Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-21
Norton De Andrade Mello Rapesta
{"title":"‘Brazil is known as a magic word’","authors":"Norton De Andrade Mello Rapesta","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2021-21","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-21","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125189438","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-30
M. Soroka
The article explores the operation of journalists amid the russian-Ukrainian war. The author underlines the consolidation of Ukrainian media, highlighting in this regard the all-Ukrainian radio marathons, such as the ‘Together we are strong’ broadcast. Ukrainian mass media, particularly broadcasting media, have mobilised into a robust frontline for powerful resistance against the enemy’s attempts to sow panic, launch fakes and disseminate falsehoods. The paper argues that such mobilisation of domestic mass media resources in the war for Ukraine is unique not only for state-level but for global journalism as well. In this connection, the Pulitzer Prize Board recognised Ukrainian journalists with a special award ‘for courage, endurance and commitment to truthful reporting’ in April 2022. The article also states that the challenges of the information sphere, including those of regional outlets, warrant our utmost attention. To understate them, let alone neglect them, means to sabotage our resistance to the enemy, which has been investing colossal capital into its mass media tools. The author observes the sharp lack of military-specialised media outlets following their liquidation amid hastened denationalisation. Finally, he asserts that policymakers need to review certain legislative norms of denationalisation and urgently implement opportunities for restoration and support of all-Ukrainian printed outlets on the state level. Keywords: war, journalists, mass media, information, Pulitzer Prize, broadcast channels.
{"title":"When a Word Is a Formidable Weapon","authors":"M. Soroka","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2022-30","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-30","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores the operation of journalists amid the russian-Ukrainian war. The author underlines the consolidation of Ukrainian media, highlighting in this regard the all-Ukrainian radio marathons, such as the ‘Together we are strong’ broadcast. Ukrainian mass media, particularly broadcasting media, have mobilised into a robust frontline for powerful resistance against the enemy’s attempts to sow panic, launch fakes and disseminate falsehoods.\u0000The paper argues that such mobilisation of domestic mass media resources in the war for Ukraine is unique not only for state-level but for global journalism as well. In this connection, the Pulitzer Prize Board recognised Ukrainian journalists with a special award ‘for courage, endurance and commitment to truthful reporting’ in April 2022.\u0000The article also states that the challenges of the information sphere, including those of regional outlets, warrant our utmost attention. To understate them, let alone neglect them, means to sabotage our resistance to the enemy, which has been investing colossal capital into its mass media tools.\u0000The author observes the sharp lack of military-specialised media outlets following their liquidation amid hastened denationalisation. Finally, he asserts that policymakers need to review certain legislative norms of denationalisation and urgently implement opportunities for restoration and support of all-Ukrainian printed outlets on the state level.\u0000Keywords: war, journalists, mass media, information, Pulitzer Prize, broadcast channels.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128730571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-25
E. Reichel
The article examines the main visits of German officials to Ukraine in 2018. It is mentioned that Ukraine is a top-priority partner for Germany; the latter provides long-term and substantial technical and financial support in energy efficiency, economic development and infrastructure, decentralisation and local governance, the rule of law and fight against corruption as well as education, science, and mass media. Besides, trade relations between Ukraine and Germany are quite robust. It is mentioned that Frank-Walter Steinmeier, President of the Federal Republic of Germany, was the first to hand over the baton of high-profile diplomatic visits of German high-ranked officials to Ukraine. In the course of the durable conversation with President Poroshenko, two parishioners of statecraft discussed the matters related to the armed conflict in Donbas. For Steinmeier, that visit came as an opportunity to talk to Ukrainian youth and encourage communication between representatives of civil society of the two states. He also urged Ukrainian society to implement reforms in the state persistently, however hard they might be and whatever obstacles might be on the road. In several hours after the departure of President Steinmeier, Heiko Maas paid a visit to Ukraine. Mr Maas reiterated President Steinmeier’s statement about the readiness to help Ukraine and focused his attention on specific actions to be taken to that end. It is stressed that it is highly important for Germany to stop the bloodshed in Europe. After visiting the destroyed city of Shyrokyne, Heiko Maas was deeply impressed with the scale of destruction and despair. The visit of Chancellor Angela Merkel, who came to Ukraine in November 2018, was also examined. After the traditional reception with bread and salt at the Boryspil Airport organised by Kyiv Mayor Vitalii Klychko, the official reception was held in the Mariinskyi Palace where President Poroshenko met the Chancellor with military honours. The negotiations focused on the necessity to ensure progress in implementing the Minsk Accords. The meeting of Chancellor Merkel with Prime Minister Hroisman was mostly devoted to the issues of bilateral relations and economic development. The Chancellor also delivered a speech before the students of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv and encouraged youth to always search for the truth and not to be allured by populist promises. Key words: Germany, state visits, Ukrainian-German relations, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, Heiko Maas, Angela Merkel.
