In the aftermath of a conflict, peace and justice are often seen to be in direct tension. Demands for justice and legal accountability can be an obstacle to peace, since peace accords may involve compromises with war criminals and human rights perpetrators. The peace versus justice debate therefore translates into a conceptual struggle between conflict resolution and human rights advocacy. In Afghanistan, peace and conflict are often seen as inherently conflicting. Justice, it is often argued, must wait until security has been established. Rather than punishing the perpetrators of past war crimes, the Karzai government has accommodated some of the most notorious warlords, by appointing them to some government positions. While it was long thought that this would have a stabilizing effect, this paper argues that the policy of relying on Afghanistan's warlords-cum-politicians has failed to bring lasting security, peace and stability to the country. This paper presents a brief foray into the field of peace and transitional justice in a fragmented 21st century Afghanistan.
{"title":"Peace versus Justice:: A False Dichotomy? Mapping Tensions and Complementarities between Conflict Resolution and Human Rights Advocacy in Afghanistan","authors":"Katharina Merkel","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V5I1.1802","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V5I1.1802","url":null,"abstract":"In the aftermath of a conflict, peace and justice are often seen to be in direct tension. Demands for justice and legal accountability can be an obstacle to peace, since peace accords may involve compromises with war criminals and human rights perpetrators. The peace versus justice debate therefore translates into a conceptual struggle between conflict resolution and human rights advocacy. In Afghanistan, peace and conflict are often seen as inherently conflicting. Justice, it is often argued, must wait until security has been established. Rather than punishing the perpetrators of past war crimes, the Karzai government has accommodated some of the most notorious warlords, by appointing them to some government positions. While it was long thought that this would have a stabilizing effect, this paper argues that the policy of relying on Afghanistan's warlords-cum-politicians has failed to bring lasting security, peace and stability to the country. This paper presents a brief foray into the field of peace and transitional justice in a fragmented 21st century Afghanistan.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114386213","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Aquest article amplia en dos dimensions el model d’Eminue-Ufomba de seleccio d’objectius terroristes. El model original es limita a les raons d’una organitzacio terrorista per a seleccionar els seus objectius en relacio amb el poder nacional de l’Estat victima. Aquest article va mes enlla i incorpora en el model els conceptes nous de la capacitat de resistencia i de la renuncia al poder. A partir d’un enfocament basat en la teoria dels jocs, aquest article analitza els suposits sobre el comportament d’un Estat victima despres d’una exigencia terrorista i de l’us de l’amenaca.
{"title":"A Game-theoretic Hypothesis on the Relations between Victim States and Terrorist Organizations Based on the Eminue-Ufomba Model","authors":"R. O. Dode, Henry Ufomba","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V5I1.1765","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V5I1.1765","url":null,"abstract":"Aquest article amplia en dos dimensions el model d’Eminue-Ufomba de seleccio d’objectius terroristes. El model original es limita a les raons d’una organitzacio terrorista per a seleccionar els seus objectius en relacio amb el poder nacional de l’Estat victima. Aquest article va mes enlla i incorpora en el model els conceptes nous de la capacitat de resistencia i de la renuncia al poder. A partir d’un enfocament basat en la teoria dels jocs, aquest article analitza els suposits sobre el comportament d’un Estat victima despres d’una exigencia terrorista i de l’us de l’amenaca.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"114 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134551732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Aquest estudi mante que, com a metodologia artistica per a la ciutadania activa, el teatre legislatiu crea un proces de reflexio col·lectiva que genera solucions per als conflictes comunitaris. Boal va utilitzar aquesta eina de democracia transitiva per concebre propostes legals a favor de grups marginalitzats. El sistema legal de Brasil va aprovar tretze d’aquestes propostes. L’analisi d’un taller de Teatre Legislatiu que es va fer a Espanya amb la metodologia de Boal va permetre identificar alguns elements interessants, pero tambe les limitacions que presenta aquesta eina. Alguns aspectes tenen una gran importancia, com ara la ideologia de l’audiencia, l’abast de les propostes legals i el paper del bromista. Tambe s’hi discuteixen altres elements condicionants i aspectes positius.
