Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin最新文献

Most research on solidarity focuses on democratic, low-repressive contexts. However, support for Palestinians in the Global North shows that solidarity can also emerge in democracies with issue-specific repression, where costs and risks for solidarity are higher, and dominant narratives limit alternative perspectives. This article explores which beliefs, emotions, and attitudes predict low-cost (i.e., low effort/risk) and high-cost (i.e., high effort/risk) solidarity in such contexts. We conducted three studies during major Israel/Palestine escalations: a 2009 German convenience sample (N = 305) and two 2024 representative samples from Germany (N = 412) and the United Kingdom (N = 409). Perceived peaceful intentions and guilt toward Palestinians predicted both types of solidarity. Perceived injustice and moral outrage were more linked to low-cost solidarity, while perceived collective ownership of the land was stronger for high-cost solidarity. Power imbalance, admiration, sympathy, hate, and antisemitism played no or minor roles for solidarity in these contexts. The results highlight the distinct nature of conflict-related solidarity under issue-specific repression compared to solidarity under low repression.

Interpersonal transgressions are inevitable and pose threats to social bonds and well-being. For victims, holding a grudge is a common response. Recent qualitative work suggests that hurt and anger are central to grudges, yet their relation has not been tested quantitatively. Previous research has focused on the independent effects of hurt and anger, often overlooking their interaction. We predicted that the interaction between hurt and anger contributes to grudge holding. Across three nonexperimental studies and one experimental study (Studies 1-4), we examined how these emotions relate to grudge holding and tested a mechanism in Studies 3 and 4. Results consistently showed that individuals who felt high hurt and anger reported stronger grudges than those who felt only one emotion strongly. Perceiving the transgressor as immoral explained this interaction. This research advances our understanding of grudge holding by examining the interaction between these emotions and empirically testing the underlying theory.

People who perceive they lack power inhibit their needs and goals, sometimes aggress to restore power, and experience poorer well-being. However, people may underestimate how much power they have to meet their needs. Guided by error management principles, we tested whether people systematically underestimate their power in relationships. Across four samples of friendships, same-gender couples, and woman-man couples (N = 1,304 dyads), we used Truth and Bias models to assess discrepancies between people's own perceived power and the power they had as reported by their friends/partners. We found robust evidence that people underestimated their power. Moreover, higher self-protection motives (e.g., attachment anxiety) and specific power motives (e.g., desire for power) predicted greater underestimation bias whereas higher pro-relationship motives (commitment) predicted lower underestimation bias. These results illustrate that self-protection, pro-relationship, and power motives bias perceptions of power, advancing our understanding of why and how these predictors shape power-related behaviors and relationship outcomes.

This research presents the first known meta-analysis of the Dialectical Self Scale, a widely used measure of the extent to which people hold contradictory and changeable self-conceptions. Data were synthesized from k = 139 studies (N = 23,629) from 28 countries to produce a national Dialectical Self Index (DSI). Study 1 used meta-analytic techniques to hierarchically order countries on dialecticism and test demographic moderators. No historical shifts in dialecticism were observed over two decades. In Study 2, dialecticism, at the country-level, was correlated with variables reflecting tolerance of contradiction and expectation of change, and socioecological factors (Buddhism, rice farming), but only weakly related to contemporary macro-social forces (globalization). Dialecticism was unrelated to collectivism and interdependent self-construals, indicating it is a foundational cultural mindset. A world map of dialecticism showed clear regional clustering. The DSI provides a useful tool for conducting cross-national research on dialecticism.

Following the 2016 U.S. Presidential election of Donald Trump, prejudice toward groups targeted during his campaign (e.g., Asian Americans, Mexicans) become more acceptable. By contrast, both Trump and Clinton voters reported less prejudice of their own. We conducted a 2024 conceptual replication, measuring perceived norms of prejudice and own-prejudice toward 128 groups, both before (N = 362) and after (N = 261) the U.S. election. We separately measured the negativity of Trump's campaign rhetoric toward these groups (N = 188). Levels of prejudice and perceived norms of prejudice acceptability were mostly stable pre-/post-election, but Trump's negative rhetoric predicted an increase in perceived acceptability of prejudice among targeted groups (replicating the 2016 results), and a rise in self-reported prejudice in the same groups post-election (reversing the 2016 results). Despite changes in the sociopolitical context between elections, the election of a leading politician who campaigned on prejudice was again associated with increases in the acceptability of prejudice.

This preregistered meta-analysis aimed to determine the association of marital satisfaction with two demographic variables that are often used as indicators of socioeconomic status: income and education. It was hypothesized that income and education would individually have small to moderate associations with marital satisfaction. Data from 25,171 participants across 47 separate manuscripts and datasets were meta-analyzed in a random effects model. Results indicated there was no significant effect for income, but a small, significant effect for education such that increased education was correlated with greater marital satisfaction. The effect of education on satisfaction was moderated by the percentage of African American participants in the sample, meaning that when the sample included a greater percentage of African Americans, the effect of education and satisfaction was stronger. Overall, results indicate that education may be an important contextual factor for married dyads and researchers should be cautioned against controlling for demographic variables.

Between 1819 and the 1970s, the U.S. government forced Native American children to attend boarding schools with the explicit purpose of assimilating them into White American culture. In this article, we examined whether the cultural legacy of historical Native American boarding schools persists locally in the aggregated racial biases of modern-day residents. Using the data of 290,593 Project Implicit visitors, we found that counties where Native American boarding schools were located in the past show lower levels of modern-day racial prejudice against Native Americans and view Native Americans as more U.S. American/less foreign compared to counties without historical boarding schools. Our findings provide a nuanced perspective on the ways in which historical injustices can manifest in physical, social, and cultural environments.

Segregation of social networks has been studied primarily at the macro level in disciplines such as sociology. The present research introduces the concept of relational compartmentalization to examine this phenomenon at the level of individual behavior through a cultural-psychological lens. Across two studies, we investigated relational compartmentalization using a mixed-methods approach and complementary measures: a novel behavioral paradigm and egocentric social network analysis. We found evidence that, compared to Euro-Americans, Chinese and Asian American participants exhibited a greater tendency to compartmentalize their social networks, mediated by self-consistency and relational mobility, but not by contextualism. In cultural contexts characterized by greater self-concept variability and lower relational fluidity, individuals are more likely to organize their social networks into discrete, self-contained, non-overlapping groups. These findings advance the understanding of cultural models of social networks, highlighting the roles of culturally salient psychological and socioecological characteristics in shaping networking behavior.

College students from lower socioeconomic backgrounds often report worse well-being compared to their more privileged peers. This study investigates whether disparities in well-being are associated with relational experiences, with a focus on friendship dynamics. Using a year-long multiwave survey, we investigate key features of friend networks that are linked to well-being among first-generation, low-income (FLI) students and their continuing-generation, higher-income (CHI) peers. We find that, for FLI students, better well-being is uniquely and consistently linked to similarity and academic support in their friend networks. Furthermore, disparities in well-being between FLI and CHI students are largest when FLI students' friend networks are more socioeconomically diverse and completely mitigated when they are less diverse. These findings underscore that in socioeconomically diverse college environments, friendships are not one-size-fits-all in their ability to meet the needs of individuals.