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Corrigendum 勘误表
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-26 DOI: 10.1111/rego.12480

We inform our readers that we have found an article in our pages, Capano and Pritoni (2020), to have sentences of identical text to an article published by the same authors in another journal (Capano et al2020). The overlap is considered by the Editors to be minor.

We have reproduced the overlapping text below with the appropriate citation to the Journal of Public Policy article:

我们通知读者,我们在我们的页面上发现了一篇文章,Capano和Pritoni(2020),与同一作者在另一期刊上发表的一篇文章(Capano et al. 2020)具有相同文本的句子。编辑认为重叠是次要的。我们复制了下面重叠的文本,并适当引用了《公共政策杂志》的文章:
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引用次数: 0
Preventing construction deaths: The role of public policies 预防施工死亡:公共政策的作用
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-16 DOI: 10.1111/rego.12486
Wayne B. Gray, John Mendeloff
Are stronger direct financial incentives or regulatory enforcement effective in reducing fatalities in the construction industry? We examine two important policies—state workers' compensation (WC) programs and federal and state Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) activities—which embody those strategies. We examine their impact by looking at state-level fatality rates in the construction industry from 1992 to 2016. Setting aside highway crashes and violence, the majority of employee deaths occur in construction. We find that states which exempt small firms from the requirement to buy WC insurance have higher fatality rates. When eligibility for compensation is restricted by longer waiting periods, fatality rates are substantially higher. More frequent federal or state OSHA inspections and, especially, consultation visits are associated with lower fatality rates, but higher average penalties are not. Limited variation in these policies over our sample period, especially for WC, makes these results suggestive rather than definitively causal.
加强直接财政奖励或监管执法是否能有效减少建造业的死亡人数?我们考察了体现这些战略的两项重要政策——州工人补偿(WC)计划以及联邦和州职业安全与健康管理局(OSHA)活动。我们通过研究1992年至2016年建筑行业的州级死亡率来研究它们的影响。除了公路交通事故和暴力事件外,大多数员工的死亡都发生在建筑工地。我们发现免除小公司购买WC保险要求的州有更高的死亡率。当获得赔偿的资格受到较长等待时间的限制时,死亡率要高得多。更频繁的联邦或州OSHA检查,特别是咨询访问与较低的死亡率有关,但较高的平均罚款却没有。在我们的样本期间,这些政策的有限变化,特别是对于WC,使得这些结果具有启发性,而不是决定性的因果关系。
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引用次数: 0
Regulatory reforms, normative changes, and performance: Evidence from the electricity sector in Latin America 监管改革、规范变化和绩效:来自拉丁美洲电力部门的证据
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-12 DOI: 10.1111/rego.12484
Camilo Ignacio González, Alketa Peci
Over the past three decades the Latin American region has experienced various regulatory reforms, and distinctive normative changes have been introduced in the framework, instruments, or procedures adopted by independent regulatory agencies (IRAs). While there is evidence that the establishment of an IRA positively affects regulated sector performance, little is known about the effects of these additional legal dispositions when incorporated in primary or secondary legislation. However, normative changes may shape IRAs' actual regulatory activities and the signals they send to their stakeholders, potentially influencing sectoral performance. This research traces the evolution of several instruments and procedures legally adopted by IRAs located in Latin America and comprehensively assesses the influence of these normative changes on the performance dimensions of the electricity sector. We built indexes that describe the adoption of specific legal dispositions in the region. These indexes reveal that the evolution of the normative dispositions varies in terms of extent, context, and timing of adoption. In addition, the changes are not equally or even positively associated with specific performance dimensions. While economic regulatory instruments shape many performance dimensions, “soft” procedural dispositions also play an important role in perceptions of quality in the electricity sector.
