La importancia de la pau per a la civilitzacio humana ha tendit a erigir la pau com una mena de condicio universalment essencial. Com que la pau significa coses diferents per a persones diferents, hi ha un buit en el debat sobre la conceptualitzacio de la pau. Galtung (1969, 1990) veu la pau com quelcom "negatiu" o be "positiu" i Richmond (2007) adopta un punt de vista liberal, tot argumentant que el concepte de la pau en si mateix es ontologicament inestable i essencialment discutit. La questio de la conceptualitzacio s'ha hagut d'enfrontar a molts dubtes per part de la comunitat investigadora. Les explicacions que recullen raons a favor d'un us cada vegada mes gran d'adjectius per a qualificar la pau es troben amb el problema de la manca de recerca previa. Aquest article vol omplir aquest buit en la literatura de recerca sobre la pau tot intentant utilitzar la teoria linguistica per a aportar raons que expliquin per que hi ha tantes variacions en l'us del concepte de la pau construit principalment mitjancant l'ajuda i l'us d'adjectius. Es mante que la idea que hi ha darrere la hipotesi de Sapir-Whorf ens pot ajudar a entendre les raons que hi ha darrere l'us creixent d'adjectius per a conceptualitzar la pau en el context de la globalitzacio actual d'aquest concepte.
{"title":"The Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis and the Conceptualisation of Peace Using Adjectives","authors":"U. E. Umoh, Idara Godwin Udoh","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V2I2.1304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V2I2.1304","url":null,"abstract":"La importancia de la pau per a la civilitzacio humana ha tendit a erigir la pau com una mena de condicio universalment essencial. Com que la pau significa coses diferents per a persones diferents, hi ha un buit en el debat sobre la conceptualitzacio de la pau. Galtung (1969, 1990) veu la pau com quelcom \"negatiu\" o be \"positiu\" i Richmond (2007) adopta un punt de vista liberal, tot argumentant que el concepte de la pau en si mateix es ontologicament inestable i essencialment discutit. La questio de la conceptualitzacio s'ha hagut d'enfrontar a molts dubtes per part de la comunitat investigadora. Les explicacions que recullen raons a favor d'un us cada vegada mes gran d'adjectius per a qualificar la pau es troben amb el problema de la manca de recerca previa. Aquest article vol omplir aquest buit en la literatura de recerca sobre la pau tot intentant utilitzar la teoria linguistica per a aportar raons que expliquin per que hi ha tantes variacions en l'us del concepte de la pau construit principalment mitjancant l'ajuda i l'us d'adjectius. Es mante que la idea que hi ha darrere la hipotesi de Sapir-Whorf ens pot ajudar a entendre les raons que hi ha darrere l'us creixent d'adjectius per a conceptualitzar la pau en el context de la globalitzacio actual d'aquest concepte.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115250307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Mediators Beyond Borders International is a tax-exempt not-for-profit corporation which brings together mediators and allied professionals to volunteer worldwide to collaborate on building conflict resolution capacity in underserved areas to make local peacebuilding more effective and sustainable. Normal 0 21 false false false MicrosoftInternetExplorer4 /* Style Definitions */ table.MsoNormalTable {mso-style-name:"Tabla normal"; mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0; mso-tstyle-colband-size:0; mso-style-noshow:yes; mso-style-parent:""; mso-padding-alt:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; mso-para-margin:0cm; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:10.0pt; font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-ansi-language:#0400; mso-fareast-language:#0400; mso-bidi-language:#0400;}
{"title":"Mediators Beyond Borders Internationl (MBB)","authors":"C. Pillsbury","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V2I2.1198","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V2I2.1198","url":null,"abstract":"Mediators Beyond Borders International is a tax-exempt not-for-profit corporation which brings together mediators and allied professionals to volunteer worldwide to collaborate on building conflict resolution capacity in underserved areas to make local peacebuilding more effective and sustainable. Normal 0 21 false false false MicrosoftInternetExplorer4 /* Style Definitions */ \u0000 table.MsoNormalTable \u0000 {mso-style-name:\"Tabla normal\"; \u0000 mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0; \u0000 mso-tstyle-colband-size:0; \u0000 