as the new benchmark of bilateral trade. Turkish entrepreneurs firmly believe in the future of Ukraine and put huge investments into it. Telecommunications, renewable energy, construction, and agriculture are a few main sectors supported by the Turkish business community, which contributes to strengthening the Ukrainian economy.The visa free regime between the two countries has led to the upswing of tourism, where the number of visitors has increased to 1,75 million people. With this fact in mind, the two states are taking an ever-growing interest in each other and boost cooperation in the realm of culture. In October 2017, the Yunus Emre Cultural Centre was inaugurated in Kyiv with the aim of providing Turkish classes and cooperating with Ukrainian stakeholders interested in the organisation of cultural events.It is underlined that Turkey has repeatedly confirmed its respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, namely in respect of Crimea and Donbas. Turkey is also closely cooperating with Ukraine on the international arena, in particular on matters relating to Crimean Tatars.The article concludes that Turkey and Ukraine have tremendous potential for cooperation and all the necessary tools to bring their bilateral relations to a new level. There are substantial grounds for the trade turnover to reach and even exceed $10 billion, especially if the free trade agreement is concluded. Apart from trade, general bilateral cooperation will encompass more realms, running the gamut from security to culture. The reason for this ambitious statement is not only efforts of the two states in this direction but also a sincere interest of the two nations in cooperation.Key words: Turkey, cooperation, trade, culture, tourism, security.
本文探讨了土耳其与乌克兰的合作及其未来前景。土耳其在2003年将乌克兰确定为优先合作伙伴,并于2011年将这一概念转变为战略伙伴关系。值得注意的是,两国之间的贸易额目前为41亿美元。然而,更大的规模显然是可以实现的,这促使两国领导人宣布将100亿美元作为双边贸易的新基准。土耳其企业家对乌克兰的未来充满信心,并投入了大量资金。电信、可再生能源、建筑和农业是土耳其商界支持的几个主要部门,这有助于加强乌克兰的经济。两国之间的免签证制度导致了旅游业的增长,游客人数已增加到175万人。正因如此,两国对彼此的兴趣日益浓厚,两国在文化领域的合作不断加强。2017年10月,尤努斯·埃姆雷文化中心在基辅落成,旨在提供土耳其语课程,并与对组织文化活动感兴趣的乌克兰利益相关者合作。有人强调,土耳其一再确认它尊重乌克兰的主权和领土完整,即尊重克里米亚和顿巴斯。土耳其还在国际舞台上与乌克兰密切合作,特别是在与克里米亚鞑靼人有关的问题上。文章的结论是,土耳其和乌克兰具有巨大的合作潜力,并拥有将双边关系提高到一个新水平的所有必要工具。双边贸易额达到甚至超过100亿美元,特别是达成自贸协定,是有充分理由的。除贸易外,双边总体合作将涵盖更多领域,从安全到文化。这一雄心勃勃的声明不仅是两国在这方面的努力,也是两国在合作方面的真诚兴趣。关键词:土耳其,合作,贸易,文化,旅游,安全。
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引用次数: 0
The Military-Political Alliance and Diplomatic Cooperation of the UPR and the WUPR 普遍定期审议与世界普遍定期审议的军政联盟与外交合作
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-4
I. Datskiv
The article deals with the relationship between the West Ukrainian People’s Republic and the Ukrainian People’s Republic during the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921. Within this framework, the military-political union and the interaction in the diplomatic sphere between the UPR and the WUPR are examined.It is noted that the question of the Union of the WUPR with Dnipro Ukraine arose due to the large-scale aggression of Poland in the West and the offensive of the Bolsheviks from the East. However, it was envisaged that the WUPR would be granted broad autonomy with its own army and government. The WUPR received considerable military and material aid from the UPR, which contributed to the war with a much stronger enemy.It is argued that after the union was created, there was a need for harmonization and co-ordination of foreign policy of the states and their foreign affairs agencies. As a result, those institutions acquired all-Ukrainian status. However, this did not affect WUPR missions in the countries that emerged in the territories of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, namely Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. Other diplomatic missions become common for the UPR and the WUPR.The article states that over time certain controversies emerged as for the vision of foreign policy priorities of the WUPR and the UPR. The government and military leadership of the WUPR began to cooperate with the Bolsheviks. One of the reasons is the lack of power of the WUPR armed forces and the Bolshevik sympathy towards them. Besides, the increasing number of Galician and Dnipro Ukraine politicians and diplomats offered Y. Petrushevych to change his foreign policy orientation, distance himself from S. Petliura and be guided solely by his own interests. In turn, S. Petliura forged an agreement on behalf of the UPR on the recognition of Eastern Galicia as part of Poland and the rejection of previous acts of national unity.The article also deals with the process of establishing the military cooperation of the WUPR with the Bolsheviks and the agreements inter se.Keywords: WUPR, UPR, military-political alliance, diplomacy, foreign policy, Bolsheviks.