{"title":"High-Profile Visits of German Officials to Ukraine in 2018 – A strong Sign of Germany’s Support for Ukraine’s Reform Agenda","authors":"E. Reichel","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-25","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-25","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the main visits of German officials to Ukraine in 2018. It is mentioned that Ukraine is a top-priority partner for Germany; the latter provides long-term and substantial technical and financial support in energy efficiency, economic development and infrastructure, decentralisation and local governance, the rule of law and fight against corruption as well as education, science, and mass media. Besides, trade relations between Ukraine and Germany are quite robust.\u0000It is mentioned that Frank-Walter Steinmeier, President of the Federal Republic of Germany, was the first to hand over the baton of high-profile diplomatic visits of German high-ranked officials to Ukraine. In the course of the durable conversation with President Poroshenko, two parishioners of statecraft discussed the matters related to the armed conflict in Donbas. For Steinmeier, that visit came as an opportunity to talk to Ukrainian youth and encourage communication between representatives of civil society of the two states. He also urged Ukrainian society to implement reforms in the state persistently, however hard they might be and whatever obstacles might be on the road.\u0000In several hours after the departure of President Steinmeier, Heiko Maas paid a visit to Ukraine. Mr Maas reiterated President Steinmeier’s statement about the readiness to help Ukraine and focused his attention on specific actions to be taken to that end. It is stressed that it is highly important for Germany to stop the bloodshed in Europe. After visiting the destroyed city of Shyrokyne, Heiko Maas was deeply impressed with the scale of destruction and despair.\u0000The visit of Chancellor Angela Merkel, who came to Ukraine in November 2018, was also examined. After the traditional reception with bread and salt at the Boryspil Airport organised by Kyiv Mayor Vitalii Klychko, the official reception was held in the Mariinskyi Palace where President Poroshenko met the Chancellor with military honours. The negotiations focused on the necessity to ensure progress in implementing the Minsk Accords. The meeting of Chancellor Merkel with Prime Minister Hroisman was mostly devoted to the issues of bilateral relations and economic development. The Chancellor also delivered a speech before the students of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv and encouraged youth to always search for the truth and not to be allured by populist promises.\u0000Key words: Germany, state visits, Ukrainian-German relations, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, Heiko Maas, Angela Merkel.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126270318","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-28
V. Tsivatyi
The study is devoted to methodological problems, modern and historical discourses of the study of the institutional origins, achievements and present of the diplomacy of the Kingdom of Belgium. The authors emphasise the relevance and significance of the subject, which has not received a comprehensive comparative analysis in modern Ukrainian and world historiography. When analysing the model of diplomacy and the diplomatic system of the Kingdom of Belgium, the authors focus on the features and national specificity of the stages of the institutional history and the present of Belgian diplomacy in the system of international political coordinates. Special attention is focused on the expediency of implementing in Ukraine the best diplomatic examples (models) and achievements of Belgian diplomacy in the conditions of a globalised world system. The article emphasises the methods of research, which is interdisciplinary in nature and is based on important cognitive principles: scientificity, historicism and objectivity. The use of various general and special methods allowed the authors to determine the trajectory of scientific research for the real reconstruction of historical and modern events, institutional stages of formation and the current state of the model of diplomacy of the Kingdom of Belgium. The historical legacy and modern practical experience of the diplomacy of the Kingdom of Belgium have not lost their relevance to this day; bilateral Belgian-Ukrainian relations firmly connect Belgium and Ukraine through centuries and millennia of European history. Keywords: international relations, foreign policy, diplomacy, public diplomacy, institutional history, institutionalisation, Ukraine, Belgium.
