{"title":"Número complert del Journal of Conflictology Volum 3, Número 2","authors":"Claudia Solanes Roca-Sastre","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V3I2.1685","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V3I2.1685","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"632 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-12-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130442046","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Institute for Multi-Track Diplomacy (IMTD) is a nonprofit organization founded in 1992 by Ambassador John W. McDonald and Dr. Louise Diamond. The mission of IMTD is to promote a systems-based approach to peacebuilding and to facilitate the transformation of deep-rooted social conflict through education, conflict resolution training and communication.
{"title":"The Institute for Multi-Track Diplomacy","authors":"J. McDonald","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V3I2.1629","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V3I2.1629","url":null,"abstract":"The Institute for Multi-Track Diplomacy (IMTD) is a nonprofit organization founded in 1992 by Ambassador John W. McDonald and Dr. Louise Diamond. The mission of IMTD is to promote a systems-based approach to peacebuilding and to facilitate the transformation of deep-rooted social conflict through education, conflict resolution training and communication.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"254 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134348712","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Managing cultural diversity is inevitable. Globalization, advances in communication and transportation technology, historical and ongoing migrations, and the legacy of territorial expansion and colonization have heightened cultural diversity and identity differentiations. Multiculturalism offers an alternative approach to diversity management. However, it has its theoretical and practical fault lines that the state should be cognizant of as policies are being formulated and implemented. It is argued that society should be seen as a marketplace of cultures and identities freely interacting and fusing. The state has the responsibility to adopt multiculturalism policies that expand cultural liberty and enable cultural transcendence. Cultural transcendence is the ability of individuals and societies to draw connecting lines between seemingly disparate identity dots, instinctively rising above differences into coherence and synergy. It is hoped that ideas evolving from active cultural and ethnic interactions will shape a better understanding of human co-existence beyond what liberal, cosmopolitan and multicultural thinking have to offer.
{"title":"Transcending Constructed Boundaries: The role of the state in managing cultural diversity through multiculturalism","authors":"Hastings Amurani-Phiri","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V3I2.1543","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V3I2.1543","url":null,"abstract":"Managing cultural diversity is inevitable. Globalization, advances in communication and transportation technology, historical and ongoing migrations, and the legacy of territorial expansion and colonization have heightened cultural diversity and identity differentiations. Multiculturalism offers an alternative approach to diversity management. However, it has its theoretical and practical fault lines that the state should be cognizant of as policies are being formulated and implemented. It is argued that society should be seen as a marketplace of cultures and identities freely interacting and fusing. The state has the responsibility to adopt multiculturalism policies that expand cultural liberty and enable cultural transcendence. Cultural transcendence is the ability of individuals and societies to draw connecting lines between seemingly disparate identity dots, instinctively rising above differences into coherence and synergy. It is hoped that ideas evolving from active cultural and ethnic interactions will shape a better understanding of human co-existence beyond what liberal, cosmopolitan and multicultural thinking have to offer.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128406831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article presents a biographical account and analysis of the work and ideas of Elise Boulding as a pioneer of peace education, peace research and peace activism. In a context where many of the leading figures in the emergence and evolution of peace research and conflict analysis are seen to be men, the article emphasises the significance of women as peacemakers and peace thinkers and the role that Elise Boulding played in this evolution of a gendered peace. Born in Norway in 1920, Elise emigrated as a child to the USA and in her academic career took a leading role in some of the key institutions that shaped the contemporary peace research community globally. She was a creative thinker who opened spaces for the 'new voices' that appears in the title of this article, exploring the place of women, children and the family in the everyday practices of peacemaking in pursuit of what she called a global civic culture of peace. The second part of the article takes the form of a partly auto-biographical account by Irene Santiago and her work in the Philippines, showing how much of what Elise Boulding argued for and represented has come to inspire contemporary peacemakers to mainstream gender analysis in the policy, theory and projects of their peace building work.