{"title":"Legislative Theatre: Art for Community Conflict Resolution. From Desires to Laws","authors":"E. Salvador","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V5I1.1444","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V5I1.1444","url":null,"abstract":"Aquest estudi mante que, com a metodologia artistica per a la ciutadania activa, el teatre legislatiu crea un proces de reflexio col·lectiva que genera solucions per als conflictes comunitaris. Boal va utilitzar aquesta eina de democracia transitiva per concebre propostes legals a favor de grups marginalitzats. El sistema legal de Brasil va aprovar tretze d’aquestes propostes. L’analisi d’un taller de Teatre Legislatiu que es va fer a Espanya amb la metodologia de Boal va permetre identificar alguns elements interessants, pero tambe les limitacions que presenta aquesta eina. Alguns aspectes tenen una gran importancia, com ara la ideologia de l’audiencia, l’abast de les propostes legals i el paper del bromista. Tambe s’hi discuteixen altres elements condicionants i aspectes positius.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114645748","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In June 1997, Prime Minister Tony Blair issued a statement expressing remorse for the British government’s inaction to assist the Irish during the potato famine of the late 1840s. Blair’s contrition was met with praise and criticism, but it proved to be part of the larger narrative in the peace negotiations within Northern Ireland. Although Blair’s apology is often cited as an exemplar of political leaders apologizing for historical injustices, little actual scholarly work on this subject has been conducted. To that end, this paper examines Blair’s potato famine apology through the theory of collective apology. We argue that collective apologies serve to build, repair, renew, and strengthen bonds between communities harmed by historical wrongdoing. Moreover, collective apologies are meditations in collective memory about the past, present, and future relationship between communities. We assess Blair’s apology through this theoretical lens, discussing the potential impact that it had on the Northern Ireland peace process.
{"title":"British Prime Minister Tony Blair’s Irish Potato Famine Apology","authors":"J. A. Edwards, Amber Luckie","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V5I1.1863","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V5I1.1863","url":null,"abstract":"In June 1997, Prime Minister Tony Blair issued a statement expressing remorse for the British government’s inaction to assist the Irish during the potato famine of the late 1840s. Blair’s contrition was met with praise and criticism, but it proved to be part of the larger narrative in the peace negotiations within Northern Ireland. Although Blair’s apology is often cited as an exemplar of political leaders apologizing for historical injustices, little actual scholarly work on this subject has been conducted. To that end, this paper examines Blair’s potato famine apology through the theory of collective apology. We argue that collective apologies serve to build, repair, renew, and strengthen bonds between communities harmed by historical wrongdoing. Moreover, collective apologies are meditations in collective memory about the past, present, and future relationship between communities. We assess Blair’s apology through this theoretical lens, discussing the potential impact that it had on the Northern Ireland peace process.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"88 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129199155","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
L’any 1994, Sud-africa va deixar enrere l’apartheid amb grans esperances per la transformacio d’un pais devastat per la crisi en un de mes unit i realment divers que s’ocupes dels interessos de les diferents races i grups que formen la nacio. Just despres de la independencia, el pais va desenvolupar diversos programes per a transformar la nacio. Entre aquests, hi havia el Programa de Reconstruccio i Desenvolupament (PRD), la Comissio de la Veritat i la Reconciliacio (CVR) o altres mesures com l’Accio Afirmativa. Tot i els esforcos realitzats, els conflictes interns i externs s’han convertit en una de les caracteristiques distintives de la societat sud-africana, tambe despres de l’apartheid. La manca de confianca entre les comunitats blanca i negra, entre rics i pobres i entre homes i dones s’ha anat fent cada vegada mes gran, cosa que ha provocat molts enfrontaments violents que, algunes vegades, han posat en risc els fonaments mateixos sobre els quals es va construir la Sud-africa de despres de l’apartheid. En aquest context, aquest article defensa una transformacio real del conflicte a Sud-africa mes enlla dels processos de resolucio de conflictes que s’han anat desenvolupant al pais fins ara. Cal admetre que, des de la democratitzacio de 1994, a Sud-africa no s’ha produit una vertadera transformacio del conflicte i, per tant, ara s’ha d’assolir aquesta transformacio per tal que el pais pugui viure un desenvolupament genui i significatiu.
