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The Credo of His Life 他的人生信条
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-46
Yuri Bohayevskyi, Ihor Turianskyi
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引用次数: 0
Ukraine’s Pretence Democracy Model as a Threat to State Sovereignty in the Context of World Experience 从世界经验看乌克兰的伪民主模式对国家主权的威胁
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-37
O. Shmorhun
The article analyses the main stages of political reform in Ukraine from the point of view of comparative Western political science and taking into account the experience of the political history of developed Western countries of The modern era. It shows the fundamental difference between the real mechanisms and institutions of Ukrainian power from the real democratic standard of Western democracy and effective separation of powers.The article reveals the systemic shortcomings of any parliamentarism in a situation of acute crisis and the mechanisms of falsification of presidential and parliamentary political foundations in the post-Soviet space. Myths about the possibility of democratization of the Ukrainian government and the promotion of Ukraine’s approach to membership in the European Union by introducing the procedure for electing a President in a representative status, which will be carried out by the legislative body, are refuted.The author of the article argues that it is now advisable to take advantage of the General positive trend in Ukrainian politics – the transition from the previous presidential-parliamentary model to a parliamentary-presidential Republic. And complete the process of democratization of the Ukrainian government by introducing a purely parliamentary Republic in Ukraine. However, it is important to note that even the founders of European parliamentary republics are aware that numerous collegial bodies cannot be effective in emergency situations. It has been well known since ancient times that a consistently collegial structure and decision-making mechanism does not eliminate the danger of shadow tyranny.It is noted that the development of a full-fledged model of presidentialism will actually contribute to improving the efficiency of the Ukrainian government. But the right to develop and implement such a model should only be granted to political forces that actually demonstrate their ability to protect national Ukrainian interests.Keywords: Ukrainian political reform, parliamentary-presidential Republic, constitutions of post-Soviet countries, European political history.
本文从比较西方政治学的角度,结合近代西方发达国家政治史的经验,分析了乌克兰政治改革的主要阶段。它显示了乌克兰权力的真正机制和机构与西方民主的真正民主标准和有效的权力分立之间的根本差异。本文揭示了任何议会制在严重危机形势下的系统缺陷,以及后苏联空间中总统和议会政治基础的伪造机制。关于乌克兰政府民主化的可能性和通过引入将由立法机构执行的具有代表地位的总统选举程序来促进乌克兰加入欧盟的方法的神话被驳斥。文章作者认为,现在最好利用乌克兰政治的总体积极趋势——从以前的总统-议会模式过渡到议会制-总统制共和国。通过在乌克兰建立一个纯粹的议会制共和国来完成乌克兰政府的民主化进程。然而,必须指出,即使是欧洲议会制共和国的创始国也意识到,许多合议制机构在紧急情况下无法发挥效力。自古以来,人们就知道,始终如一的合议结构和决策机制并不能消除影子专制的危险。值得注意的是,发展成熟的总统制模式实际上有助于提高乌克兰政府的效率。但是,发展和实施这种模式的权利应该只授予那些实际证明有能力保护乌克兰国家利益的政治力量。关键词:乌克兰政治改革,议会制总统制共和国,后苏联国家宪法,欧洲政治史。
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引用次数: 0
Experience Of The Guam States: Lessons To The World 关岛各州的经验:给世界的教训
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-13
A. Éfendiev
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引用次数: 0
Etiquette is Easy. Advice from His Excellency’s Wife 礼仪很简单。来自阁下夫人的忠告
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-58
Yuliia Matkovska
The article considers the Ukrainian-language version of the book about etiquette of Iryna Filippova, the wife of a diplomat, Ambassador Extraordinary And Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to France, the Netherlands, and Monaco. It was mentioned that the book was published with the participation of the Directorate-General for Rendering Services to Foreign Missions and the creative team of the Advertising and Publishing Department of the “Mediacenter” Directorate. It is noted that this is the third book by the author. Her previous editions of “Paris in Gift Wrappings” and “High-Heeled” were successful with readers.The definition of the term “etiquette” is given. Namely, it is indicated that these are rules and regulations that reflect the idea of decent behaviour of people in society.The ideological content of this publication can be understood from the title. It is noted that due to the unusual presentation and the “Lego” style inherent in the author of the book, the wife of a Ukrainian diplomat attracts the reader to actively listen to a pleasant story about unusual, or even comic, cases from the diplomatic social life, creating an atmosphere of private conversation over a Cup of coffee. The book covers outfits for official visits, and delicate tips for meetings and receptions, and recommendations for the consumption of extraordinary dishes, as well as interesting suggestions for choosing clothes and creating appropriate images. In addition, the writer in her publication made an excursion into the past to tell readers the historical facts of the establishment of certain etiquette norms, and also shared current ideas of the balance between ‘convenient’ and ‘representative’.It is noted that this is not a manual of etiquette or protocol instruction for beginners, but a harmonious combination of stories and memories of the author of the book. The leading idea is a sincere and tolerant attitude to those who are near. It is noted that the tips that can be found in the book will be useful in everyday life. Therefore, this publication is an indispensable adviser not only for representatives of diplomatic circles.Keywords: Iryna Filippova, etiquette, diplomat’s wife, writer, advice.