{"title":"Elise Boulding:: New Voices in Conflict Resolution","authors":"T. Woodhouse, Irene M. Santiago","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V3I2.1607","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V3I2.1607","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents a biographical account and analysis of the work and ideas of Elise Boulding as a pioneer of peace education, peace research and peace activism. In a context where many of the leading figures in the emergence and evolution of peace research and conflict analysis are seen to be men, the article emphasises the significance of women as peacemakers and peace thinkers and the role that Elise Boulding played in this evolution of a gendered peace. Born in Norway in 1920, Elise emigrated as a child to the USA and in her academic career took a leading role in some of the key institutions that shaped the contemporary peace research community globally. She was a creative thinker who opened spaces for the 'new voices' that appears in the title of this article, exploring the place of women, children and the family in the everyday practices of peacemaking in pursuit of what she called a global civic culture of peace. The second part of the article takes the form of a partly auto-biographical account by Irene Santiago and her work in the Philippines, showing how much of what Elise Boulding argued for and represented has come to inspire contemporary peacemakers to mainstream gender analysis in the policy, theory and projects of their peace building work.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"41 ","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132948951","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
espanolEn enero del 2005, el Acuerdo General de Paz (AGP) termino formalmente con la insurgencia en el sur del Sudan, la rebelion a gran escala mas antigua de Africa. No obstante, aunque definia una hoja de ruta para la paz, el AGP, un tratado exclusivo de reparto del poder, presentaba algunos puntos debiles. Durante el periodo de aplicacion del AGP (2005-2011) hubo una intervencion exterior sin precedentes en Sudan del Sur, con el acento en la consolidacion sostenible de la ‘paz a traves de la construccion de Estado’. Este compromiso permanente con la construccion de la paz se vio socavado por las contradicciones entre su enfoque restringido a la construccion de Estado y el contexto local politico, economico y social en Sudan y Sudan del Sur, incluso despues de que el Sudan del Sur fuera declarado un estado independiente en julio del 2011. Este articulo postula que, durante el periodo de aplicacion del AGP, el enfoque de la ‘paz a traves de la construccion de Estado’ impuesto externamente en Sudan del Sur se vio afectado por varias limitaciones que se vieron reflejadas en la gobernanza y en el desarrollo economico. A partir de las pruebas recogidas entre el 2005 y el 2011, este articulo insta a una reorientacion tanto de la intervencion externa continua de construccion de la paz como del enfoque del gobierno de Sudan del Sur a la gobernanza y al desarrollo para superar asi los retos politicos, economicos y sociales para la legitimidad y la consolidacion del Estado. EnglishIn January 2005 the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) formally ended the insurgency in southern Sudan, the longest-running large-scale rebellion in Africa at the time. However, although providing a roadmap for peace, the CPA, an exclusive power-sharing treaty, suffered from a number of weaknesses. The CPA implementation period (2005-2011) saw an unprecedented external intervention in Southern Sudan, which emphasised constructing sustainable ‘peace through statebuilding’. This ongoing peacebuilding engagement was undermined by contradictions between its narrow focus on statebuilding and the local political, economic and social context in Sudan and Southern Sudan, even after South Sudan was declared an independent state in July 2011. This article posits that the externally imposed ‘peace through statebuilding’ approach in Southern Sudan during the period of CPA implementation, suffered from a number of limitations which were reflected in governance and economic development. Based on evidence from 2005-2011, it calls for a re-focus of both the continuing external peacebuilding intervention and the Government of South Sudan’s approach to governance and development to overcome political, economic and social challenges to state legitimacy and consolidation. catalaEl gener del 2005, l’Acord general de pau (AGP) va posar fi formalment a la insurreccio al sud del Sudan, la rebel·lio a gran escala mes antiga d’Africa. No obstant aixo, tot i que definia un full de ruta per a la pau, l’A