在过去三十年中,拉丁美洲地区经历了各种监管改革,在独立监管机构(IRAs)采用的框架、工具或程序中引入了独特的规范性变化。虽然有证据表明,IRA的建立对受监管部门的绩效有积极影响,但人们对这些额外的法律处置在纳入主要或次要立法时的影响知之甚少。然而,规范变化可能会影响ira的实际监管活动及其向利益相关者发出的信号,从而可能影响行业绩效。本研究追溯了拉丁美洲各独立监管机构合法采用的若干工具和程序的演变,并全面评估了这些规范变化对电力部门绩效维度的影响。我们建立了描述该地区采用特定法律处置的指数。这些指标表明,规范倾向的演变在程度、背景和采用时间方面有所不同。此外,这些变化与特定的性能维度并不是相等的,甚至不是正相关的。虽然经济监管工具塑造了许多绩效维度,但“软”程序倾向在电力部门的质量观念中也起着重要作用。
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引用次数: 0
Framing policies to mobilize citizens' behavior during a crisis: Examining the effects of positive and negative vaccination incentivizing policies 制定政策,在危机期间动员公民的行为:检查积极和消极的疫苗接种激励政策的影响
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-15 DOI: 10.1111/rego.12478
Talia Goren, Itai Beeri, Dana R. Vashdi
The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the issue of mobilization policies, that is, government practices directed at making the mass public voluntarily perform various behaviors for the collective benefit during a crisis. As COVID-19 vaccinations became accessible, governments faced the challenge of mass vaccination mobilization in order to achieve herd immunization. Aiming to effectively realize this goal, policy designers and regulators worldwide considered various mobilizing tools for vaccination compliance, including rewards and penalties, as they targeted vaccine opposers and hesitators, while trying to avoid the crowding-out effect among individuals who were intrinsically motivated to get vaccinated. However, the unique circumstances of the Coronavirus pandemic may have eliminated the crowding-out effect. Thus, our study explored the effect of regulation in the form of positive and negative incentivizing tools (i.e., rewards and penalties) during the coronavirus pandemic on vaccination intentions of 1184 Israeli citizens, prior to the national vaccination campaign. Results indicate that (1) both negative and positive incentives have a similar positive effect on individuals who declare they will not get vaccinated and those who hesitate to get the shot; (2) both positive and negative incentives induce the crowding-out effect; and (3) negative incentives generate a larger crowding-out effect in individuals who report preliminary intentions to get vaccinated, compared to positive ones. This emphasizes the need to avoid the crowding-out effect during the current and similar crises, and suggests considering applying a gradual and adaptive policy design in order to maximize regulatory efficacy and compliance.
新冠肺炎疫情凸显了动员政策问题。动员政策是指,在危机时刻,政府为了集体利益,让大众自愿做出各种行为。随着COVID-19疫苗的普及,各国政府面临着大规模动员疫苗接种以实现群体免疫的挑战。为了有效地实现这一目标,世界各地的政策制定者和监管机构考虑了各种动员疫苗接种依从性的工具,包括奖励和惩罚,因为他们针对疫苗反对者和犹豫不决者,同时试图避免在内在动机接种疫苗的个人中产生挤出效应。然而,冠状病毒大流行的独特情况可能已经消除了这种挤出效应。因此,我们的研究探讨了在冠状病毒大流行期间,在全国疫苗接种运动之前,以积极和消极激励工具(即奖励和惩罚)形式的监管对1184名以色列公民接种疫苗意图的影响。结果表明:(1)消极激励和积极激励对宣布不接种疫苗的个体和犹豫不决是否接种疫苗的个体具有相似的积极作用;(2)正激励和负激励都会产生挤出效应;(3)与积极激励相比,消极激励在报告接种疫苗的初步意图的个人中产生了更大的挤出效应。这强调了在当前和类似危机期间避免挤出效应的必要性,并建议考虑采用渐进和适应性的政策设计,以最大限度地提高监管效率和合规。
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引用次数: 3
Between technocracy and politics: How financial stability committees shape precautionary interventions in real estate markets 在技术官僚和政治之间:金融稳定委员会如何塑造房地产市场的预防性干预
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-11 DOI: 10.1111/rego.12476
Matthias Thiemann, Bart Stellinga
Implementing precautionary measures that have obvious distributional consequences today but often only invisible future benefits is politically difficult. It requires that policymakers reconcile technocratic expertise with political consent. This paper traces attempts to enact such measures, focusing on countercyclical policies to limit the systemic risks of housing booms as proposed by financial stability committees in Germany, France, and the Netherlands from 2015 onwards. These committees bring together technocrats and political authorities in order to overcome the inaction bias inherent to these measures, seeking to forge both epistemic and political consensus on the need for action. We find that the work of these committees is characterized by lengthy processes of consensus-building, during which technocrats amass evidence and search for politically acceptable solutions. We argue that whether this leads to meaningful steps crucially depends on the committee's institutional set-up. What particularly matters is its capacity to engage the Ministry of Finance in binding discussions and the governance arrangements for the activation of precautionary instruments, which shape whether a shared framing of the problem and appropriate response emerges.