{"title":"Post-apartheid South Africa:: A Need for Genuine Conflict Transformation","authors":"P. Omoyefa","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V5I1.1510","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V5I1.1510","url":null,"abstract":"L’any 1994, Sud-africa va deixar enrere l’apartheid amb grans esperances per la transformacio d’un pais devastat per la crisi en un de mes unit i realment divers que s’ocupes dels interessos de les diferents races i grups que formen la nacio. Just despres de la independencia, el pais va desenvolupar diversos programes per a transformar la nacio. Entre aquests, hi havia el Programa de Reconstruccio i Desenvolupament (PRD), la Comissio de la Veritat i la Reconciliacio (CVR) o altres mesures com l’Accio Afirmativa. Tot i els esforcos realitzats, els conflictes interns i externs s’han convertit en una de les caracteristiques distintives de la societat sud-africana, tambe despres de l’apartheid. La manca de confianca entre les comunitats blanca i negra, entre rics i pobres i entre homes i dones s’ha anat fent cada vegada mes gran, cosa que ha provocat molts enfrontaments violents que, algunes vegades, han posat en risc els fonaments mateixos sobre els quals es va construir la Sud-africa de despres de l’apartheid. En aquest context, aquest article defensa una transformacio real del conflicte a Sud-africa mes enlla dels processos de resolucio de conflictes que s’han anat desenvolupant al pais fins ara. Cal admetre que, des de la democratitzacio de 1994, a Sud-africa no s’ha produit una vertadera transformacio del conflicte i, per tant, ara s’ha d’assolir aquesta transformacio per tal que el pais pugui viure un desenvolupament genui i significatiu.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"51 3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132246069","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The study examined the United Nations through its various efforts and abilities to enthrone peace in the world. It adopted a developmental approach, bringing to light the UN’s early attempts at peace, through the Cold War years and up to contemporary times. Taking into cognizance why the UN was established in the first place, and bearing in mind a clear conceptual understanding of peace, the study reveals that the UN’s balance sheet with regard to this onerous responsibility is a mixed bag of admirable successes and colossal failures.
{"title":"Las Naciones Unidas y su objetivo de paz: una evaluación","authors":"Ekpotuatin Charles Ariye","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V5I1.1827","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V5I1.1827","url":null,"abstract":"The study examined the United Nations through its various efforts and abilities to enthrone peace in the world. It adopted a developmental approach, bringing to light the UN’s early attempts at peace, through the Cold War years and up to contemporary times. Taking into cognizance why the UN was established in the first place, and bearing in mind a clear conceptual understanding of peace, the study reveals that the UN’s balance sheet with regard to this onerous responsibility is a mixed bag of admirable successes and colossal failures.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121445784","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper we argue that international peacebuilding actors’ strategy for dealing with the recognition issue has created significant problems for implementing effective bottom-up peacebuilding activites in Cyprus. Rather than encouraging cooperation between the two communities, a ‘do no harm’ approach applied by international peacebuilding actors has strengthened the position of the ethno-nationalists that tries to prevent cooperation beyond the green line. We argue that such an approach shows how international actors can be limited in comprehending and acting on the ‘local’ problems on the ground, particularly when the official position of those actors are aligned with the official position of one side to the conflict. International peacebuilding actors can be much more effective by thorougly understanding the root causes of conflicts and by ensuring that they are taking a neutral stand before engaging in peacebuilding work in post-conflict regions.