{"title":"The Model of Diplomacy and the Diplomatic System of the Kingdom of Belgium in Globalisation: Institutional and Political-International Discourses (Experience for Ukraine)","authors":"V. Tsivatyi","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2022-28","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-28","url":null,"abstract":"The study is devoted to methodological problems, modern and historical discourses of the study of the institutional origins, achievements and present of the diplomacy of the Kingdom of Belgium. The authors emphasise the relevance and significance of the subject, which has not received a comprehensive comparative analysis in modern Ukrainian and world historiography. When analysing the model of diplomacy and the diplomatic system of the Kingdom of Belgium, the authors focus on the features and national specificity of the stages of the institutional history and the present of Belgian diplomacy in the system of international political coordinates. Special attention is focused on the expediency of implementing in Ukraine the best diplomatic examples (models) and achievements of Belgian diplomacy in the conditions of a globalised world system.\u0000The article emphasises the methods of research, which is interdisciplinary in nature and is based on important cognitive principles: scientificity, historicism and objectivity. The use of various general and special methods allowed the authors to determine the trajectory of scientific research for the real reconstruction of historical and modern events, institutional stages of formation and the current state of the model of diplomacy of the Kingdom of Belgium.\u0000The historical legacy and modern practical experience of the diplomacy of the Kingdom of Belgium have not lost their relevance to this day; bilateral Belgian-Ukrainian relations firmly connect Belgium and Ukraine through centuries and millennia of European history.\u0000Keywords: international relations, foreign policy, diplomacy, public diplomacy, institutional history, institutionalisation, Ukraine, Belgium.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"94 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126077301","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-28
Yağmur Ahmet Güldere
The article examines the cooperation of Turkey and Ukraine and its future prospects. It is mentioned that Turkey defined Ukraine as a top-priority partner in 2003, and in 2011, this concept was transformed into a strategic partnership. It is noted that trade turnover between the two countries currently stands at $4,1 billion. However, a larger volume is eminently achievable, which has prompted the leaders to announce $10 billion as the new benchmark of bilateral trade. Turkish entrepreneurs firmly believe in the future of Ukraine and put huge investments into it. Telecommunications, renewable energy, construction, and agriculture are a few main sectors supported by the Turkish business community, which contributes to strengthening the Ukrainian economy. The visa free regime between the two countries has led to the upswing of tourism, where the number of visitors has increased to 1,75 million people. With this fact in mind, the two states are taking an ever-growing interest in each other and boost cooperation in the realm of culture. In October 2017, the Yunus Emre Cultural Centre was inaugurated in Kyiv with the aim of providing Turkish classes and cooperating with Ukrainian stakeholders interested in the organisation of cultural events. It is underlined that Turkey has repeatedly confirmed its respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, namely in respect of Crimea and Donbas. Turkey is also closely cooperating with Ukraine on the international arena, in particular on matters relating to Crimean Tatars. The article concludes that Turkey and Ukraine have tremendous potential for cooperation and all the necessary tools to bring their bilateral relations to a new level. There are substantial grounds for the trade turnover to reach and even exceed $10 billion, especially if the free trade agreement is concluded. Apart from trade, general bilateral cooperation will encompass more realms, running the gamut from security to culture. The reason for this ambitious statement is not only efforts of the two states in this direction but also a sincere interest of the two nations in cooperation. Key words: Turkey, cooperation, trade, culture, tourism, security.
