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Does Emotion Regulation Flexibility Work? Investigating the Effectiveness of Regulatory Selection Flexibility in Managing Negative Affect 情绪调节灵活性有效吗?监管选择灵活性在管理负面影响中的有效性研究
IF 5.7 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-07-21 DOI: 10.1177/19485506231189002
Philippa Specker, G. Sheppes, A. Nickerson
Regulatory selection flexibility—the ability to flexibly choose emotion regulation strategies that are appropriate to dynamic contextual demands—has been theorized as a critical component of adaptive emotional functioning. Despite this, little research has investigated whether individual differences in regulatory selection flexibility influence real-time emotional experiences. The current study aimed to test the effectiveness of regulatory selection flexibility in reducing negative affect while exposed to emotion-eliciting stimuli. Using a behavioral regulatory selection task, participants viewed negative images that differed in emotional intensity and selected between engagement cognitive change (reappraisal) or attentional disengagement (distraction) strategies to manage their emotional responses. Negative affect was rated immediately before and after the regulatory period, to index emotional experience. Greater regulatory selection flexibility was associated with greater reductions in negative affect. Our findings offer preliminary evidence for the immediate psychological benefit of regulatory selection flexibility and highlight some promising avenues for future research.
调节选择灵活性——灵活选择适合动态情境需求的情绪调节策略的能力——已被理论化为适应性情绪功能的关键组成部分。尽管如此,很少有研究调查调节选择灵活性的个体差异是否影响实时情绪体验。当前的研究旨在测试调节选择灵活性在暴露于情绪诱发刺激时减少负面影响的有效性。通过行为调节选择任务,参与者观看了情绪强度不同的负面图像,并在参与认知改变(重新评价)或注意力脱离(分散注意力)策略之间进行选择,以管理他们的情绪反应。在调节期之前和之后立即对消极情绪进行评分,以反映情绪体验。更大的监管选择灵活性与更大的负面影响减少有关。我们的研究结果为调节选择灵活性的直接心理效益提供了初步证据,并为未来的研究提供了一些有希望的途径。
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引用次数: 0
Nostalgia Counteracts Social Anxiety and Enhances Interpersonal Competence 怀旧能抵消社交焦虑,提高人际交往能力
IF 5.7 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-07-20 DOI: 10.1177/19485506231187680
Yuwan Dai, Tonglin Jiang, T. Wildschut, C. Sedikides
Socially anxious individuals struggle with establishing and maintaining social relationships. We hypothesized that, when socially anxious, people often turn to nostalgia, which alleviates the interpersonal competence deficits that accompany social anxiety. We tested and supported this hypothesis in six studies ( N = 1,858), three preregistered. In cross-sectional Study 1, higher (compared with lower) social anxiety individuals more frequently identified interpersonal incompetence as a trigger of nostalgia. In cross-sectional Study 2, social anxiety was associated negatively with interpersonal competence, but positively with nostalgia, which in turn predicted higher interpersonal competence. In the final four studies, we tested causation. Although social anxiety reduced interpersonal competence, it also triggered nostalgia (Studies 3–3S), and nostalgia increased interpersonal competence (Studies 4–5).