{"title":"Roadblocks to Peacebuilding Activities in Cyprus:: International Peacebuilding Actors’ Handling of the Recognition Issue","authors":"Direnç Kanol, Bülent Kanol","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V4I2.1828","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V4I2.1828","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper we argue that international peacebuilding actors’ strategy for dealing with the recognition issue has created significant problems for implementing effective bottom-up peacebuilding activites in Cyprus. Rather than encouraging cooperation between the two communities, a ‘do no harm’ approach applied by international peacebuilding actors has strengthened the position of the ethno-nationalists that tries to prevent cooperation beyond the green line. We argue that such an approach shows how international actors can be limited in comprehending and acting on the ‘local’ problems on the ground, particularly when the official position of those actors are aligned with the official position of one side to the conflict. International peacebuilding actors can be much more effective by thorougly understanding the root causes of conflicts and by ensuring that they are taking a neutral stand before engaging in peacebuilding work in post-conflict regions.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"200 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116425512","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since the final conclusion of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 the violent conflict and military operations convulsing the state of Northern Ireland since 1969 appeared over and peace restored. Despite this, profound mistrust and division remains. This paper examines the factors influencing historic conflict in Ireland with reference to the acceptable forms of governance in a deeply divided society with antagonistic and diametrically opposed concepts of citizenship, allegiance and sovereignty present in the population. The changes have been fundamental and profound: absence of military occupation models, entry into public life and political responsibility of former combatants, development of power-sharing governmental structures and progress of civil society. The fact remains that the Good Friday Agreement was seen by the majority community - the unionist population – as a guarantee to assert its intention and desire to remain an integral part of the United Kingdom (to remain British). In the same manner and in the same way the Agreement was seen by the minority community – the nationalist population – as a guarantee to assert its intention to leave the United Kingdom and to re-unite with the rest of Ireland (to remain Irish). Ireland has never been a uniform or agreed socio-political entity. The nature of Irish society has been a fragmented, divided and polyglot one. The fractured States that emerged from the forced partition of Ireland in 1922 epitomized the crises and issues around sovereignty and identity. Disputed sovereignty in Ireland is analyzed in relation to three key associated factors: ownership, legacies of colonial power and the dynamics of changing demographics.
{"title":"The Fractured Island: Divided Sovereignty, Identity and Politics in Ireland","authors":"A. Bruce","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V4I2.1913","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V4I2.1913","url":null,"abstract":"Since the final conclusion of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 the violent conflict and military operations convulsing the state of Northern Ireland since 1969 appeared over and peace restored. Despite this, profound mistrust and division remains. This paper examines the factors influencing historic conflict in Ireland with reference to the acceptable forms of governance in a deeply divided society with antagonistic and diametrically opposed concepts of citizenship, allegiance and sovereignty present in the population. The changes have been fundamental and profound: absence of military occupation models, entry into public life and political responsibility of former combatants, development of power-sharing governmental structures and progress of civil society. The fact remains that the Good Friday Agreement was seen by the majority community - the unionist population – as a guarantee to assert its intention and desire to remain an integral part of the United Kingdom (to remain British). In the same manner and in the same way the Agreement was seen by the minority community – the nationalist population – as a guarantee to assert its intention to leave the United Kingdom and to re-unite with the rest of Ireland (to remain Irish). Ireland has never been a uniform or agreed socio-political entity. The nature of Irish society has been a fragmented, divided and polyglot one. The fractured States that emerged from the forced partition of Ireland in 1922 epitomized the crises and issues around sovereignty and identity. Disputed sovereignty in Ireland is analyzed in relation to three key associated factors: ownership, legacies of colonial power and the dynamics of changing demographics.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"76 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129411881","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Palestinian position towardsJerusalemis in absolute contradiction with the Israeli one. The indications show that both parties firmly hold to their positions. The Israelis aim to unify the city as the capital ofIsraeland refuse to negotiate otherwise. The Palestinians' aspiration is to establish their capital inJerusalemwith the intention to keep the city open for worshipers from different faiths and religions. The strong Israeli position in negotiating the future ofJerusalemwith the Palestinians is based on the changes made on the ground since occupying the city, particularly the Israeli settlements constructed among the Palestinian population centres and areas.Israelhas succeeded in removing the Palestinian characteristics in theWest Jerusalemin particular. However, the effectiveness of the Palestinians position is sustained by the international community, which neither recognises the Israeli transformation ofJerusalemnor acknowledges it as the capital ofIsrael. In addition, the United Nations Resolutions have frequently condemnedIsraelfor its activities inJerusalemand have not consideredJerusalemas the capital ofIsrael. Some UN Resolutions obviously demanded complete cessation of Israeli settlement activities and requestedIsraelto halt its deliberate acts aimed at changing the features of city.Israelhas imposed its position by force, while the Palestinian position is based on legitimacy and international support. It is unfeasible to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict without settling the issue ofJerusalem. Considering both parties' positions, peace is unattainable in the region in the foreseeable future.