{"title":"The Firm Friendship: Turkish–Ukrainian Cooperation","authors":"Yağmur Ahmet Güldere","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-28","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-28","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the cooperation of Turkey and Ukraine and its future prospects. It is mentioned that Turkey defined Ukraine as a top-priority partner in 2003, and in 2011, this concept was transformed into a strategic partnership.\u0000It is noted that trade turnover between the two countries currently stands at $4,1 billion. However, a larger volume is eminently achievable, which has prompted the leaders to announce $10 billion as the new benchmark of bilateral trade. Turkish entrepreneurs firmly believe in the future of Ukraine and put huge investments into it. Telecommunications, renewable energy, construction, and agriculture are a few main sectors supported by the Turkish business community, which contributes to strengthening the Ukrainian economy.\u0000The visa free regime between the two countries has led to the upswing of tourism, where the number of visitors has increased to 1,75 million people. With this fact in mind, the two states are taking an ever-growing interest in each other and boost cooperation in the realm of culture. In October 2017, the Yunus Emre Cultural Centre was inaugurated in Kyiv with the aim of providing Turkish classes and cooperating with Ukrainian stakeholders interested in the organisation of cultural events.\u0000It is underlined that Turkey has repeatedly confirmed its respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, namely in respect of Crimea and Donbas. Turkey is also closely cooperating with Ukraine on the international arena, in particular on matters relating to Crimean Tatars.\u0000The article concludes that Turkey and Ukraine have tremendous potential for cooperation and all the necessary tools to bring their bilateral relations to a new level. There are substantial grounds for the trade turnover to reach and even exceed $10 billion, especially if the free trade agreement is concluded. Apart from trade, general bilateral cooperation will encompass more realms, running the gamut from security to culture. The reason for this ambitious statement is not only efforts of the two states in this direction but also a sincere interest of the two nations in cooperation.\u0000Key words: Turkey, cooperation, trade, culture, tourism, security.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114825166","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-4
I. Datskiv
The article deals with the relationship between the West Ukrainian People’s Republic and the Ukrainian People’s Republic during the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921. Within this framework, the military-political union and the interaction in the diplomatic sphere between the UPR and the WUPR are examined. It is noted that the question of the Union of the WUPR with Dnipro Ukraine arose due to the large-scale aggression of Poland in the West and the offensive of the Bolsheviks from the East. However, it was envisaged that the WUPR would be granted broad autonomy with its own army and government. The WUPR received considerable military and material aid from the UPR, which contributed to the war with a much stronger enemy. It is argued that after the union was created, there was a need for harmonization and co-ordination of foreign policy of the states and their foreign affairs agencies. As a result, those institutions acquired all-Ukrainian status. However, this did not affect WUPR missions in the countries that emerged in the territories of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, namely Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. Other diplomatic missions become common for the UPR and the WUPR. The article states that over time certain controversies emerged as for the vision of foreign policy priorities of the WUPR and the UPR. The government and military leadership of the WUPR began to cooperate with the Bolsheviks. One of the reasons is the lack of power of the WUPR armed forces and the Bolshevik sympathy towards them. Besides, the increasing number of Galician and Dnipro Ukraine politicians and diplomats offered Y. Petrushevych to change his foreign policy orientation, distance himself from S. Petliura and be guided solely by his own interests. In turn, S. Petliura forged an agreement on behalf of the UPR on the recognition of Eastern Galicia as part of Poland and the rejection of previous acts of national unity. The article also deals with the process of establishing the military cooperation of the WUPR with the Bolsheviks and the agreements inter se. Keywords: WUPR, UPR, military-political alliance, diplomacy, foreign policy, Bolsheviks.