社交焦虑的人很难建立和维持社会关系。我们假设,当社交焦虑时,人们往往会转向怀旧,这缓解了伴随社交焦虑的人际能力缺陷。我们在6项研究(N = 1858)中检验并支持了这一假设,其中3项是预登记的。在横断面研究1中,高社交焦虑个体(与低社交焦虑个体相比)更频繁地将人际关系无能视为怀旧的触发因素。在横断面研究2中,社交焦虑与人际交往能力呈负相关,而与怀旧呈正相关,怀旧反过来预测更高的人际交往能力。在最后四个研究中,我们检验了因果关系。社交焦虑虽然会降低人际交往能力,但也会引发怀旧情绪(研究3-3S),怀旧情绪会增加人际交往能力(研究4-5)。
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引用次数: 0
When Less Is More: Defensive National Identity Predicts Sacrifice of Ingroup Profit to Maximize the Difference Between Groups 当少即是多:防御性国家认同预测群体内利益牺牲以最大化群体间差异
IF 5.7 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-07-12 DOI: 10.1177/19485506231185406
B. Gronfeldt, A. Cislak, Gaëlle Marinthe, A. Cichocka
We propose that defensive forms of identity (i.e., nationalism and national narcissism) can harm the nation through a tendency to maximize the difference between own and other groups in resource allocation. We test this hypothesis by adopting a classic social psychological paradigm, the Tajfel’s matrices, to real-life scenarios designed in the COVID-19 context. We captured maximizing the difference as a preference for one’s nation being allocated more medical resources relative to other countries, but at the expense of absolute ingroup profit. In Studies 1 and 2, defensiveness in national identity predicted this counterproductive strategy that ultimately benefits neither ingroup nor outgroup. In experimental Study 3, inducing ingroup disadvantage led to a greater tendency to maximize the difference. The results provide evidence that defensive national identity might be liked to support for policies that offer a positive intergroup comparison, but simultaneously harm one’s own ingroup.
我们认为,防御性的身份形式(即民族主义和民族自恋)会通过倾向于最大化自己和其他群体在资源分配方面的差异来损害国家。我们通过采用经典的社会心理学范式,即Tajfel矩阵,对COVID-19背景下设计的现实场景进行检验。我们将这种差异最大化定义为:一国相对于其他国家获得更多医疗资源的偏好,但代价是绝对的集团内部利益。在研究1和2中,国家认同的防御性预测了这种适得其反的策略,最终对内群体和外群体都没有好处。在实验研究3中,诱导群体内劣势导致了更大的差异最大化倾向。研究结果提供了证据,表明防御性的国家认同可能会支持那些提供积极的群体间比较的政策,但同时也会损害自己的内部群体。
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引用次数: 0
Perceptions of Bisexual Individuals Depend on Target Gender 对双性恋个体的认知取决于目标性别
IF 5.7 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1177/19485506231183467
Emma L. McGorray, Christopher D. Petsko
Across three experiments (total N = 1,149), we examine whether bisexual men (more so than women) are viewed as similar to their same-gender gay counterparts and whether bisexual women (more so than men) are viewed as similar to their same-gender heterosexual counterparts. We find support for the notion that bisexual men are stereotyped as more similar to their gay counterparts than bisexual women are. These perceptions of bisexual targets’ stereotypical similarity to their gay counterparts were linked to identity-denying perceptions that bisexual individuals are “actually gay,” a belief held more strongly about bisexual men (vs. women). Bisexual men and women were viewed as possessing stereotypically heterosexual characteristics to similar extents, although bisexual women (vs. men) were indeed more strongly characterized by the identity-denying belief that they are “actually heterosexual.” Collectively, these findings suggest that bisexual men and women encounter different challenges to their identities that may require different interventions.
通过三个实验(总N = 1149),我们研究了双性恋男性(比女性更多)是否被视为与同性同性恋者相似,以及双性恋女性(比男性更多)是否被视为与同性异性恋者相似。我们发现,人们对双性恋男性的刻板印象比双性恋女性更像同性恋,这一观点得到了支持。这些对双性恋对象与同性恋对象的刻板相似性的看法,与双性恋个体“实际上是同性恋”的身份否认观念有关,这种观念在双性恋男性(与女性相比)中更为强烈。双性恋男性和女性在相似程度上被认为具有典型的异性恋特征,尽管双性恋女性(相对于男性)确实更强烈地否认自己“实际上是异性恋”的身份。总的来说,这些发现表明双性恋男性和女性在他们的身份上遇到了不同的挑战,可能需要不同的干预措施。
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引用次数: 0
Identity and Institutions as Foundations of Ingroup Favoritism: An Investigation Across 17 Countries 身份和制度作为群体偏袒的基础:一项横跨17个国家的调查
IF 5.7 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-06-26 DOI: 10.1177/19485506231172330
Giuliana Spadaro, James H. Liu, R. Zhang, Homero Gil de Zúñiga, D. Balliet
Ingroup favoritism can represent a challenge for establishing cooperation beyond group boundaries. In a behavioral experiment conducted across 17 societies ( N = 3,236), we tested pre-registered hypotheses forwarded by social identity and material security frameworks to account for ingroup favoritism in trust toward national ingroups. We related individual-level measures of national identification and perception of institutions to trust, trustworthiness, and behavioral expectations of partner’s trustworthiness toward a national ingroup, outgroup, or unidentified stranger in a trust game. Our findings support a social identity framework, as national identification was positively associated with greater ingroup favoritism. However, in contrast to predictions from a material security framework, perceptions of national institutions as trustworthy and benevolent were positively associated with greater ingroup favoritism. These findings suggest some potential challenges that support for national institutions might pose to the establishment of trust beyond group borders.