本文论述了1917-1921年乌克兰革命时期西乌克兰人民共和国与乌克兰人民共和国的关系。在此框架内,对普遍定期审议和世界普遍定期审议之间的军事政治联盟和外交领域的互动进行了审查。应当指出,华沙普遍民主联盟与乌克兰第聂伯罗联盟的问题是由于波兰在西方的大规模侵略和布尔什维克从东方的进攻而产生的。然而,当时的设想是,WUPR将获得广泛的自治权,拥有自己的军队和政府。普遍定期审议从普遍定期审议那里获得了相当多的军事和物资援助,这有助于与一个强大得多的敌人的战争。有人认为,在联盟成立后,有必要协调和协调各国及其外交事务机构的外交政策。结果,这些机构获得了全乌克兰的地位。但是,这并未影响到在奥匈帝国领土内出现的国家,即奥地利、匈牙利、捷克斯洛伐克和南斯拉夫的普遍定期审议特派团。其他外交任务在普遍定期审议和世界普遍定期审议中变得普遍。文章指出,随着时间的推移,WUPR和普遍定期审议对外交政策优先事项的看法出现了一些争议。WUPR的政府和军事领导层开始与布尔什维克合作。其中一个原因是WUPR武装力量的缺乏和布尔什维克对他们的同情。此外,越来越多的加利西亚和第聂伯罗的乌克兰政客和外交官建议彼得鲁舍维奇改变外交政策取向,与彼得利乌拉保持距离,只以自己的利益为导向。反过来,彼得利乌拉代表普遍定期审议达成了一项协议,承认东加利西亚是波兰的一部分,拒绝以前的民族统一行动。文章还论述了世界普遍民主联盟与布尔什维克建立军事合作关系的过程以及双方达成的协议。关键词:世界普遍定期审议,普遍定期审议,军政联盟,外交,外交政策,布尔什维克
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引用次数: 0
The Knight of the National-Statist Idea (To the 140th Anniversary of Symon Petliura, Architect of the National Idea, Statesman, Military Figure and Prominent Personality) 国家统计主义思想的骑士(致国家观念的缔造者、政治家、军事家和杰出人物西蒙·佩特利乌拉诞辰140周年)
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-53
Volodymyr Denysenko
The article highlights the main life milestones of Symon Petliura, a Ukrainian statesman, one of the founders of the UPR army and a public figure, reveals his contribution to the development of spirituality and scientific heritage of our society.National idea always took centre stage in his life and work. Symon Petliura had a pen-chant for art, writing, and theatre. Being fond of Ukrainian antiquity and song creativity, he thoroughly investigated the history of Ukrainian culture. In the critical period of the Ukrainian revolution, he was destined to become the head of state and fight for freedom and independence of the people.The personality of Symon Petliura is inseparable from the history of the Ukrainian army, to which he contributed a lot of effort and energy. His contribution at the time of stormy military activities is especially striking, given that Symon Petliura had no special military education. Still, it was he who was able to understand the importance of Ukraine’s own armed forces and their role in the struggle for statehood. In his capacity as Head of State and Supreme Commander of the UPR Army, Symon Petliura served as a model for his contemporaries and successors and a prominent example of ardent struggle for his country. This struggle was not successful due to the prevailing forces of the external fronts and the Ukrainian forces were too fragmented altogether. Ukraine was faced with an array of complex problems and unforeseen circumstances, which could not be dealt with even by the most brilliant masters of the then world politics.Nonetheless, he did not lose faith in the revival of Ukraine as an independent state. Even in exile, Symon Petliura continued to be a guide for his people through his diplomatic services trying to maintain the international legal status of the government of the UPR in exile.Symon Petliura is an undisputed and uncompromising leader of the national liberation struggle. His name went down in Ukrainian history as one of the outstanding figures of the 20th century.Keywords: national idea, statesman, Ukrainian People’s Republic, Ukrainian army, spirituality, patriotism.