{"title":"The Military-Political Alliance and Diplomatic Cooperation of the UPR and the WUPR","authors":"I. Datskiv","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-4","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the relationship between the West Ukrainian People’s Republic and the Ukrainian People’s Republic during the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921. Within this framework, the military-political union and the interaction in the diplomatic sphere between the UPR and the WUPR are examined.\u0000It is noted that the question of the Union of the WUPR with Dnipro Ukraine arose due to the large-scale aggression of Poland in the West and the offensive of the Bolsheviks from the East. However, it was envisaged that the WUPR would be granted broad autonomy with its own army and government. The WUPR received considerable military and material aid from the UPR, which contributed to the war with a much stronger enemy.\u0000It is argued that after the union was created, there was a need for harmonization and co-ordination of foreign policy of the states and their foreign affairs agencies. As a result, those institutions acquired all-Ukrainian status. However, this did not affect WUPR missions in the countries that emerged in the territories of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, namely Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. Other diplomatic missions become common for the UPR and the WUPR.\u0000The article states that over time certain controversies emerged as for the vision of foreign policy priorities of the WUPR and the UPR. The government and military leadership of the WUPR began to cooperate with the Bolsheviks. One of the reasons is the lack of power of the WUPR armed forces and the Bolshevik sympathy towards them. Besides, the increasing number of Galician and Dnipro Ukraine politicians and diplomats offered Y. Petrushevych to change his foreign policy orientation, distance himself from S. Petliura and be guided solely by his own interests. In turn, S. Petliura forged an agreement on behalf of the UPR on the recognition of Eastern Galicia as part of Poland and the rejection of previous acts of national unity.\u0000The article also deals with the process of establishing the military cooperation of the WUPR with the Bolsheviks and the agreements inter se.\u0000Keywords: WUPR, UPR, military-political alliance, diplomacy, foreign policy, Bolsheviks.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114261593","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-53
Volodymyr Denysenko
The article highlights the main life milestones of Symon Petliura, a Ukrainian statesman, one of the founders of the UPR army and a public figure, reveals his contribution to the development of spirituality and scientific heritage of our society. National idea always took centre stage in his life and work. Symon Petliura had a pen-chant for art, writing, and theatre. Being fond of Ukrainian antiquity and song creativity, he thoroughly investigated the history of Ukrainian culture. In the critical period of the Ukrainian revolution, he was destined to become the head of state and fight for freedom and independence of the people. The personality of Symon Petliura is inseparable from the history of the Ukrainian army, to which he contributed a lot of effort and energy. His contribution at the time of stormy military activities is especially striking, given that Symon Petliura had no special military education. Still, it was he who was able to understand the importance of Ukraine’s own armed forces and their role in the struggle for statehood. In his capacity as Head of State and Supreme Commander of the UPR Army, Symon Petliura served as a model for his contemporaries and successors and a prominent example of ardent struggle for his country. This struggle was not successful due to the prevailing forces of the external fronts and the Ukrainian forces were too fragmented altogether. Ukraine was faced with an array of complex problems and unforeseen circumstances, which could not be dealt with even by the most brilliant masters of the then world politics. Nonetheless, he did not lose faith in the revival of Ukraine as an independent state. Even in exile, Symon Petliura continued to be a guide for his people through his diplomatic services trying to maintain the international legal status of the government of the UPR in exile. Symon Petliura is an undisputed and uncompromising leader of the national liberation struggle. His name went down in Ukrainian history as one of the outstanding figures of the 20th century. Keywords: national idea, statesman, Ukrainian People’s Republic, Ukrainian army, spirituality, patriotism.