群体内偏袒可能对建立超越群体边界的合作构成挑战。在一项跨17个社会(N = 3236)进行的行为实验中,我们测试了由社会身份和物质安全框架转发的预注册假设,以解释对国家内部群体的信任中的内部群体偏好。在信任游戏中,我们将国家认同和机构感知的个人层面测量与信任、可信赖性和伙伴对国家内群体、外群体或身份不明的陌生人的可信赖性的行为期望联系起来。我们的研究结果支持社会认同框架,因为国家认同与更大的群体内偏爱呈正相关。然而,与物质安全框架的预测相反,认为国家机构值得信赖和仁慈的看法与更大的内部偏袒呈正相关。这些发现表明,支持国家机构可能对建立超越群体边界的信任构成一些潜在挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Do Conspiracy Theories Shape or Rationalize Vaccination Hesitancy Over Time? 随着时间的推移,阴谋论会影响或合理化疫苗接种的犹豫吗?
2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-06-20 DOI: 10.1177/19485506231181659
Jan-Willem van Prooijen, Nienke Böhm
Conspiracy beliefs are associated with vaccination hesitancy, which is commonly interpreted as evidence that conspiracy theories contribute to a worldview that damages public health. An alternative, and often ignored, explanation for this relationship is that people may rationalize their existing vaccination hesitancy through conspiracy theories. In two panel studies conducted at multiple time points during the vaccination campaign of 2021, we tested the temporal relationships between COVID-19 conspiracy beliefs and vaccination intentions. Study 1 (three waves in a Dutch sample) provided evidence for temporal effects of conspiracy beliefs on vaccination hesitancy and of vaccination hesitancy on conspiracy beliefs. Study 2 (two waves in a U.S. sample), however, only supported an effect of vaccination hesitancy on conspiracy beliefs over time. Although these findings provide some support for the idea that conspiracy beliefs shape increased vaccination hesitancy, they more consistently support the alternative idea that vaccination hesitancy shapes increased conspiracy beliefs.
阴谋论与疫苗接种犹豫不决有关,这通常被解释为阴谋论助长了损害公众健康的世界观的证据。对这种关系的另一种经常被忽视的解释是,人们可能会通过阴谋论来合理化他们现有的疫苗接种犹豫。在2021年疫苗接种运动期间的多个时间点进行的两项小组研究中,我们测试了COVID-19阴谋信念与疫苗接种意图之间的时间关系。研究1(荷兰样本中的三波)提供了阴谋信念对疫苗接种犹豫和疫苗接种犹豫对阴谋信念的时间效应的证据。然而,研究2(美国样本中的两波)只支持随着时间的推移,疫苗接种犹豫对阴谋论的影响。尽管这些发现为阴谋信念增加疫苗接种犹豫不决的观点提供了一些支持,但它们更一致地支持另一种观点,即疫苗接种犹豫不决会增加阴谋信念。
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引用次数: 0
Is It Safe for Us to Be Together Again? Identity, Trust, and Perceived Risk at Mass Events During the COVID-19 Pandemic 我们再在一起安全吗?COVID-19大流行期间群体性事件中的身份、信任和感知风险
IF 5.7 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-06-15 DOI: 10.1177/19485506231179769
T. Morton, Séamus A. Power
Three years after the outbreak of COVID-19, governments are still working toward a return to “normal life.” Yet, the twin forces of ongoing disease threat and progressively relaxing restrictions raise important questions about whether, where, and when people feel safe. We analyzed data from post-event surveys of participants at live events held across Denmark between June and November 2021 (nindividuals = 4,932; nevents = 79). Consistent with the social identity model of risk-taking, identification with the audience, trust in others, and felt safety were interrelated. Multi-level modeling revealed that audiences responded to the heightened risk posed by crowds after COVID-related attendance restrictions were lifted, but also that individual differences in identification blunted the connection between crowd density at events and individual feelings of trust and safety. These findings point to a potential identity-based slippage between felt safety and actual safety in the context of collective participation and disease threat.