mso-style-noshow:yes; \u0000 mso-style-parent:\"\"; \u0000 mso-padding-alt:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; \u0000 mso-para-margin:0cm; \u0000 mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; \u0000 mso-pagination:widow-orphan; \u0000 font-size:10.0pt; \u0000 font-family:\"Times New Roman\"; \u0000 mso-ansi-language:#0400; \u0000 mso-fareast-language:#0400; \u0000 mso-bidi-language:#0400;}","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129487970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Nigeria is among the most dangerous places on earth at the moment. It is ranked number 14 on the Failed States Index 2011 by the Fund for Peace, just after Iraq, Pakistan and the Ivory Coast. The Islamist radical group, the Boko Haram is on the news, maiming and killing innocent people in Nigeria. The Joint Task Force (army) to repel the Boko Haram is being accused of gross human rights violations. The 2011 elections were marred with violence. Hundreds died in the pre- and post- election period. The offices of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) were bombed. During the celebrations to mark Nigeria's 50 years of independence in 2010, there were explosions, gifts from the MEND guerrillas. Nigeria is a country torn apart by conflicts, from the Niger Delta to the northeast states. The United States and European nations continue to issue travel warning to Nigeria's southeast, Niger Delta and northeast states. Is this a troubled democracy or a troubled presidency for Goodluck Jonathan? Is Nigeria a failed state? Is there an ongoing war between the Christians and the Muslims? Dr Sadeeque Abubakar Abba, a political scientist in Nigeria, takes us into the labyrinth that is modern day Nigeria.
{"title":"Dins el laberint: Els interminables conflictes de Nigèria Entrevista amb el Dr. Sadeeque Abubakar Abba","authors":"Jack Shaka","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V2I2.1298","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V2I2.1298","url":null,"abstract":"Nigeria is among the most dangerous places on earth at the moment. It is ranked number 14 on the Failed States Index 2011 by the Fund for Peace, just after Iraq, Pakistan and the Ivory Coast. The Islamist radical group, the Boko Haram is on the news, maiming and killing innocent people in Nigeria. The Joint Task Force (army) to repel the Boko Haram is being accused of gross human rights violations. The 2011 elections were marred with violence. Hundreds died in the pre- and post- election period. The offices of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) were bombed. During the celebrations to mark Nigeria's 50 years of independence in 2010, there were explosions, gifts from the MEND guerrillas. Nigeria is a country torn apart by conflicts, from the Niger Delta to the northeast states. The United States and European nations continue to issue travel warning to Nigeria's southeast, Niger Delta and northeast states. Is this a troubled democracy or a troubled presidency for Goodluck Jonathan? Is Nigeria a failed state? Is there an ongoing war between the Christians and the Muslims? Dr Sadeeque Abubakar Abba, a political scientist in Nigeria, takes us into the labyrinth that is modern day Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"140 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116515768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In most political theory it is assumed that a nation’s ‘sovereignty’ rests on possessing a monopoly of power or force. Because of this, political leaders tend to stress ‘security first’ when thinking about the building and maintenance of effective and capable states. It is assumed that states can only survive through time if they have a coercive capacity greater than that available to any single internal actor or combination of actors. It is also assumed that any state worth its salt will have a capacity to defend itself against external threat. National defence, therefore, provides additional justification for a complex and intertwined national security system. At the heart of all state systems, therefore, lies an ‘iron fist’ of military and police power. In the West, this iron fist is normally covered in a velvet glove so that citizens do not think – too often – about the coercive capacity of the state. The velvet glove is what the state provides its citizens in terms of education, health and welfare benefits and collective goods such as national infrastructure, roads, railways and other transport and communications systems. Modern state systems, therefore, derive their power from coercive capacity but they