Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin最新文献

Sexual need fulfillment is central to well-being in romantic relationships. Self-determination theory suggests that perceiving a romantic partner as autonomously supportive is linked with greater well-being through supporting the fulfillment of basic psychological needs. The current research examines whether there are unique associations with need fulfillment and sexual and relationship satisfaction when people perceive their partner as autonomously supportive in the sexual domain. Across three multi-method studies (N = 786), we developed a measure of perceived partner sexual autonomy support and demonstrated that perceiving sexual autonomy support from a partner in general, during sex, and over time were associated with greater sexual need fulfillment as well as sexual and relationship satisfaction for both partners over and above the association with general perceived autonomy support and perceived partner responsiveness during sex. Sexual need fulfillment also accounted for the positive associations between perceived partner sexual autonomy support and satisfaction across studies.

There is evidence that people with higher self-esteem tend to have more satisfying sexual relationships, but little is known about how changes in people's self-esteem and sexual experiences are related over time. Several theories predict reciprocal effects between self-esteem and sexual experiences. The present study tested these theories using 12-wave longitudinal data from more than 11,000 participants of a representative sample in Germany. Data were analyzed using Random Intercept Cross-lagged Panel Models. Results indicated significant between-person associations between stable levels of self-esteem and both the frequency and the quality of sexual experiences. Moreover, we found reciprocal within-person transactions between self-esteem and sexual satisfaction but not sexual frequency. Overall, the present pattern of results provides evidence for theories that consider self-esteem as both a source and consequence of intimate sexual relationships.

How can leaders effectively navigate challenges and drive positive change in the workplace? This research introduces reflective conversations as a powerful catalyst for leaders' change-oriented initiatives. Integrating transformative learning theory and hope theory, we suggest that reflective conversations improve leaders' sense of hope and subsequently facilitate their transformational leadership and creative behaviors. We further introduce hardships (Study 1) and relationship quality (Studies 2 and 3) as key boundary conditions. We conducted a content validation study to validate our measure of reflection conversation and further conducted two experience sampling studies and one online experiment to test the transformational power of daily reflective conversations. The results reveal that when leaders experience hardships or have high-quality relationships with others, reflective conversations can be a powerful force in terms of fueling their sense of hope and inspiring them to exercise transformational leadership and creative behaviors.

Cute, kindchenschema stimuli can evoke a suite of cognitive, physiological, and behavioral tendencies thought to promote caregiving. This research investigated facial expression elements associated with this response to cuteness and assessed the recognizability of an expression combining these elements. In Studies 1 and 2, participants at a community outreach event (Study 1, n = 19) and undergraduate students (Study 2, n = 103) showed spontaneous facial displays while watching videos/photos of baby humans and animals. These were Facial Action Coding System (FACS)-coded, revealing characteristic and statistically distinctive action unit elements of facial expression responses to cuteness. In six follow-up online studies (combined N = 962), including replications with Syrian refugees (n = 103) and Chinese samples (n = 222), a "cuteness prototype" expression combining all elements identified across Studies 1 and 2 (i.e., oblique brows, chin raise, lip tightening, and Duchenne smile) was commonly interpreted as a response to cuteness. These findings add to a growing literature about caregiving-focused motivational states and associated emotion/affect.

The present research investigated the associations of collectivism with lay theory of generalized prejudice (LTGP) endorsement and, consequently, intraminority allyship. Study 1 recruited people from Chile, Germany, Mexico, Israel, and the United States (N = 655) and found that higher levels of self-reported collectivism were associated with stronger LTGP endorsements. Study 2 replicated this collectivism-LTGP relationship among Chinese individuals in 19 countries (N = 118). In Study 3, Latinx U.S. participants (N = 334) primed with high (versus low) collectivism endorsed LTGP more strongly, which was associated with greater stigma-based solidarity and intraminority allyship. Study 4 recruited from Greece, South Africa, Mexico, New Zealand, and the United States (N = 778), and found that horizontal (but not vertical) collectivism was associated with LTGP and thus allyship. Study 4 identified three mechanisms linking (horizontal) collectivism and LTGP: connecting discrimination, attention to discrimination, and empathy. Findings highlight collectivistic mindsets as a strategy to facilitate intraminority coalitions.

The 2020 Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests in response to the murder of George Floyd highlighted the lingering structural inequalities faced by Black people in the United States. In the present research, we investigated whether these protests led to reduced implicit and explicit racial bias among White U.S. Americans. Combining data from Project Implicit, Armed Conflict Location Event Data Project (ACLED), Google Trends, and the American Community survey, we observed rapid drops in implicit and explicit measures of racial bias after the onset of the protests. However, both types of racial bias slowly increased again over time as (attention to) BLM faded. We use directed acyclic graphs to show under which assumptions causal inferences are warranted. We discuss our results in light of situational models of bias, their implications for protest movements, and raise questions about when and how social norms play a role in large-scale attitude change.

While it is well-established that educational attainment and Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) are negatively correlated, it remains unclear why, as causal effects are hard to distinguish from the effects of confounders. Here, we use an adaptation of the discordant twin design in a structural equation framework (ACE-β models) with 1264 Norwegian monozygotic and dizygotic twins, to investigate whether education and RWA remain associated after controlling for confounders from genes and environmental influences shared by twins. Our model estimates that 25% of the covariance between education and RWA reflects genetic confounders, 47% reflects shared-environmental confounders, and 28% of the covariance remains unaccounted for. This remaining covariance then reflects causal effects and/or environmental confounders not shared by twins. Perceived socioeconomic status (SES) in childhood accounted for about one-third of the shared-environmental confounding. We did not find evidence that effects of education on RWA are mediated by perceived SES in adulthood.

The spread of disinformation is widely regarded as one of the most serious global risks. In one laboratory and three online experiments (N_total = 3,066), we measured trust in true, false, and disinformation statements related to the Russo-Ukrainian war (Experiments 1-3) and to politics, climate, and health (Experiment 4). We examined longer-term effectiveness of a fact-based corrective message delivered either before (prebunking) or after (debunking) participants' initial evaluation of disinformation statements. Across all four experiments, debunking intervention consistently and substantially reduced trust in disinformation, with effects persisting for at least two weeks. Prebunking intervention produced similarly durable benefits only when it was immediately followed by evaluation of the just-corrected disinformation. When evaluation was delayed, prebunking had no reliable impact. We found no significant backfire effects on trust in disinformation across any ideological groups. However, debunking induced a more conservative response pattern overall, reducing trust in true statements as well.

Most research on solidarity focuses on democratic, low-repressive contexts. However, support for Palestinians in the Global North shows that solidarity can also emerge in democracies with issue-specific repression, where costs and risks for solidarity are higher, and dominant narratives limit alternative perspectives. This article explores which beliefs, emotions, and attitudes predict low-cost (i.e., low effort/risk) and high-cost (i.e., high effort/risk) solidarity in such contexts. We conducted three studies during major Israel/Palestine escalations: a 2009 German convenience sample (N = 305) and two 2024 representative samples from Germany (N = 412) and the United Kingdom (N = 409). Perceived peaceful intentions and guilt toward Palestinians predicted both types of solidarity. Perceived injustice and moral outrage were more linked to low-cost solidarity, while perceived collective ownership of the land was stronger for high-cost solidarity. Power imbalance, admiration, sympathy, hate, and antisemitism played no or minor roles for solidarity in these contexts. The results highlight the distinct nature of conflict-related solidarity under issue-specific repression compared to solidarity under low repression.