在新冠疫情爆发三年后,各国政府仍在努力恢复“正常生活”。然而,持续的疾病威胁和逐渐放松的限制这两股力量提出了人们是否、在哪里以及何时感到安全的重要问题。我们分析了2021年6月至11月期间丹麦各地现场活动参与者的事后调查数据(个体= 4,932;事件= 79)。与冒险的社会认同模式相一致,对观众的认同、对他人的信任和安全感是相互关联的。多层次模型显示,在取消与covid相关的出票限制后,观众对人群带来的更高风险做出了反应,但个体识别的差异也削弱了活动人群密度与个人信任和安全感之间的联系。这些发现指出,在集体参与和疾病威胁的背景下,感觉安全和实际安全之间存在基于身份的潜在滑动。
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引用次数: 0
Manifold Threats to White Identity and Their Political Effects on White Partisans 白人身份认同的多重威胁及其对白人游击队的政治影响
IF 5.7 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-06-14 DOI: 10.1177/19485506231180650
Efrén O. Pérez, Jessica HyunJeong Lee, Ana L Oaxaca, Tania Solano Cervantes, Jasmine García Rodríguez, Kimberly Lam, David McFall
We investigate how threats to White identity operate among White Democrats and Republicans. We evaluate four identity threats that prior work has underexplored: distinctiveness threat (loss of unique ingroup attributes), power threat (perceiving outgroup collusion), morality threat (impugning an ingroup’s integrity), and meritocratic threat (questioning an ingroup’s advantages). We pinpoint which threats catalyze White identity among specific partisans—and with what political consequences. Leveraging a pre-registered experiment with 2,000 White Democrats and 2,000 White Republicans, we find most identity threats significantly catalyze White identity among all partisans at comparable intensity ( d = .20). However, among White Democrats, a heightened sense of racial identity generates more downstream opposition to pro-outgroup policies (e.g., pathway to immigrant citizenship) and greater support for pro-ingroup policies (i.e., legacy college admissions) than among White Republicans. These indirect effects are highly robust and underscore White identity’s viability as a key mechanism behind contemporary partisan politics.
我们调查了白人民主党人和共和党人对白人身份的威胁是如何运作的。我们评估了先前工作未充分探讨的四种身份威胁:独特性威胁(失去独特的内群体属性)、权力威胁(感知外群体勾结)、道德威胁(质疑内群体的完整性)和精英威胁(质疑内群体的优势)。我们指出哪些威胁在特定的党派中催化了白人的身份认同,并带来了什么样的政治后果。利用预先注册的2000名白人民主党人和2000名白人共和党人的实验,我们发现大多数身份威胁在所有党派中以相当的强度显著催化了白人身份(d = .20)。然而,在白人民主党人中,与白人共和党人相比,种族认同感的增强会导致对亲外群体政策(例如,获得移民公民身份的途径)的更多下游反对,以及对亲内群体政策(例如,传统大学录取)的更多支持。这些间接影响非常强大,并强调了白人身份作为当代党派政治背后的关键机制的可行性。
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引用次数: 0
Abstraction Allows Susceptibility to the Perspective of Others: The Case of Decreased Public Self-Awareness Due to Concrete Thinking 抽象允许对他人观点的敏感性:具体思维导致公众自我意识下降的案例
IF 5.7 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-06-12 DOI: 10.1177/19485506231179772
Jochim Hansen, Nicole Neumeier, Magdalena Höller
The ability to process information abstractly functions to traverse psychological distance and expand one’s mental horizons. Therefore, abstract (vs. concrete) thinking may expand (vs. contract) one’s social scope. Accordingly, it was hypothesized that concrete (vs. abstract) processing makes one less (vs. more) susceptible to the perspective of others, attenuating (vs. increasing) public—but not private—self-awareness. Four studies (total N = 708) tested this idea. In a pilot study, a positive correlation between abstraction and public (but not private) self-awareness was found. In Studies 1a, 1b, and 2, manipulated concrete (vs. abstract) thinking reduced public self-awareness but not private self-awareness. Study 1b additionally indicated that public self-awareness was reduced by concrete thinking rather than increased by abstract thinking. Study 2 also investigated the effect of abstraction on social anxiety and embarrassment. It was demonstrated that concrete (relative abstract) thinking indirectly reduced social anxiety and embarrassment via public self-awareness. Implications of the findings are discussed.