2005年1月，全面和平协议(gpa)正式结束了南苏丹的叛乱，这是非洲历史最悠久的大规模叛乱。然而，尽管它为和平制定了路线图，但作为一项排他性的权力分享条约，pca也有一些弱点。在pga实施期间(2005-2011年)，南苏丹发生了前所未有的外部干预，重点是“通过国家建设可持续巩固和平”。这项承诺与肯尼亚的和平,破坏了肯尼亚的有限的方式之间的矛盾一直和当地政治家、南极和南苏丹和苏丹社会,甚至在南苏丹宣布独立建国2011年7月。本文认为，在pga实施期间，外部强加于南苏丹的“通过国家建设实现和平”的方法受到若干制约因素的影响，这些制约因素反映在治理和经济发展上。从2005年和2011年之间收集的证据,这一篇呼吁reorientacion诺肯尼亚不断对外和平的方法南部苏丹政府治理和发展为了克服这样的政治挑战,(13)和社会合法性和consolidacion国家。《全面和平协定》正式结束了南苏丹的叛乱，这是当时非洲持续时间最长的大规模叛乱。然而，《全面和平协议》作为一项专属权力分享条约，虽然提供了和平路线图，但却受到若干弱点的困扰。在《全面和平协定》执行期间(2005-2011年)，南苏丹出现了前所未有的外部干预，强调“通过国家建设建设和平”。尽管南苏丹于2011年7月宣布独立，但它狭隘地关注国家建设与苏丹和南苏丹当地的政治、经济和社会环境之间的矛盾，削弱了这种正在进行的和平建设承诺。本文指出，在执行《全面和平协定》期间，外部强加的苏丹南部“通过国家建设方式实现和平”的做法受到一些限制，这些限制反映在治理和经济发展方面。根据2005-2011年以来的证据，它呼吁重新关注正在进行的外部建设和平干预和南苏丹政府的治理和发展方针，以克服国家合法性和巩固方面的政治、经济和社会挑战。2005年1月，保罗将军协议(AGP)将正式宣布苏丹南部的叛乱，非洲的大规模叛乱。尽管如此，tot i定义了一条通往la pau的完整路线，l 'AGP，这是一种权力分享的排他性协议，有一些弱点。在pga实施期间(2005-2011年)，将对南苏丹进行前所未有的外部干预，重点是通过国家建设可持续巩固pau。Aquest仲裁常驻amb construccio城是是veure afectat per contradiccions他们之间的enfocament restringit当地politic construccio d i号'estat context,第一经济社会对苏丹南方的苏丹,tambe despres的苏丹南方fos declarat estat independent 2011年juliol。本文假设，在pga实施期间，南苏丹的“pau a la construccio d’estat”方法受到各种限制的影响，这些限制将反映在治理和经济发展中。你们从proves recollides 2005年i 2011年之间,aquest条敦促持续外intervencio reorientacio建立的construccio govern com de l ' 'enfocament城的南部苏丹南方第一governanca desenvolupament本身克服aixi els reptes politics, economics i socials per legitimitat i l 'Estat consolidacio。
{"title":"Limits of 'Peace through Statebuilding' in Southern Sudan: Challenges to State Legitimacy, Governance and Economic Development during the Comprehensive Peace Agreement Implementation, 2005-2011","authors":"Aleksi Ylönen","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V3I2.1513","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V3I2.1513","url":null,"abstract":"espanolEn enero del 2005, el Acuerdo General de Paz (AGP) termino formalmente con la insurgencia en el sur del Sudan, la rebelion a gran escala mas antigua de Africa. No obstante, aunque definia una hoja de ruta para la paz, el AGP, un tratado exclusivo de reparto del poder, presentaba algunos puntos debiles. Durante el periodo de aplicacion del AGP (2005-2011) hubo una intervencion exterior sin precedentes en Sudan del Sur, con el acento en la consolidacion sostenible de la ‘paz a traves de la construccion de Estado’. Este compromiso permanente con la construccion de la paz se vio socavado por las contradicciones entre su enfoque restringido a la construccion de Estado y el contexto local politico, economico y social en Sudan y Sudan del Sur, incluso despues de que el Sudan del Sur fuera declarado un estado independiente en julio del 2011. Este articulo postula que, durante el periodo de aplicacion del AGP, el enfoque de la ‘paz a traves de la construccion de Estado’ impuesto externamente en Sudan del Sur se vio afectado por varias limitaciones que se vieron reflejadas en la gobernanza y en el desarrollo economico. A partir de las pruebas recogidas entre el 2005 y el 2011, este articulo insta a una reorientacion tanto de la intervencion externa continua de construccion de la paz como del enfoque del gobierno de Sudan del Sur a la gobernanza y al desarrollo para superar asi los retos politicos, economicos y sociales para la legitimidad y la consolidacion del Estado. EnglishIn January 2005 the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) formally ended the insurgency in southern Sudan, the longest-running large-scale rebellion in Africa at the time. However, although providing a roadmap for peace, the CPA, an exclusive power-sharing