get their legitimacy and authority from development benefits and wise rule. Effective, capable and legitimate states will ensure that political leaders, legislatures, judiciaries etc. function with minimal use of force. Those that choose to rule with an iron fist tend to be repressive dictatorships and autocracies. The reality, however, is that all state systems accord very particular privileges to the military and their associated intelligence, surveillance and other agencies. When these institutions are questioned, challenged or opposed by citizens (spontaneously or in an organised fashion) most state systems are very quick to reinforce patriotic sentiment, suppress dissent and marginalise the dissenters either through ridicule, imprisonment or, in extreme cases, torture and death. This book is a fascinating collection of cases documenting the ways in which different states target and have targeted organised peace groups and peace movements through the ages. It starts with the famous quote from Hermann Goring:
{"title":"Goliath vs David: A Short History of the Fight Against Organised Peace Work","authors":"K. Clements","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V2I2.1303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V2I2.1303","url":null,"abstract":"In most political theory it is assumed that a nation’s ‘sovereignty’ rests on possessing a monopoly of power or force. Because of this, political leaders tend to stress ‘security first’ when thinking about the building and maintenance of effective and capable states. It is assumed that states can only survive through time if they have a coercive capacity greater than that available to any single internal actor or combination of actors. It is also assumed that any state worth its salt will have a capacity to defend itself against external threat. National defence, therefore, provides additional justification for a complex and intertwined national security system. At the heart of all state systems, therefore, lies an ‘iron fist’ of military and police power. In the West, this iron fist is normally covered in a velvet glove so that citizens do not think – too often – about the coercive capacity of the state. The velvet glove is what the state provides its citizens in terms of education, health and welfare benefits and collective goods such as national infrastructure, roads, railways and other transport and communications systems. Modern state systems, therefore, derive their power from coercive capacity but they get their legitimacy and authority from development benefits and wise rule. Effective, capable and legitimate states will ensure that political leaders, legislatures, judiciaries etc. function with minimal use of force. Those that choose to rule with an iron fist tend to be repressive dictatorships and autocracies. The reality, however, is that all state systems accord very particular privileges to the military and their associated intelligence, surveillance and other agencies. When these institutions are questioned, challenged or opposed by citizens (spontaneously or in an organised fashion) most state systems are very quick to reinforce patriotic sentiment, suppress dissent and marginalise the dissenters either through ridicule, imprisonment or, in extreme cases, torture and death. This book is a fascinating collection of cases documenting the ways in which different states target and have targeted organised peace groups and peace movements through the ages. It starts with the famous quote from Hermann Goring:","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132224678","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Examining the role of transnational migrant groups in peace processes is a particular area of field research within the broad area of studies on migration. This article examines the contribution of diaspora of the Tiv ethnic group in the USA to peacebuilding in Nigeria and argues that, contrary to recent findings in the literature that African diaspora had a negative impact on peace processes, the Tiv diaspora actively engaged all the conflicting parties in an attempt to ensure sustained peace and wider democratisation of power. They were mobilised as a result of the military massacre of two hundred unarmed Tiv civilians in their homeland. The initially weak ties of the Tiv diaspora with their home country have been strengthened, with the propensity to actively participate there. Despite their track record in peace processes, a weak social, economic and political position, as well as capacity constraints, may frustrate their efforts towards an enduring and sustainable peace.