抽象处理信息的能力可以跨越心理距离,扩大一个人的心理视野。因此,抽象思维(相对于具体思维)可能扩大(相对于收缩)一个人的社会范围。因此,假设具体的(相对于抽象的)处理使一个人更少(相对于更多)容易受到他人观点的影响,减弱(相对于增加)公共而不是私人的自我意识。四项研究(总N = 708)验证了这一观点。在一项初步研究中,抽象与公众(但不是私人)自我意识之间存在正相关关系。在研究1a、1b和2中,被操纵的具体思维(相对于抽象思维)会降低公众的自我意识,但不会降低个人的自我意识。研究1b还表明,具体思维降低了公众的自我意识,而不是抽象思维提高了公众的自我意识。研究2还考察了抽象对社交焦虑和尴尬的影响。结果表明,具体(相对抽象)思维通过公众自我意识间接减少了社交焦虑和尴尬。讨论了研究结果的含义。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Outrage: Observers Anticipate Different Behaviors From Expressors of Anger Versus Disgust 超越愤怒:观察者从愤怒和厌恶的表达者中预测不同的行为
IF 5.7 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, SOCIAL Pub Date : 2023-06-08 DOI: 10.1177/19485506231176954
L. Fan, C. Molho, Tom R. Kupfer, D. Sauter, J. Tybur
The modern world affords unprecedented opportunities for individuals to express moral sentiments. The widespread distribution of one specific type of sentiment — outrage — has consequences for social and political harmony. The current investigation contributes to better understanding these consequences by examining what types of aggression people expect from the outraged. Furthermore, it delineates how these expectations are shaped by the emotion used to express outrage. Three pre-registered studies ( N’s = 800, 1630, 1100) revealed that people infer different types of aggression from individuals who expressed anger nonverbally compared with those who expressed disgust nonverbally. Perceptions that the outraged individual was angry corresponded with expectations of direct aggression rather than indirect aggression, whereas perceptions that the outraged individual was disgusted corresponded with expectations of indirect aggression rather than direct aggression. These results revealed that the distinct emotions used to communicate outrage shape observers’ expectations of how moral conflicts will unfold.
现代世界为个人表达道德情感提供了前所未有的机会。一种特定类型的情绪——愤怒——的广泛传播对社会和政治和谐产生了影响。目前的调查有助于更好地理解这些后果,通过研究人们对愤怒者的攻击类型的期望。此外,它还描述了这些期望是如何被用来表达愤怒的情绪所塑造的。三个预先注册的研究(N = 800,1630,1100)显示,人们从非语言表达愤怒的个体与非语言表达厌恶的个体中推断出不同类型的攻击行为。认为被激怒的个体是愤怒的与直接攻击预期相对应,而不是间接攻击预期,而认为被激怒的个体是厌恶的与间接攻击预期相对应,而不是直接攻击预期。这些结果表明,用来表达愤怒的不同情绪塑造了观察者对道德冲突将如何展开的预期。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Social Psychological and Personality Science
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