这篇文章考虑了乌克兰语版本的Iryna Filippova的礼仪书,Iryna Filippova是一位外交官的妻子,乌克兰驻法国、荷兰和摩纳哥的特命全权大使。有人提到,这本书是在向外国使团提供服务总局和“媒体中心”理事会广告和出版部创意小组的参与下出版的。值得注意的是,这是作者的第三本书。她之前出版的《礼物包装中的巴黎》和《高跟鞋》都很受读者欢迎。给出了“礼仪”一词的定义。也就是说,它指出这些规则和条例反映了社会中人们体面行为的观念。这本刊物的思想内容可以从标题中理解。值得注意的是,由于这本书的不同寻常的呈现方式和作者固有的“乐高”风格,一位乌克兰外交官的妻子吸引了读者积极倾听一个关于外交社交生活中不寻常甚至滑稽的案例的愉快故事,营造了一杯私人谈话的气氛。这本书涵盖了官方访问的服装,会议和招待会的精致技巧,特别菜肴的消费建议,以及选择服装和创造合适形象的有趣建议。此外,作者在她的出版物中回顾了过去,告诉读者某些礼仪规范建立的历史事实,并分享了当前关于“方便”与“代表性”之间平衡的想法。值得注意的是,这不是一本初学者的礼仪手册或礼仪指导,而是本书作者的故事和回忆的和谐结合。主导思想是对身边的人持真诚和宽容的态度。值得注意的是,在书中可以找到的技巧在日常生活中很有用。因此,这本刊物不仅是外交界代表不可缺少的顾问。关键词:伊琳娜·菲利波娃,礼仪,外交家的妻子,作家,忠告。
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引用次数: 0
The Academic School of International Law in Ukraine: Theory and International Legal Activities 乌克兰国际法学术学院:理论与国际法活动
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-50
Oleksandr Skrypniuk
The article is devoted to the analysis of the formation and development of academic research in the field of international law at Koretskyi Institute of State and Law. Organizational origins of international law started with the creation of the state and legal sector in the system of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine in 1949. Special attention is paid to the role of the outstanding student of international law in the creation of the Institute of State and Law, organization and implementation of legal research, in particular in the field of international law and the formation of the relevant scientific school.The objective development of international law in the second half of the 20th century was conditioned by the necessity of ensuring the international legal activity of Ukraine in the international arena, as one of the founding members of the United Nations. At this stage, the efforts of Koretsky and his associates were directed at the theoretical substantiation of the international legal standing of Ukraine, the study of the problems of the codification of international law, its sources, and the relationship to the internal law of states. The results of fundamental research in the field of international law contributed to the recognition of Ukrainian scholars to international legal science. Koretsky was recognized as one of the world’s leading figures and attracted by the international community to practical international legal activities in specialized United Nations bodies. He entered history as one of the founders of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.In the 1950s and 1960s, the development of Ukrainian international law was characterized by the active formation of its scientific school, the most prominent representatives of which were M. Mikhailovsky, N. Ulyanov, V. Sapozhnikov, etc. Their research has laid the foundation of the modern school of international law. The article analyzes their main works and theoretical positions that have become the patrimony of international legal science.During the 1970s and 1980s, the development of international legal science in Ukraine were characterized by the growth of its scientific potential, personnel growth of the school, expansion of the range of research. Since 1984, the position of Head of the Department of International Law and Comparative Law of the Institute has been held by V. Denisov, who ensured the organizational and methodological framework for studying relevant problems of international law.With the proclamation of Ukraine’s independence, the main tasks of the national science of international law are aimed at studying the problems of the implementation of the sovereignty of Ukraine. Over the past three decades, the results of research by scientists of international lawyers of the Institute have become dozens of individual and collective monographs that identified the main trends in the development of science of international law at the present stage.Today, the sc