treaty, suffered from a number of weaknesses. The CPA implementation period (2005-2011) saw an unprecedented external intervention in Southern Sudan, which emphasised constructing sustainable ‘peace through statebuilding’. This ongoing peacebuilding engagement was undermined by contradictions between its narrow focus on statebuilding and the local political, economic and social context in Sudan and Southern Sudan, even after South Sudan was declared an independent state in July 2011. This article posits that the externally imposed ‘peace through statebuilding’ approach in Southern Sudan during the period of CPA implementation, suffered from a number of limitations which were reflected in governance and economic development. Based on evidence from 2005-2011, it calls for a re-focus of both the continuing external peacebuilding intervention and the Government of South Sudan’s approach to governance and development to overcome political, economic and social challenges to state legitimacy and consolidation. catalaEl gener del 2005, l’Acord general de pau (AGP) va posar fi formalment a la insurreccio al sud del Sudan, la rebel·lio a gran escala mes antiga d’Africa. No obstant aixo, tot i que definia un full de ruta per a la pau, l’A","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127116845","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
El debat sociologic sobre els moviments socials va comencar a principis dels anys setanta del segle passat i se centrava principalment en dues perspectives contraposades, il·lustrades per Charles Tilly per una banda i Alain Touraine per l’altra. Aquest article segueix la d’aquest ultim autor. El concepte de moviment social s’ha utilitzat per a analitzar el moviment de la classe obrera, els nous moviments socials i els moviments globals. Resulta util per a analitzar les lluites que han tingut lloc fa poc al mon musulma o arab i els actors coneguts com a indignats a Espanya i que tambe han aparegut en molts altres paisos? Hi ha cap unitat dins d’aquests moviments?
关于社会运动的社会学辩论将在过去的几个主要阶段展开，主要集中在两个视角的对立面，一个是查尔斯-蒂利（Charles Tilly）的对立面，另一个是阿兰-图雷（Alain Touraine）的对立面。本篇文章继承了最后一位作者的观点。El concepte de moviment social s'ha utilitzat per a analitzar el moviment de la classe obrera, els nous moviments socials i els moviments globals.它是否有助于分析那些一直活跃在穆斯林或阿拉伯世界、在西班牙被称为无耻之徒、同时也活跃在许多其他国家的活动家？Hi ha cap unitat dins d'aquests moviments?
{"title":"El resurgimiento de los movimientos sociales","authors":"Michel Wieviorka","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V3I2.1413","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V3I2.1413","url":null,"abstract":"El debat sociologic sobre els moviments socials va comencar a principis dels anys setanta del segle passat i se centrava principalment en dues perspectives contraposades, il·lustrades per Charles Tilly per una banda i Alain Touraine per l’altra. Aquest article segueix la d’aquest ultim autor. El concepte de moviment social s’ha utilitzat per a analitzar el moviment de la classe obrera, els nous moviments socials i els moviments globals. Resulta util per a analitzar les lluites que han tingut lloc fa poc al mon musulma o arab i els actors coneguts com a indignats a Espanya i que tambe han aparegut en molts altres paisos? Hi ha cap unitat dins d’aquests moviments?","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125359803","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Gangs around the globe are paradigmatic of urban violence and predominantly made up of male youths from poorer neighbourhoods. However, even in the most violent urban contexts, the majority of young men do not join gangs. This paper uses original empirical data collected in Medellin, Colombia and a conceptual focus on masculinities to understand why some male youths negotiated a pathway to manhood without joining a gang, arguing that two factors are central: family support in developing a moral rejection of gangs during childhood, and these youths' subsequent ability to form socialisation spaces away from the street corner. These factors helped them circumvent the influence of what this article calls the "gang male role model system".