这篇文章强调了乌克兰政治家、普遍定期审议军队的创始人之一、公众人物Symon Petliura的主要人生里程碑,揭示了他对我们社会的精神发展和科学遗产的贡献。国家思想始终是他生活和工作的中心。西蒙·佩特利乌拉酷爱艺术、写作和戏剧。他喜欢乌克兰的古代和歌曲创作,对乌克兰的文化历史进行了深入的研究。在乌克兰革命的关键时期,他注定要成为国家元首,为人民的自由和独立而战。Symon Petliura的个性与乌克兰军队的历史密不可分,他为此付出了很多努力和精力。考虑到西蒙·佩特利乌拉没有受过特殊的军事教育,他在激烈的军事活动中做出的贡献尤其引人注目。不过,正是他能够理解乌克兰自己的武装力量的重要性,以及他们在争取国家地位的斗争中所扮演的角色。西蒙·佩特利乌拉以国家元首和普遍定期审议军队最高指挥官的身份,为他的同时代人和继任者树立了榜样,是为国家进行热烈斗争的杰出榜样。由于外部战线的主要力量和乌克兰部队太分散,这场斗争没有成功。乌克兰面临着一系列复杂的问题和不可预见的情况,即使是当时最杰出的世界政治大师也无法解决。尽管如此,他并没有对乌克兰作为一个独立国家的复兴失去信心。即使在流亡期间,西蒙·佩特利乌拉也通过外交服务继续成为他的人民的向导,试图维持流亡中的普遍定期审议政府的国际法律地位。西蒙·佩特利乌拉是民族解放斗争中无可争议和毫不妥协的领袖。他的名字作为20世纪杰出人物之一而载入乌克兰史册。关键词:国家观念,政治家,乌克兰人民共和国,乌克兰军队,精神,爱国主义。
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引用次数: 0
Bilateral Relations between the Republic of Iraq and Ukraine 伊拉克共和国与乌克兰的双边关系
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-8
Hussein Abbas Hussein Taan
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引用次数: 0
Public History: New Discovery or Forgotten Past? (Passing Remarks on Ukrainian History) 公共历史:新发现还是被遗忘的过去?(就乌克兰历史发表讲话)
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-44
L. Chekalenko
To answer the question of what public history is, it is worth turning to its origins. The emergence of academic history in the 19th century was associated with its separation from other fields of knowledge. At that time, it was believed that without a professional historical education, it would be impossible to become a learned and intelligent person and to narrate the past objectively and truthfully. Otherwise, these stories would resemble nothing but myths and fairy tales.During Soviet times, history gradually became a scientific discipline as well as an ideological doctrine, as its primary task during the rapid cascade of changes in various political regimes was to educate ideologically savvy professionals for state-building.Historical science was formed during the creation of nation-states and affirmed the national identity of various social and ethnic groups that formed one nation. World War II forced historians to rethink the meaning of life, its fragility, and vulnerability. At the same time, the deep political, economic, and social world crisis of the 1970s – another global upheaval – drew the attention of historical science to the person. Oral history, new social history, public history, etc. sprang into existence. Attention was also paid to certain social groups – women, religious communities, working and student youth, etc. Gradually, public history has become a factor contributing to the democratisation of historical science.Thus, the article describes the peculiarities of the development of public history and its forward movement in the world. The author concludes that public history will not only provide a modern idea of what historical knowledge is but will also help to find out how it works now in our context, how it is used for the benefit of various individual and collective social actors, and, ultimately, will provide guidance for discerning the basis of Ukrainian disputes over historical issues.Keywords: official history, public history, emergence, development, crisis of the 1970s.