{"title":"The Knight of the National-Statist Idea (To the 140th Anniversary of Symon Petliura, Architect of the National Idea, Statesman, Military Figure and Prominent Personality)","authors":"Volodymyr Denysenko","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-53","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-53","url":null,"abstract":"The article highlights the main life milestones of Symon Petliura, a Ukrainian statesman, one of the founders of the UPR army and a public figure, reveals his contribution to the development of spirituality and scientific heritage of our society.\u0000National idea always took centre stage in his life and work. Symon Petliura had a pen-chant for art, writing, and theatre. Being fond of Ukrainian antiquity and song creativity, he thoroughly investigated the history of Ukrainian culture. In the critical period of the Ukrainian revolution, he was destined to become the head of state and fight for freedom and independence of the people.\u0000The personality of Symon Petliura is inseparable from the history of the Ukrainian army, to which he contributed a lot of effort and energy. His contribution at the time of stormy military activities is especially striking, given that Symon Petliura had no special military education. Still, it was he who was able to understand the importance of Ukraine’s own armed forces and their role in the struggle for statehood. In his capacity as Head of State and Supreme Commander of the UPR Army, Symon Petliura served as a model for his contemporaries and successors and a prominent example of ardent struggle for his country. This struggle was not successful due to the prevailing forces of the external fronts and the Ukrainian forces were too fragmented altogether. Ukraine was faced with an array of complex problems and unforeseen circumstances, which could not be dealt with even by the most brilliant masters of the then world politics.\u0000Nonetheless, he did not lose faith in the revival of Ukraine as an independent state. Even in exile, Symon Petliura continued to be a guide for his people through his diplomatic services trying to maintain the international legal status of the government of the UPR in exile.\u0000Symon Petliura is an undisputed and uncompromising leader of the national liberation struggle. His name went down in Ukrainian history as one of the outstanding figures of the 20th century.\u0000Keywords: national idea, statesman, Ukrainian People’s Republic, Ukrainian army, spirituality, patriotism.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126696085","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-8
Hussein Abbas Hussein Taan
{"title":"Bilateral Relations between the Republic of Iraq and Ukraine","authors":"Hussein Abbas Hussein Taan","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2022-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-8","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117337869","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-44
L. Chekalenko
To answer the question of what public history is, it is worth turning to its origins. The emergence of academic history in the 19th century was associated with its separation from other fields of knowledge. At that time, it was believed that without a professional historical education, it would be impossible to become a learned and intelligent person and to narrate the past objectively and truthfully. Otherwise, these stories would resemble nothing but myths and fairy tales. During Soviet times, history gradually became a scientific discipline as well as an ideological doctrine, as its primary task during the rapid cascade of changes in various political regimes was to educate ideologically savvy professionals for state-building. Historical science was formed during the creation of nation-states and affirmed the national identity of various social and ethnic groups that formed one nation. World War II forced historians to rethink the meaning of life, its fragility, and vulnerability. At the same time, the deep political, economic, and social world crisis of the 1970s – another global upheaval – drew the attention of historical science to the person. Oral history, new social history, public history, etc. sprang into existence. Attention was also paid to certain social groups – women, religious communities, working and student youth, etc. Gradually, public history has become a factor contributing to the democratisation of historical science. Thus, the article describes the peculiarities of the development of public history and its forward movement in the world. The author concludes that public history will not only provide a modern idea of what historical knowledge is but will also help to find out how it works now in our context, how it is used for the benefit of various individual and collective social actors, and, ultimately, will provide guidance for discerning the basis of Ukrainian disputes over historical issues. Keywords: official history, public history, emergence, development, crisis of the 1970s.