本文致力于分析科列茨基国家与法律研究所国际法领域学术研究的形成和发展。国际法的组织起源始于1949年在乌克兰国家科学院系统中建立国家和法律部门。特别注意优秀的国际法学生在建立国家和法律研究所、组织和实施法律研究、特别是在国际法领域的法律研究以及建立有关科学学校方面的作用。20世纪下半叶国际法的客观发展是以确保乌克兰作为联合国创始会员国之一在国际舞台上的国际法律活动的必要性为条件的。在这一阶段,科瑞茨基和他的同事们的工作主要集中在对乌克兰国际法律地位的理论论证、国际法的编纂问题、国际法的渊源以及与各国国内法的关系等方面。国际法领域的基础研究成果有助于乌克兰学者对国际法学的认识。科列茨基被公认为世界上的领军人物之一,并被国际社会吸引到联合国专门机构的实际国际法律活动中。他作为《世界人权宣言》的创始人之一而载入史册。在20世纪50年代和60年代,乌克兰国际法发展的特点是其科学学派的积极形成,其中最著名的代表是米哈伊洛夫斯基、乌里扬诺夫、萨波日尼科夫等。他们的研究奠定了现代国际法学派的基础。本文分析了他们的主要著作和理论立场,这些都成为国际法学的遗产。在20世纪70年代和80年代,乌克兰国际法学的发展表现出科学潜力的增长、学校人员的增长、研究范围的扩大。自1984年以来,研究所国际法和比较法系主任一职一直由v·杰尼索夫担任,他确保了研究国际法有关问题的组织和方法框架。随着乌克兰独立的宣布,国家国际法科学的主要任务是研究乌克兰主权的实施问题。在过去的三十年中,研究所国际律师科学家的研究成果已成为几十本个人或集体的专著,这些专著确定了现阶段国际法科学发展的主要趋势。今天,国际法科学学派的代表人物是法学博士邓尼索夫、阿库连科、克雷辛和法学候选人迪迪科夫斯卡、佩雷韦尔泽娃、普罗岑科、萨夫丘克、斯莫里伊、苏尔任斯基、法拉列耶夫。本文特别关注了科列茨基研究所所长,即B. Babiy和Yu院士的组织和科学活动的分析。Shemshuchenko。关键词:国际法,国际法学院,国家与法律研究所,科学研究,国际法律活动,国际法学院发展阶段
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引用次数: 0
Interwar Ukrainian Political Emigrants in Yugoslavia: Relations with the Authorities 两次世界大战期间在南斯拉夫的乌克兰政治移民:与当局的关系
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-8
V. Vlasenko
This article is devoted to the relationship between interwar Ukrainian political emigrants and local authorities in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia). A comparative analysis of the attitude of the Yugoslav authorities towards Russian and Ukrainian emigrants was conducted. The Russophilia of Yugoslav authorities, who viewed the Ukrainian question through the lense of the Russian emigrants, was described. The idea of Pan-Slavism had been spreading in the Balkans for a long time, which facilitated the legitimization of friendly relations between the southern Slavs (primarily Serbs) and Russians, whom Serbs considered as protectors from the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian Empires. Yugoslavia sided with the anti-Bolshevik White Movement, an ally of the Entente, which had a positive impact on the situation of Russian emigrants. The young state was in need of professionals with a good command of foreign languages and European culture. Many emigrants met those requirements. Therefore, in the early 1920s, several thousands of emigrants worked in the public service. The reigning Karadjordjević dynasty had marital ties with the Romanov dynasty. A former Russian diplomat was among advisers to the king and the head of government. The immigration from the former Russian Empire was addressed by the Royal Court as well as several ministries and central government institutions. Direct support to the immigrants was provided by the State Commission for Assistance to Russian Refugees. Yugoslavia was a center of political and religious immigration for Russians and a provincial center for Ukrainian emigration.It is concluded that the Yugoslav authorities did not distinguish Ukrainians from Russian emigrants, therefore, any specific policy towards them was not carried out. The degree of interaction of Ukrainian emigrants with local authorities in Yugoslavia varied geographically (Slovenia and Croatia, on the one hand, and Serbia and Macedonia, on the other) and in time (in the first half of the 1920s and from the mid-1920s until the beginning of World War II).Keywords: authorities, emigration, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, Yugoslavia.