实施预防性措施在政治上是困难的,这些措施在今天有明显的分配后果,但往往只有看不见的未来效益。它要求政策制定者将技术专家的专业知识与政治共识协调起来。本文追溯了制定此类措施的尝试,重点关注反周期政策,以限制2015年以来德国、法国和荷兰金融稳定委员会提出的住房繁荣的系统性风险。这些委员会汇集了技术专家和政治当局,以克服这些措施所固有的不作为偏见,力求就采取行动的必要性在认识和政治上达成共识。我们发现,这些委员会的工作特点是建立协商一致意见的漫长过程,在此期间,技术专家们收集证据并寻求政治上可接受的解决办法。我们认为,这是否会导致有意义的步骤,关键取决于委员会的机构设置。特别重要的是,它有能力让财政部参与有约束力的讨论,并制定启动预防性工具的治理安排,这将决定是否能形成对问题的共同框架和适当的应对措施。
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引用次数: 0
Expert network interaction in the European Medicines Agency 欧洲药品管理局的专家网络互动
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-05-06 DOI: 10.1111/rego.12466
Reini Schrama
The need for supranational regulatory capacity and the drive for governmental control are two colliding forces in international governance. As a solution to this governance dilemma, European administrative networks need to simultaneously fulfill the demand for supranational institutions and maintain governmental control. The assessment of risks associated with medicines authorized on the European market is carried out by such a network of national regulators as part of the European Medicines Agency. To uncover how these double-hatted experts navigate the opportunity structures created by supranational and intergovernmental forces, this study employs social network analysis. Developing exponential random graph models, this study tests to what extent members can act as professional experts in service of the supranational administration and to what extent national features shape interaction. The results indicate that while PRAC members are socialized as professionals in service of supranational deliberation on pharmacovigilance, intergovernmental forces do structure their interactions.
对超国家监管能力的需求和对政府控制的推动是国际治理中两股相互冲突的力量。为了解决这一治理困境,欧洲行政网络需要同时满足超国家机构的需求和维持政府控制。与欧洲市场上批准的药物相关的风险评估是由作为欧洲药品管理局一部分的国家监管机构网络进行的。为了揭示这些身兼两职的专家如何驾驭由超国家和政府间力量创造的机会结构,本研究采用了社会网络分析。通过发展指数随机图模型,本研究检验了成员在多大程度上可以作为超国家行政服务的专业专家,以及国家特征在多大程度上影响了相互作用。结果表明,虽然PRAC成员被社会化为超国家药物警戒审议服务的专业人员,但政府间力量确实构建了他们的互动。
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引用次数: 4
Will there be a Nordic model in the platform economy? Evasive and integrative platform strategies in Denmark and Sweden 平台经济是否会出现北欧模式?丹麦和瑞典的回避和整合平台策略
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-15 DOI: 10.1111/rego.12465
Anna Ilsøe, Carl Fredrik Söderqvist
The entry of gig-platforms to labor markets world-wide has caused significant frictions with national institutions and regulators, including trade unions. In this article, we compare the interactions between taxi and food delivery platforms with the industrial relations (IR) systems of Denmark and Sweden, where we observe isolated instances of unions striking collective agreements with platforms. We assess and compare platform strategies and interactions with IR system agents, using an RIT-framework (rulemaker-intermediary-ruletaker) which considers how rulemaking capacity is allocated within the Nordic IR systems. We detect both IR system evasion and integration in Denmark and Sweden, with significant variation in causes and mechanisms. We find that IR system integration can be explained by public backlash, pressure from IR system insiders, and gaining first-mover advantages. Our findings shed light on integrative mechanisms of the Nordic IR systems allowing us to identify and discuss future challenges posed by the platform economy.