要回答什么是公共历史这个问题,有必要回顾一下它的起源。19世纪学术史的出现与它与其他知识领域的分离有关。当时,人们认为,没有专业的历史教育,就不可能成为一个有学问、有智慧的人,也不可能客观、真实地叙述过去。否则,这些故事就像神话和童话。在苏联时期,历史逐渐成为一门科学学科和一种意识形态学说,因为在各种政治制度的快速变化中,它的主要任务是为国家建设教育具有意识形态头脑的专业人士。历史科学是在民族国家创建过程中形成的,它肯定了构成一个民族的各种社会和民族群体的民族认同。第二次世界大战迫使历史学家重新思考生命的意义、生命的脆弱和脆弱。与此同时,20世纪70年代深刻的政治、经济和社会世界危机——另一场全球性的动荡——把历史科学的注意力吸引到了这个人身上。口述史、新社会史、公共史等相继出现。还注意到某些社会群体- -妇女、宗教团体、青年工人和学生等等。公共历史逐渐成为推动历史科学民主化的一个因素。因此,本文描述了世界公共史发展的特点及其前进的运动。作者的结论是,公共历史不仅将提供一个关于历史知识是什么的现代概念,而且将有助于发现它在我们的背景下如何运作,它如何用于各种个人和集体的社会行动者的利益,并最终将为辨别乌克兰历史问题争端的基础提供指导。关键词:正史,公共史,70年代的产生,发展,危机。
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引用次数: 0
National Branding: International Experience 国家品牌:国际经验
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-44
L. Chekalenko
The article deals with the experience of foreign countries in the formation and promotion of national branding policy. According to the author, in order to strengthen Ukraine’s position in the world, it is necessary to begin with developing and enhancing the level of bilateral cooperation. Particular attention should be attached to such a mechanism of interaction as the dissemination of information and improvement of a state’s image. The author draws attention to the fact that a crucial component of creating the image of a state is territorial branding aimed at promoting and popularizing specific territories. Territorial branding contributes to the restoration of infrastructure, emergence of a skilled workforce, promotion of local entrepreneurship and public-private structures, identification and attraction of adjacent companies and industrial facilities, creation of local attractions, development of social infrastructure and cultural facilities. Certain opportunities lie in the promotion of branding of Ukrainian agricultural products. According to the author, public diplomacy, a network of embassies, a series of publications in well-known advertising agencies should help address these issues. This helps to attract foreign capital with the ensuing efficient promotion of a branding object.The author argues that Ukraine needs a multi-directional policy aimed at comprehensive development of its national brands in order to facilitate successful exports, tourism, culture promotion, and to attract investment to ensure economic prosperity. The information provided by the author is intended to draw the attention of Ukrainian authorities to the improvement of the foreign policy and investment image of Ukraine.Keywords: politics, national branding, territorial branding, cooperation, branding, experience, Ukraine.
本文论述了国外国家品牌政策形成和推广的经验。作者认为,为了加强乌克兰在世界上的地位,有必要从发展和提高双边合作水平开始。尤其要重视信息传播和国家形象提升等互动机制。作者提请注意,塑造国家形象的一个重要组成部分是旨在促进和普及特定领土的领土品牌。地域品牌有助于基础设施的修复,熟练劳动力的出现,促进地方创业和公私结构,识别和吸引邻近的公司和工业设施,创造地方景点,发展社会基础设施和文化设施。乌克兰农产品品牌化的推广是一些机会。作者认为,公共外交、大使馆网络、知名广告公司的一系列出版物应该有助于解决这些问题。这有助于吸引外资,从而有效地推广品牌。作者认为,乌克兰需要一个多方位的政策,旨在全面发展其民族品牌,以促进成功的出口,旅游,文化推广,并吸引投资,以确保经济繁荣。作者提供的资料旨在提请乌克兰当局注意改善乌克兰的外交政策和投资形象。关键词:政治,国家品牌,地域品牌,合作,品牌,经验,乌克兰
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引用次数: 0
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