{"title":"Negotiating Pathways to Manhood: Rejecting Gangs and Violence in Medellín's Periphery","authors":"Adam Baird","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V3I1.1438","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V3I1.1438","url":null,"abstract":"Gangs around the globe are paradigmatic of urban violence and predominantly made up of male youths from poorer neighbourhoods. However, even in the most violent urban contexts, the majority of young men do not join gangs. This paper uses original empirical data collected in Medellin, Colombia and a conceptual focus on masculinities to understand why some male youths negotiated a pathway to manhood without joining a gang, arguing that two factors are central: family support in developing a moral rejection of gangs during childhood, and these youths' subsequent ability to form socialisation spaces away from the street corner. These factors helped them circumvent the influence of what this article calls the \"gang male role model system\".","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"63 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123843931","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
El numero comenca amb una entrevista amb l'expert en desenvolupament indi Dr. Kshemendra Kumar Upadhyay , que reflexiona sobre les implicacions del sistema de castes per a la societat india. L'article d' Elisabeth Mikkelsen comenta un cas practic dels canvis que van tenir lloc en una organitzacio sense anim de lucre que va participar en la formacio en gestio de conflictes pel que fa a la manera d'«interpretar» els conflictes quan es valoren des de la perspectiva del personal i dels directius. Seguidament, Bhimsen Devkota i Edwin van Teijlingen expliquen un estudi que explora els factors que van motivar les persones que es van unir als maoistes com a treballadors sanitaris al Nepal. Aquest article presenta unes conclusions pertinents en materia de politiques sobre la manera de fomentar una pau sostenible i millorar els serveis d'atencio sanitaria en comunitats afectades pel conflicte. D'una manera similar, Adam Baird aprofundeix en les microfundacions de la societat pacifica en l'article «Negotiating Pathways to Manhood». Utilitza dades empiriques originals recollides a Medellin, Colombia, i un enfocament conceptual en les masculinitats per tal d'entendre per que alguns homes joves negocien un cami cap a la maduresa sense unir-se a cap banda urbana violenta. «Rethinking Development from a Post-colonial Perspective» es el titol de l'article de Sidi M. Omar , en el qual reflexiona criticament sobre la practica i el discurs del desenvolupament des del punt de vista dels estudis postcolonials. Abosede Omowumi Babatunde ofereix una avaluacio analitica del conflicte del delta del Niger de Nigeria i arriba a la conclusio que el cami per a aconseguir una pau i un desenvolupament sostenibles al delta del Niger passa per un proces participatiu integrat que comenci des de la base i que garanteixi la qualitat de vida de les persones i protegeixi el medi ambient. L'article « Pioneer » esta dedicat al model de Bradford i esbossa la contribucio del Departament d'Estudis de la Pau de la Universitat de Bradford al camp del manteniment i la construccio internacionals de la pau. La seccio Profile presenta el treball del projecte Enough , que lluita per posar fi al genocidi i els crims contra la humanitat. La seccio d'aquest numero dedicada a la ressenya d'un llibre parla de l'obra de l'any 2011 d'Audra Mitchell titulada Lost in Transformation: Violent Peace and Peaceful Conflict in Northern Ireland.