{"title":"Looking Beyond Conflict: The Involvement of Tiv Diaspora in Peacebuilding in Nigeria","authors":"T. Ambe-Uva","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V2I1.1011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V2I1.1011","url":null,"abstract":"Examining the role of transnational migrant groups in peace processes is a particular area of field research within the broad area of studies on migration. This article examines the contribution of diaspora of the Tiv ethnic group in the USA to peacebuilding in Nigeria and argues that, contrary to recent findings in the literature that African diaspora had a negative impact on peace processes, the Tiv diaspora actively engaged all the conflicting parties in an attempt to ensure sustained peace and wider democratisation of power. They were mobilised as a result of the military massacre of two hundred unarmed Tiv civilians in their homeland. The initially weak ties of the Tiv diaspora with their home country have been strengthened, with the propensity to actively participate there. Despite their track record in peace processes, a weak social, economic and political position, as well as capacity constraints, may frustrate their efforts towards an enduring and sustainable peace.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129570589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article focuses on the types and meanings of silence experienced during conflict. Silence is a form of communication that is cultural and context specific. Certain types of silence are constructive whilst other forms of silence can cause severe harm. This article explores the different types of silence experienced during a conflict. More specifically, this article examines the impacts of different types of silence on the mediation process.
{"title":"The Meanings of Silence during Conflict","authors":"R. Gendron","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V2I1.1091","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V2I1.1091","url":null,"abstract":"This article focuses on the types and meanings of silence experienced during conflict. Silence is a form of communication that is cultural and context specific. Certain types of silence are constructive whilst other forms of silence can cause severe harm. This article explores the different types of silence experienced during a conflict. More specifically, this article examines the impacts of different types of silence on the mediation process.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134511982","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The core of Gandhi's theory of politics is to show that the citizen is the true political subject and not the state. In other words, in Gandhi's mind the citizen was always above the state. As such, the political subject's decision on sovereignty becomes, for Gandhi, the true subject of political sovereignty. As a result, the Gandhian moment of politics is an effort to de-theologise and de-secularise the concept of modern politics as presented by the omnipotent sovereign of Thomas Hobbes. His ideas on ethics in politics lead Gandhi to criticise Hobbesian political authority and to disobey the state and its laws beyond the principle of fear. Gandhi's political practice is based on the taming of this fear.
{"title":"Gandhian Inversion of Modern Political Perception","authors":"Ramin Jahanbegloo","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V2I1.1038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V2I1.1038","url":null,"abstract":"The core of Gandhi's theory of politics is to show that the citizen is the true political subject and not the state. In other words, in Gandhi's mind the citizen was always above the state. As such, the political subject's decision on sovereignty becomes, for Gandhi, the true subject of political sovereignty. As a result, the Gandhian moment of politics is an effort to de-theologise and de-secularise the concept of modern politics as presented by the omnipotent sovereign of Thomas Hobbes. His ideas on ethics in politics lead Gandhi to criticise Hobbesian political authority and to disobey the state and its laws beyond the principle of fear. Gandhi's political practice is based on the taming of this fear.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114506691","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Anys despres que acabes el regim de l' apartheid a Sud-africa i la reforma democratica d'Indonesia, l'Orient Mitja i el nord d'Africa estan comencant a canviar politicament. Les revoltes populars que s'estan propagant per la regio van comencar a Tunis el desembre de 2010 i a Egipte el 25 de gener de 2011. Aquestes sublevacions no son el resultat d'intervencions estrangeres ni un efecte secundari de plans no nacionals, sino que sorgeixen mes aviat a partir dels joves que volen poder decidir el seu futur. La generacio mes jove vol recuperar la seva llibertat, els drets humans i la dignitat, i vol estar politicament representada en el govern dels seus paisos. En exigir i provocar canvis i reformes, han aportat una vitalitat i una determinacio renovades a la democracia en molts estats de la regio. Tambe han donat unes llicons molt valuoses que cal aprendre, tant pels aspectes positius com pels negatius. Cal subratllar aquestes llicons, i tambe cal que els nous actors emergents de l'escena politica de la regio tinguin acces a aquest coneixement.