{"title":"Public History: New Discovery or Forgotten Past? (Passing Remarks on Ukrainian History)","authors":"L. Chekalenko","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2021-44","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-44","url":null,"abstract":"To answer the question of what public history is, it is worth turning to its origins. The emergence of academic history in the 19th century was associated with its separation from other fields of knowledge. At that time, it was believed that without a professional historical education, it would be impossible to become a learned and intelligent person and to narrate the past objectively and truthfully. Otherwise, these stories would resemble nothing but myths and fairy tales.\u0000During Soviet times, history gradually became a scientific discipline as well as an ideological doctrine, as its primary task during the rapid cascade of changes in various political regimes was to educate ideologically savvy professionals for state-building.\u0000Historical science was formed during the creation of nation-states and affirmed the national identity of various social and ethnic groups that formed one nation. World War II forced historians to rethink the meaning of life, its fragility, and vulnerability. At the same time, the deep political, economic, and social world crisis of the 1970s – another global upheaval – drew the attention of historical science to the person. Oral history, new social history, public history, etc. sprang into existence. Attention was also paid to certain social groups – women, religious communities, working and student youth, etc. Gradually, public history has become a factor contributing to the democratisation of historical science.\u0000Thus, the article describes the peculiarities of the development of public history and its forward movement in the world. The author concludes that public history will not only provide a modern idea of what historical knowledge is but will also help to find out how it works now in our context, how it is used for the benefit of various individual and collective social actors, and, ultimately, will provide guidance for discerning the basis of Ukrainian disputes over historical issues.\u0000Keywords: official history, public history, emergence, development, crisis of the 1970s.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134076640","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-44
L. Chekalenko
The article deals with the experience of foreign countries in the formation and promotion of national branding policy. According to the author, in order to strengthen Ukraine’s position in the world, it is necessary to begin with developing and enhancing the level of bilateral cooperation. Particular attention should be attached to such a mechanism of interaction as the dissemination of information and improvement of a state’s image. The author draws attention to the fact that a crucial component of creating the image of a state is territorial branding aimed at promoting and popularizing specific territories. Territorial branding contributes to the restoration of infrastructure, emergence of a skilled workforce, promotion of local entrepreneurship and public-private structures, identification and attraction of adjacent companies and industrial facilities, creation of local attractions, development of social infrastructure and cultural facilities. Certain opportunities lie in the promotion of branding of Ukrainian agricultural products. According to the author, public diplomacy, a network of embassies, a series of publications in well-known advertising agencies should help address these issues. This helps to attract foreign capital with the ensuing efficient promotion of a branding object. The author argues that Ukraine needs a multi-directional policy aimed at comprehensive development of its national brands in order to facilitate successful exports, tourism, culture promotion, and to attract investment to ensure economic prosperity. The information provided by the author is intended to draw the attention of Ukrainian authorities to the improvement of the foreign policy and investment image of Ukraine. Keywords: politics, national branding, territorial branding, cooperation, branding, experience, Ukraine.
{"title":"National Branding: International Experience","authors":"L. Chekalenko","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-44","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-44","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the experience of foreign countries in the formation and promotion of national branding policy. According to the author, in order to strengthen Ukraine’s position in the world, it is necessary to begin with developing and enhancing the level of bilateral cooperation. Particular attention should be attached to such a mechanism of interaction as the dissemination of information and improvement of a state’s image. The author draws attention to the fact that a crucial component of creating the image of a state is territorial branding aimed at promoting and popularizing specific territories. Territorial branding contributes to the restoration of infrastructure, emergence of a skilled workforce, promotion of local entrepreneurship and public-private structures, identification and attraction of adjacent companies and industrial facilities, creation of local attractions, development of social infrastructure and cultural facilities. Certain opportunities lie in the promotion of branding of Ukrainian agricultural products. According to the author, public diplomacy, a network of embassies, a series of publications in well-known advertising agencies should help address these issues. This helps to attract foreign capital with the ensuing efficient promotion of a branding object.\u0000The author argues that Ukraine needs a multi-directional policy aimed at comprehensive development of its national brands in order to facilitate successful exports, tourism, culture promotion, and to attract investment to ensure economic prosperity. The information provided by the author is intended to draw the attention of Ukrainian authorities to the improvement of the foreign policy and investment image of Ukraine.\u0000Keywords: politics, national branding, territorial branding, cooperation, branding, experience, Ukraine.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129719379","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}