本期杂志首先采访了印度发展专家 Kshemendra Kumar Upadhyay 博士，他对种姓制度对印度社会的影响进行了思考。伊丽莎白-米克尔森（Elisabeth Mikkelsen）的文章评论了一个案例研究，该案例研究了一个参加冲突管理培训的非营利组织在从员工和管理层的角度评估冲突时如何 "解释 "冲突方面发生的变化。接下来，比姆森-德夫科塔（Bhimsen Devkota）和埃德温-范-泰林根（Edwin van Teijlingen）解释了一项研究，该研究探讨了促使尼泊尔人加入毛派成为卫生工作者的因素。这篇文章就如何在受冲突影响的社区促进可持续和平和改善医疗服务提出了与政策相关的结论。同样，Adam Baird 在 "Negotiating Pathways to Manhood "一文中借鉴了和平社会的微观基础。他利用在哥伦比亚麦德林收集到的原始经验数据，以及对男性特征的概念性关注，来理解为什么一些年轻男性在没有加入暴力城市帮派的情况下，通过谈判走上了成熟之路。Sidi M. Omar 的文章题目是 "从后殖民主义视角反思发展"，他从后殖民主义研究的角度对发展的实践和论述进行了批判性反思。Abosede Omowumi Babatunde 对尼日利亚尼日尔河三角洲冲突进行了分析评估，并得出结论认为，在尼日尔河三角洲实现可持续和平与发展的途径是从基层开始的综合参与进程，保证人民的生活质量并保护环境。先锋 "一文专门介绍了布拉德福德模式，概述了布拉德福德大学和平研究系在国际维持和平与建设和平领域的贡献。简介 "部分介绍了 "够了 "项目的工作，该项目致力于结束种族灭绝和危害人类罪。本期的书评专栏介绍了奥德拉-米切尔（Audra Mitchell）2011 年的著作《转变中的迷失：北爱尔兰的暴力和平与和平冲突》（Lost in Transformation: Violent Peace and Peaceful Conflict in Northern Ireland）。
{"title":"Número 3:1","authors":"Nicole Jenne","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V3I1.1535","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V3I1.1535","url":null,"abstract":"El numero comenca amb una entrevista amb l'expert en desenvolupament indi Dr. Kshemendra Kumar Upadhyay , que reflexiona sobre les implicacions del sistema de castes per a la societat india. L'article d' Elisabeth Mikkelsen comenta un cas practic dels canvis que van tenir lloc en una organitzacio sense anim de lucre que va participar en la formacio en gestio de conflictes pel que fa a la manera d'«interpretar» els conflictes quan es valoren des de la perspectiva del personal i dels directius. Seguidament, Bhimsen Devkota i Edwin van Teijlingen expliquen un estudi que explora els factors que van motivar les persones que es van unir als maoistes com a treballadors sanitaris al Nepal. Aquest article presenta unes conclusions pertinents en materia de politiques sobre la manera de fomentar una pau sostenible i millorar els serveis d'atencio sanitaria en comunitats afectades pel conflicte. D'una manera similar, Adam Baird aprofundeix en les microfundacions de la societat pacifica en l'article «Negotiating Pathways to Manhood». Utilitza dades empiriques originals recollides a Medellin, Colombia, i un enfocament conceptual en les masculinitats per tal d'entendre per que alguns homes joves negocien un cami cap a la maduresa sense unir-se a cap banda urbana violenta. «Rethinking Development from a Post-colonial Perspective» es el titol de l'article de Sidi M. Omar , en el qual reflexiona criticament sobre la practica i el discurs del desenvolupament des del punt de vista dels estudis postcolonials. Abosede Omowumi Babatunde ofereix una avaluacio analitica del conflicte del delta del Niger de Nigeria i arriba a la conclusio que el cami per a aconseguir una pau i un desenvolupament sostenibles al delta del Niger passa per un proces participatiu integrat que comenci des de la base i que garanteixi la qualitat de vida de les persones i protegeixi el medi ambient. L'article « Pioneer » esta dedicat al model de Bradford i esbossa la contribucio del Departament d'Estudis de la Pau de la Universitat de Bradford al camp del manteniment i la construccio internacionals de la pau. La seccio Profile presenta el treball del projecte Enough , que lluita per posar fi al genocidi i els crims contra la humanitat. La seccio d'aquest numero dedicada a la ressenya d'un llibre parla de l'obra de l'any 2011 d'Audra Mitchell titulada Lost in Transformation: Violent Peace and Peaceful Conflict in Northern Ireland.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"64 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-05-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130960779","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Media reporting in war zones has changed over the years. The military realised that it needs the media and vice versa. You could call it a marriage of convenience. A better term to use would be a symbiotic relationship between the military and the media where each benefits from the other. As this symbiosis takes place, there are discordant voices discussing freedom of the press and objectivity of journalists. With each war fought there are lessons learnt. The military has learnt that it needs an ally: the media. Military forces are now embedding journalists into their units in most war zones. You often see journalists in Kevlar jackets reporting from battleships or in Humvee vehicles. How objective are these journalists when they are given front row seats and protection on battlefields? How much are they allowed to report on? It is vital to point out that armies and humanitarian missions around the world have embedded and continue to embed journalists in their units. Media networks did so with great numbers of journalists during the US invasion and occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq. Some also sent unembedded journalists to the same locations. Whose stories are more accurate? What is the price to pay for being unembedded? Veteran war photojournalist Laith Mushtaq of Aljazeera while in Helsingor, Denmark, in February 2012, gave answers to some of these questions based on his experience in war zones.