本文专门讨论两次世界大战期间乌克兰政治移民与塞尔维亚、克罗地亚和斯洛文尼亚王国(南斯拉夫)地方当局之间的关系。对南斯拉夫当局对俄罗斯和乌克兰移民的态度进行了比较分析。文中描述了南斯拉夫当局的亲俄主义,他们从俄罗斯移民的角度看待乌克兰问题。泛斯拉夫主义的思想已经在巴尔干地区传播了很长一段时间,这促进了南部斯拉夫人(主要是塞尔维亚人)和俄罗斯人之间的友好关系的合法化,塞尔维亚人认为俄罗斯人是奥斯曼帝国和奥匈帝国的保护者。南斯拉夫站在协约国盟友反布尔什维克的白色运动一边,对俄国移民的处境产生了积极的影响。这个年轻的国家需要精通外语和欧洲文化的专业人士。许多移民符合这些要求。因此,在20世纪20年代初,成千上万的移民在公共服务部门工作。统治的卡拉乔杰维奇王朝与罗曼诺夫王朝有婚姻关系。一位前俄罗斯外交官是国王和政府首脑的顾问之一。来自前俄罗斯帝国的移民问题由皇家法院以及几个部委和中央政府机构处理。国家援助俄罗斯难民委员会向移民提供直接支助。南斯拉夫是俄罗斯人政治和宗教移民的中心,也是乌克兰移民的省级中心。结论是,南斯拉夫当局没有区分乌克兰人和俄罗斯移民,因此没有对他们执行任何具体政策。乌克兰移民与南斯拉夫地方当局的互动程度在地理上(一方面是斯洛文尼亚和克罗地亚,另一方面是塞尔维亚和马其顿)和时间上(在20世纪20年代上半叶和20世纪20年代中期直到第二次世界大战开始)各不相同。关键词:当局,移民,塞尔维亚人,克罗地亚人和斯洛文尼亚人王国,南斯拉夫。
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引用次数: 1
A Study of the Republic of China as a ‘Political and Territorial Entity’ in the System of International Relations 国际关系体系中作为“政治与领土实体”的中华民国研究
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-36
Yevhen Bratuta, O. Bratuta
The article offers an insight into the circumstances of the emergence, particular features, and prospects of the existence of the Republic of China as an unrecognized state. Specifically, the authors clarify the content of the notion ‘unrecognised state’, which is to be interpreted as a type of a temporary political and territorial entity in the form of a state that does not possess formal characteristics of a member of the world community. The article also identifies the phenomenon ‘Republic of China’ through the specific singular notion ‘unrecognised state’ and outlines a conceptual framework, which allows concluding that there is only one realistic scenario of the country’s future existence, namely uniting with the People’s Republic of China into a single state within one country through political and legal unification.According to the authors, the Republic of China currently finds itself at the democratic phase of its development in the form of an unrecognised state. Together with leading countries, it is deeply integrated into the world system, being not only a component of the globalised world but also one of the factors contributing to the spread of globalization processes into the mega level of social existence. Drawing upon the research on the problems in the emergence and functioning of new political and territorial entities in the form of unrecognised states conducted by Ukrainian and foreign scholars, it can be argued that the notion ‘unrecognised state’ is yet to be finally defined. Therefore, correct identification of new political and territorial entities is impossible. The authors propose, at the level of political leadership, devising and approving a foreign policy strategy of launching and building relations between Ukraine and the Republic of China in the economic and humanitarian fields, using the international experience of establishing economic and cultural offices in partner states.Keywords: system of international relations, political and territorial entity, state, unrecognized state, the Republic of China.