零工平台进入全球劳动力市场引发了与国家机构和监管机构(包括工会)的重大摩擦。在本文中,我们比较了出租车和外卖平台与丹麦和瑞典的劳资关系(IR)系统之间的相互作用,在丹麦和瑞典,我们观察到工会与平台达成集体协议的孤立实例。我们使用rit框架(规则制定者-中介-规则接受者)评估和比较平台策略以及与IR系统代理的互动,该框架考虑了北欧IR系统中如何分配规则制定能力。我们在丹麦和瑞典发现了IR系统逃避和整合,其原因和机制存在显著差异。我们发现,IR系统整合可以用公众反对、来自IR系统内部人士的压力和获得先发优势来解释。我们的研究结果揭示了北欧IR系统的综合机制,使我们能够识别和讨论平台经济带来的未来挑战。
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引用次数: 8
Is the government exhausting its powers? An empirical examination of eminent domain exercises in New York City pre- and post-Kelo 政府是否在耗尽权力?对纽约市在基洛案前后征用权行使的实证研究
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-08 DOI: 10.1111/rego.12464
Ronit Levine-Schnur
A controversial U.S. Supreme Court decision in Kelo v. City of New London (2005) which did not limit the use of state's eminent domain powers, led to an unprecedented legislative reaction by almost all 50 states. Of all, New York State stands out as one of the single states not to respond with a legislative amendment. In this study, I ask whether the state's predation was greater in the years following these legal and political developments, in light of the freedom which was granted to local politicians by both the Supreme Court and the state's legislators. The article hypothesizes that contrary to common perceptions, judicial decisions impact local government actions even when no limits on the use of powers are being posed. I use rigorous statistics and scrupulously defined data to expand scholarly understanding of the aftermath of the judicial decision in Kelo. The main finding is that the decision has in fact affected political behavior, but in the opposite direction than commonly expected: politicians in New York City acted consistently with public opinion, which was hostile too Kelo, not by changing the law, but by changing their practice. Studying all known taking exercises in New York City between 1991 and 2019, the paper finds no increase in the number of development projects involving condemnations after 2005. In fact, the probability of a taking for economic development or urban renewal dropped by 90%. The use of eminent domain for such projects declined even when both state and federal courts refrain from interposing any actual limit on its use. The paper lends qualified support to an alternative assertion that takings decisions by government officials are largely shaped by planning and political needs and that officials are sensitive to revealed public preferences even when there is no constitutional or legal impediment on their exercise of power.
2005年,美国最高法院在“凯洛诉新伦敦市”一案中做出了一项有争议的裁决,该裁决没有限制各州征用权的使用,导致几乎所有50个州都做出了前所未有的立法反应。在所有这些州中,纽约州是唯一一个没有以立法修正案回应的州之一。在这项研究中,我问在这些法律和政治发展之后的几年里,鉴于最高法院和州立法者授予当地政治家的自由,国家的掠夺是否更大。这篇文章假设,与普遍看法相反,即使没有对权力的使用施加限制,司法裁决也会影响地方政府的行动。我使用严格的统计数据和严格定义的数据来扩大对基洛司法判决后果的学术理解。研究的主要发现是,这一决定实际上影响了政治行为,但与普遍预期的方向相反:纽约市的政客们始终与对基洛持敌对态度的公众舆论保持一致,不是通过改变法律,而是通过改变他们的做法。研究了1991年至2019年期间纽约市所有已知的演习,该论文发现,2005年之后涉及谴责的开发项目数量没有增加。事实上,经济发展或城市更新的可能性下降了90%。即使州法院和联邦法院都没有对征用权的使用施加任何实际限制,对此类项目的征用权的使用也有所下降。这篇论文为另一种说法提供了有条件的支持,即政府官员的征收决定在很大程度上受到规划和政治需求的影响,官员对公开的公众偏好很敏感,即使在他们行使权力没有宪法或法律障碍的情况下。
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引用次数: 0
When private governance impedes multilateralism: The case of international pesticide governance 当私人治理阻碍多边主义:国际农药治理的案例
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-07 DOI: 10.1111/rego.12463