{"title":"Journalists in War Zones: The Question of Objectivity An Interview with Photojournalist Laith Mushtaq","authors":"Jack Shaka","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V3I2.1528","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V3I2.1528","url":null,"abstract":"Media reporting in war zones has changed over the years. The military realised that it needs the media and vice versa. You could call it a marriage of convenience. A better term to use would be a symbiotic relationship between the military and the media where each benefits from the other. As this symbiosis takes place, there are discordant voices discussing freedom of the press and objectivity of journalists. With each war fought there are lessons learnt. The military has learnt that it needs an ally: the media. Military forces are now embedding journalists into their units in most war zones. You often see journalists in Kevlar jackets reporting from battleships or in Humvee vehicles. How objective are these journalists when they are given front row seats and protection on battlefields? How much are they allowed to report on? It is vital to point out that armies and humanitarian missions around the world have embedded and continue to embed journalists in their units. Media networks did so with great numbers of journalists during the US invasion and occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq. Some also sent unembedded journalists to the same locations. Whose stories are more accurate? What is the price to pay for being unembedded? Veteran war photojournalist Laith Mushtaq of Aljazeera while in Helsingor, Denmark, in February 2012, gave answers to some of these questions based on his experience in war zones.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-05-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131222859","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
S'han fet molt pocs estudis sistematics sobre els factors que motiven les persones a convertir-se en treballadors sanitaris rebels. Aquest estudi explora els factors de motivacio dels individus que es van unir als maoistes com a treballadors sanitaris al Nepal. Aquest treball presenta les troballes basades en entrevistes semiestructurades fetes als treballadors sanitaris maoistes formats i mobilitzats pel Partit Comunista Unificat del Nepal (maoista) durant la lluita armada amb el Govern (1996-2006). Els motius per a unir-se als serveis sanitaris rebels van ser la ideologia maoista, l'actitud de servei, la injusticia estatal, la implicacio d'un membre de la familia en el conflicte armat, les queixes per uns serveis sanitaris deficients i la millora de l'estatus. Els motius es categoritzen en factors (a) individuals, (b) politics i (c) socioculturals. La politica social del Nepal posterior al conflicte hauria de tenir en compte els motius pels quals aquests individus es van unir a la rebel·lio i hauria d'escoltar-los per ajudar-los a fomentar una pau sostenible i a millorar els serveis d'atencio sanitaria a les comunitats afectades pel conflicte.
{"title":"Why Did They Join? Exploring the Motivations of Rebel Health Workers in Nepal","authors":"B. Devkota, E. V. Teijlingen","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V3I1.1358","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V3I1.1358","url":null,"abstract":"S'han fet molt pocs estudis sistematics sobre els factors que motiven les persones a convertir-se en treballadors sanitaris rebels. Aquest estudi explora els factors de motivacio dels individus que es van unir als maoistes com a treballadors sanitaris al Nepal. Aquest treball presenta les troballes basades en entrevistes semiestructurades fetes als treballadors sanitaris maoistes formats i mobilitzats pel Partit Comunista Unificat del Nepal (maoista) durant la lluita armada amb el Govern (1996-2006). Els motius per a unir-se als serveis sanitaris rebels van ser la ideologia maoista, l'actitud de servei, la injusticia estatal, la implicacio d'un membre de la familia en el conflicte armat, les queixes per uns serveis sanitaris deficients i la millora de l'estatus. Els motius es categoritzen en factors (a) individuals, (b) politics i (c) socioculturals. La politica social del Nepal posterior al conflicte hauria de tenir en compte els motius pels quals aquests individus es van unir a la rebel·lio i hauria d'escoltar-los per ajudar-los a fomentar una pau sostenible i a millorar els serveis d'atencio sanitaria a les comunitats afectades pel conflicte.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"95 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122624398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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