本文对中华民国作为一个未被承认的国家的产生环境、特点和存在前景进行了深入的探讨。具体来说,作者澄清了“未被承认的国家”这一概念的内容,将其解释为一种以国家形式存在的临时政治和领土实体,不具备国际社会成员的正式特征。文章还通过具体的单一概念“未被承认的国家”来识别“中华民国”现象,并概述了一个概念框架,该框架允许得出结论,中国未来存在的现实情况只有一种,即通过政治和法律上的统一与中华人民共和国统一,成为一个国家内的单一国家。作者认为,中华民国目前处于其发展的民主阶段,其形式是一个不被承认的国家。与主要国家一起,它深深地融入了世界体系,不仅是全球化世界的一个组成部分,而且也是促使全球化进程蔓延到社会生活的巨大层面的因素之一。根据乌克兰和外国学者对未被承认的国家形式的新政治和领土实体的出现和运作问题的研究,可以认为“未被承认的国家”的概念尚未得到最终定义。因此,正确识别新的政治和领土实体是不可能的。作者建议,在政治领导层面,借鉴在伙伴国家设立经济和文化办事处的国际经验,制定和批准乌克兰与中华民国在经济和人道主义领域启动和建立关系的外交政策战略。关键词:国际关系体系,政治和领土实体,国家,未被承认的国家,中华民国
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引用次数: 0
Ukraine-Malaysia Relations: Priorities and Machinery 乌克兰-马来西亚关系:优先事项和机制
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-33
S. Koshovyi
The article analyses the trends and developments in Ukraine-Malaysia relations since their establishment in 1992. During the contemporary period, the economic, cultural, tourism links and other aspects of bilateral relations have expanded. There is plenty of scope for trade to continue growing. In fact, Ukrainian-Malaysian relations are complex, multifaceted, and have significant potential for further development. Ukraine sees Malaysia as an important and stable partner in Southeast Asia, a leading member of ASEAN and a moderate representative of the Islamic world. Both being UN members, Ukraine and Malaysia share a common perspective on a broad range of regional and global issues. This is followed by a whole complex of Malaysian issues, namely foreign, domestic, security policies, regional cooperation and others.The article also assesses the contemporary trends in and prospects for Malaysian multilateral ties by identifying the changing dynamics that have brought a qualitative shift in Malaysia’s relationships with the US, China, and Japan. Conclusions have been made on the enhancement of bilateral and multilateral cooperation.The author concludes that the relations with Malaysia should be focused on the further intensification of political dialogue, maintenance of economic cooperation with Malaysian partners, search for opportunities for industrial and investment cooperation, taking into account national interests, as well as securing main lines of sectoral cooperation and developing cultural and humanitarian cooperation. The issue of expanding the legal framework of bilateral relations with Malaysia remains relevant. Therefore, today there is a need to elaborate a new format of relations between Ukraine and Malaysia.Keywords: Ukraine, Malaysia, Southeast Asian countries, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), foreign policy, diplomatic relations, security, regional cooperation, newly-industrialized countries, ‘second wave’, infrastructure.
文章分析了乌克兰和马来西亚自1992年建交以来两国关系的走向和发展。近代以来,两国经济、文化、旅游等方面的联系不断扩大。贸易继续增长的空间很大。事实上,乌马关系是复杂的、多方面的,具有进一步发展的巨大潜力。乌克兰将马来西亚视为其在东南亚的重要和稳定的合作伙伴、东盟的主要成员国和伊斯兰世界的温和代表。乌克兰和马来西亚都是联合国成员国,在广泛的地区和全球问题上有着共同的观点。其次是一整套复杂的马来西亚问题,即外交、国内、安全政策、区域合作和其他问题。本文还通过确定马来西亚与美国、中国和日本关系发生质的变化的动态,评估了马来西亚多边关系的当代趋势和前景。就加强双边和多边合作达成了结论。作者的结论是,与马来西亚的关系应侧重于进一步加强政治对话,维持与马来西亚伙伴的经济合作,寻找工业和投资合作的机会,考虑到国家利益,以及确保部门合作的主要路线,发展文化和人道主义合作。扩大与马来西亚双边关系的法律框架的问题仍然具有现实意义。因此,今天有必要在乌克兰和马来西亚之间制定一种新的关系形式。关键词:乌克兰、马来西亚、东南亚国家、东盟、外交政策、外交关系、安全、区域合作、新兴工业化国家、“第二次浪潮”、基础设施
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引用次数: 0
A War for Life 生命之战
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-2
P. Hai-Nyzhnyk
The author outlines several periods and peculiarities of the russian-Ukrainian war of 2014–22. Within each of the seven periods, the author reaches beyond the significant military operations and names the political and diplomatic aspects that have influenced both the state of military and political events in general and the russian-Ukrainian confrontation and war in particular. For example, russia’s occupation of Crimea in 2014 is highlighted as an act of military aggression against Ukraine, a historical and legal falsification, and an international crime committed by the russian federation. The article offers an insight into the evolution of russian aggression and Ukrainian resistance. The author emphasises that the full-scale attack launched on 24 February 2022 as part of the broader russian-Ukrainian war is simultaneously characterised by its encompassing destructive extent, as well as civilisational and existential nature. The goal of the russian federation is the extermination of Ukraine and the entire Ukrainian nation; therefore, this is a total war. Starting from the early moments of the war, its five main fronts were clearly defined: Northern, Eastern, and Southern military frontlines, diplomacy, and people’s resistance.The people of Ukraine revolted against russia’s unjust war, and they defend statehood and the right to life.The article emphasises that the russian-Ukrainian war actually goes beyond the framework of a bilateral conflict and has signs of a general crisis in the world security system, which will lead to changes of global significance.Keywords: russian-Ukrainian war, periodisation, Minsk agreements, Anti-Terrorist Operation, Joint Forces Operation.