{"title":"Political Change in the Middle East: First Consolidated Reflections and Challenges Ahead","authors":"Hani Albasoos","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V2I1.1130","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V2I1.1130","url":null,"abstract":"Anys despres que acabes el regim de l' apartheid a Sud-africa i la reforma democratica d'Indonesia, l'Orient Mitja i el nord d'Africa estan comencant a canviar politicament. Les revoltes populars que s'estan propagant per la regio van comencar a Tunis el desembre de 2010 i a Egipte el 25 de gener de 2011. Aquestes sublevacions no son el resultat d'intervencions estrangeres ni un efecte secundari de plans no nacionals, sino que sorgeixen mes aviat a partir dels joves que volen poder decidir el seu futur. La generacio mes jove vol recuperar la seva llibertat, els drets humans i la dignitat, i vol estar politicament representada en el govern dels seus paisos. En exigir i provocar canvis i reformes, han aportat una vitalitat i una determinacio renovades a la democracia en molts estats de la regio. Tambe han donat unes llicons molt valuoses que cal aprendre, tant pels aspectes positius com pels negatius. Cal subratllar aquestes llicons, i tambe cal que els nous actors emergents de l'escena politica de la regio tinguin acces a aquest coneixement.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134519352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Aquest llibre deixa al descobert les causes primordials de la violencia en el mon modern. Es va acabar d'escriure durant el cinque any de la intervencio militar dels Estats Units a l'Iraq. Pilisuk descriu les connexions entre el mon corporatiu i l'elit politica als Estats Units, que es la que dona forma a la politica exterior i planifica les intervencions militars.
{"title":"Book review: Who Benefits from Global Violence and War: Uncovering a Destructive System, by Marc Pilisuk with Jennifer Archord Rountree","authors":"A. S. Martín","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V2I1.1052","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V2I1.1052","url":null,"abstract":"Aquest llibre deixa al descobert les causes primordials de la violencia en el mon modern. Es va acabar d'escriure durant el cinque any de la intervencio militar dels Estats Units a l'Iraq. Pilisuk descriu les connexions entre el mon corporatiu i l'elit politica als Estats Units, que es la que dona forma a la politica exterior i planifica les intervencions militars.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"90 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126849354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Normal 0 21 MicrosoftInternetExplorer4 Normal 0 21 false false false MicrosoftInternetExplorer4 A plethora of academic literature claims that in the post Cold War political landscape, poverty and development deficits are key in sparking civil conflict. Out of this recognition a new paradigm has emerged which underpins the idea that, by working to overcome these deficits, the risk of conflict can be essentially reduced and/or mitigated. The ‘peace through development' paradigm supports the assumptio n that development and security are essentially intertwined. In this paper I discuss the challenges and opportunities associated with the paradigm within the Afghan context, addressing the two core questions: (1) how are poverty and development deficits connected to violence and conflict? and (2) what are the prerequisites for development to play a conducive role in the peacebuilding alchemy? This paper argues that at large, sustainable peace in Afghanistan can only be achieved through sustainable development. However, it also recognises the tremendous challenges faced to fully capitalise on the peace dividend that development might be able to provide, and at the same time develops a roadmap for more conflict-sensitive development programming.
{"title":"Afghanistan and the Peace through Development Paradigm: A Critical Assessment","authors":"Katharina Merkel","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V2I1.1064","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V2I1.1064","url":null,"abstract":"Normal 0 21 MicrosoftInternetExplorer4 Normal 0 21 false false false MicrosoftInternetExplorer4 A plethora of academic literature claims that in the post Cold War political landscape, poverty and development deficits are key in sparking civil conflict. Out of this recognition a new paradigm has emerged which underpins the idea that, by working to overcome these deficits, the risk of conflict can be essentially reduced and/or mitigated. The ‘peace through development' paradigm supports the assumptio n that development and security are essentially intertwined. In this paper I discuss the challenges and opportunities associated with the paradigm within the Afghan context, addressing the two core questions: (1) how are poverty and development deficits connected to violence and conflict? and (2) what are the prerequisites for development to play a conducive role in the peacebuilding alchemy? This paper argues that at large, sustainable peace in Afghanistan can only be achieved through sustainable development. However, it also recognises the tremendous challenges faced to fully capitalise on the peace dividend that development might be able to provide, and at the same time develops a roadmap for more conflict-sensitive development programming.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125038648","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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