Fiona Kinniburgh, Henrik Selin, Noelle E. Selin, Miranda Schreurs
Private standards play an increasingly important governance role, yet their effects on state-led policymaking remain understudied. We examine how the operation of private agricultural standards influences multilateral pesticide governance with a particular focus on the listing of substances under the Rotterdam Convention on the Prior Informed Consent Procedure for Certain Hazardous Chemicals and Pesticides in International Trade, a treaty-based information-sharing mechanism that allows countries to refuse hazardous chemical imports. We find that private agricultural standard-setting bodies use the Rotterdam Convention's pesticide list to develop their own lists of banned substances. This alters the Rotterdam Convention's intended role, impeding efforts to add substances to the treaty, as attempts by private actors to impose stricter governance than state actors can undermine the potential for international state-based governance to become more stringent. We characterize this as a “confounding interaction” whereby institutional linkages between actions by public and private actors with broadly aligned goals results in unexpected negative consequences for governance.
私人标准发挥着越来越重要的治理作用,但它们对国家主导的政策制定的影响仍未得到充分研究。我们研究了私营农业标准的运作如何影响多边农药治理,特别关注《关于在国际贸易中对某些危险化学品和农药采用事先知情同意程序的鹿特丹公约》下的物质清单。《鹿特丹公约》是一项基于条约的信息共享机制,允许各国拒绝危险化学品进口。我们发现,私营农业标准制定机构利用《鹿特丹公约》的农药清单来制定自己的禁用物质清单。这改变了《鹿特丹公约》的预期作用,阻碍了向条约中添加内容的努力,因为私人行为体试图实施比国家行为体更严格的治理,可能会破坏以国家为基础的国际治理变得更严格的潜力。我们将其描述为“混杂的相互作用”,即公共和私人行为者的行动之间的制度联系与广泛一致的目标导致治理的意想不到的负面后果。
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引用次数: 5
Prescribing engagement in environmental risk assessment for gene drive technology 规定参与基因驱动技术的环境风险评价
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-03-29 DOI: 10.1111/rego.12452
Sarah Hartley, Adam Kokotovich, Caroline McCalman
Gene drive technology is a nascent biotechnology with the potential to purposefully alter or eliminate a species. There have been broad calls for engagement to inform gene drive governance. Over the past seven years, the gene drive community has been developing risk assessment guidelines to determine what form future gene drive risk assessments take, including whether and how they involve engagement. To explore who is developing these guidelines and how engagement in risk assessment is being prescribed, we conduct a document analysis of gene drive risk assessment guideline documents from 2014 to 2020. We found that a narrow set of organizations have developed 10 key guideline documents and that with only one exception the documents prescribe a narrow, vague, or completely absent role for engagement in gene drive risk assessment. Without substantively prescribed engagement in guidelines, the relevance, rigor, and trustworthiness of gene drive risk assessment and governance will suffer.
基因驱动技术是一种新兴的生物技术,有可能有目的地改变或消灭一个物种。人们广泛呼吁参与基因驱动治理。在过去的七年中,基因驱动社区一直在制定风险评估指南,以确定未来基因驱动风险评估的形式,包括是否以及如何参与。为了探讨是谁制定了这些指南,以及如何规定风险评估的参与,我们对2014年至2020年的基因驱动风险评估指南文件进行了文献分析。我们发现,一小部分组织已经制定了10个关键的指导文件,除了一个例外,这些文件规定了参与基因驱动风险评估的狭窄、模糊或完全缺失的角色。如果在指导方针中没有实质性的规定参与,基因驱动风险评估和治理的相关性、严密性和可信度将受到影响。
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引用次数: 0
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Regulation & Governance
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