作者概述了2014-22年俄乌战争的几个时期和特点。在这七个时期中的每一个时期,作者都超越了重要的军事行动,列举了影响军事和政治事件总体状况,特别是影响俄乌对抗和战争的政治和外交方面。例如,2014年俄罗斯对克里米亚的占领被强调为对乌克兰的军事侵略行为,是对历史和法律的篡改,是俄罗斯联邦犯下的国际罪行。这篇文章对俄罗斯侵略和乌克兰抵抗的演变提供了深刻的见解。作者强调,作为更广泛的俄罗斯-乌克兰战争的一部分,于2022年2月24日发动的全面袭击同时具有破坏性,以及文明和存在性的特点。俄罗斯联邦的目标是消灭乌克兰和整个乌克兰民族;因此,这是一场全面战争。从战争初期开始,它的五条主要战线就被明确界定为:北部、东部和南部的军事战线、外交战线和人民抵抗战线。乌克兰人民反抗了俄罗斯的非正义战争,他们捍卫了国家地位和生命权。文章强调,俄乌战争实际上超越了双边冲突的框架,具有世界安全体系普遍危机的迹象,并将导致具有全球意义的变化。关键词:俄乌战争,阶段性,明斯克协议,反恐行动,联合部队行动
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引用次数: 1
The Republic of Kazakhstan in New Geopolitical Realities 新的地缘政治现实中的哈萨克斯坦共和国
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-20
O. Demenko
The article analyses the domestic and foreign policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan in modern conditions. It was established that the mass unrest that engulfed Kazakhstan in January 2022 and the aggravation of the international security situation in the world because of full-scale russian aggression against Ukraine became a serious test for the independent development of this country. The main causes of the mass protests in the country and the role of the CSTO troops in solving and stabilising the situation are analysed.President of Kazakhstan Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, with the help of CSTO troops, managed to stabilise the situation, took control of all key authorities and put an end to the dual power in the country. In June 2022, a constitutional reform was carried out in the Republic of Kazakhstan, which removed the influence and privileges of the first President, Nursultan Nazarbayev, while hardly limiting the powers of the current President.It is shown that russia uses economic pressure and carries out powerful information and propaganda campaigns against Kazakhstan to force the country to move in the fairway of its policy. The conclusion is substantiated that the further development of allied relations with the russian federation becomes dangerous for Kazakhstan, since the open support of russian aggression against Ukraine can undermine the declared multi-vector nature and, in the conditions of a difficult socio-economic situation, provoke a new round of discontent in the country.Keywords: Central Asia, the Republic of Kazakhstan, foreign policy, russian aggression, socio-economic situation, diversification.
本文分析了现代条件下哈萨克斯坦共和国的内外政策。事实证明,2022年1月席卷哈萨克斯坦的大规模骚乱和俄罗斯对乌克兰的全面侵略导致的世界国际安全形势的恶化,成为对该国独立发展的严重考验。分析了该国大规模抗议的主要原因以及集体安全条约组织部队在解决和稳定局势方面的作用。哈萨克斯坦总统卡西姆-乔马特·托卡耶夫在集体安全条约组织部队的帮助下,设法稳定了局势,控制了所有主要当局,结束了该国的双重权力。2022年6月,哈萨克斯坦共和国进行了宪法改革,取消了第一任总统努尔苏丹·纳扎尔巴耶夫的影响和特权,但几乎没有限制现任总统的权力。这表明,俄罗斯利用经济压力,对哈萨克斯坦进行了强有力的信息和宣传运动,迫使该国在其政策的轨道上移动。结论是,进一步发展与俄罗斯联邦的同盟关系对哈萨克斯坦来说是危险的,因为公开支持俄罗斯对乌克兰的侵略会破坏所宣布的多方向性质,并且在困难的社会经济情况下,在该国引起新一轮的不满。关键词:中亚,哈萨克斯坦共和国,外交政策,俄罗斯侵略,社会经济形势,多元化
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Diplomatic Ukraine
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