{"title":"The Sovereignty over Jerusalem","authors":"Hani Albasoos","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V4I2.1881","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V4I2.1881","url":null,"abstract":"The Palestinian position towardsJerusalemis in absolute contradiction with the Israeli one. The indications show that both parties firmly hold to their positions. The Israelis aim to unify the city as the capital ofIsraeland refuse to negotiate otherwise. The Palestinians' aspiration is to establish their capital inJerusalemwith the intention to keep the city open for worshipers from different faiths and religions. The strong Israeli position in negotiating the future ofJerusalemwith the Palestinians is based on the changes made on the ground since occupying the city, particularly the Israeli settlements constructed among the Palestinian population centres and areas.Israelhas succeeded in removing the Palestinian characteristics in theWest Jerusalemin particular. However, the effectiveness of the Palestinians position is sustained by the international community, which neither recognises the Israeli transformation ofJerusalemnor acknowledges it as the capital ofIsrael. In addition, the United Nations Resolutions have frequently condemnedIsraelfor its activities inJerusalemand have not consideredJerusalemas the capital ofIsrael. Some UN Resolutions obviously demanded complete cessation of Israeli settlement activities and requestedIsraelto halt its deliberate acts aimed at changing the features of city.Israelhas imposed its position by force, while the Palestinian position is based on legitimacy and international support. It is unfeasible to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict without settling the issue ofJerusalem. Considering both parties' positions, peace is unattainable in the region in the foreseeable future.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"80 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115745976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Migingo Island territory dispute has been brewing since 2004.Kenya and Uganda both claim ownership of the Island as the residents continue to suffer. There are police forces from both countries now manning the Island as ways to resolve the dispute are sought. Kenya has the largest percentage of people living there and most of them have been arrested and detained for fishing on Uganda’s territorial waters. Diplomatic efforts have been unsuccessful and during the voter registration in December 2012,Ugandan officials manning the Island pointed their guns at the Kenyans who were protesting their interference in the process. It is 2013 now and the tension is till rife. As a peace and conflict specialist in East and Central Africa, I have had a front row sit in the theatre of incongruity that is Migingo. The media has been playing its part in reporting the events but some of them have been biased. This article maps the dispute, potential effects of a war and the attempts made by Kenya and Uganda to break the impasse and reach an amicable solution from the lens of a peace and conflict worker in the region.
{"title":"Migingo Island: Kenya or Uganda Territory?","authors":"Jack Shaka","doi":"10.7238/JOC.V4I2.1886","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7238/JOC.V4I2.1886","url":null,"abstract":"The Migingo Island territory dispute has been brewing since 2004.Kenya and Uganda both claim ownership of the Island as the residents continue to suffer. There are police forces from both countries now manning the Island as ways to resolve the dispute are sought. Kenya has the largest percentage of people living there and most of them have been arrested and detained for fishing on Uganda’s territorial waters. Diplomatic efforts have been unsuccessful and during the voter registration in December 2012,Ugandan officials manning the Island pointed their guns at the Kenyans who were protesting their interference in the process. It is 2013 now and the tension is till rife. As a peace and conflict specialist in East and Central Africa, I have had a front row sit in the theatre of incongruity that is Migingo. The media has been playing its part in reporting the events but some of them have been biased. This article maps the dispute, potential effects of a war and the attempts made by Kenya and Uganda to break the impasse and reach an amicable solution from the lens of a peace and conflict worker in the region.","PeriodicalId":183832,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Conflictology","volume":"110 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117207066","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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