In this paper we analyze the tactics used by the central government during the allocation of grants toward local governments, by implementing the guidelines of the comprehensive model of Fiorillo and Merkaj (FM’s model) (2020)*. We apply the model to investigate a formula-based unconditional grant in a post-socialist economy, namely Albania, by assuming the value of three key structural parameters of the model. Using panel data for the period 2004-2011, we find that in Albania although the central government appears to follow the principles of equity and efficiency, political and electoral objectives of the incumbents do influence the allocation of transfers. Results confirm the predictions of the FM model: in a country with weak local government, where central government is perceived as the true policy maker even of local policies, in the presence of a proportional electoral rule, the incumbent tends to shape tactical allocation in favour of supporters.
*Fiorillo Fabio and Merkaj Elvina "A Comprehensive Approach to Intergovernmental Grants’ Tactical Allocation. Theory And Estimation Guidelines", submitted to International Tax and Public Finance (2020)
{"title":"An Analyses of Formula-Based Intergovernmental Transfer Using A Comprehensive Model","authors":"Elvina Merkaj, F. Fiorillo, E. Zhllima, D. Imami","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3698163","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3698163","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper we analyze the tactics used by the central government during the allocation of grants toward local governments, by implementing the guidelines of the comprehensive model of Fiorillo and Merkaj (FM’s model) (2020)*. We apply the model to investigate a formula-based unconditional grant in a post-socialist economy, namely Albania, by assuming the value of three key structural parameters of the model. Using panel data for the period 2004-2011, we find that in Albania although the central government appears to follow the principles of equity and efficiency, political and electoral objectives of the incumbents do influence the allocation of transfers. Results confirm the predictions of the FM model: in a country with weak local government, where central government is perceived as the true policy maker even of local policies, in the presence of a proportional electoral rule, the incumbent tends to shape tactical allocation in favour of supporters.<br><br><br><br>*Fiorillo Fabio and Merkaj Elvina \"A Comprehensive Approach to Intergovernmental Grants’ Tactical Allocation. Theory And Estimation Guidelines\", submitted to International Tax and Public Finance (2020)","PeriodicalId":221919,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National","volume":"126 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126257319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
I use event study and synthetic control methods on a panel of American states over the period 1960 -- 2008 to test whether adoption of a supermajority requirement impacts state-level expenditures and tax revenue. I find evidence that supermajority requirements lead to a sustained reduction in welfare expenditures per capita and limited evidence that these requirements lead to an increase in corporate tax revenue per capita. I find no evidence that supermajority requirements affect overall state expenditures or tax revenue. These results differ from previous studies, which could be explained by the use of alternative estimation methods and control variables, and differences in which states are considered supermajority requirement adopters and the years in which those requirements go into effect.
{"title":"Revisiting the Effect of Supermajority Requirements on Fiscal Outcomes","authors":"William B. Hankins","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3662597","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3662597","url":null,"abstract":"I use event study and synthetic control methods on a panel of American states over the period 1960 -- 2008 to test whether adoption of a supermajority requirement impacts state-level expenditures and tax revenue. I find evidence that supermajority requirements lead to a sustained reduction in welfare expenditures per capita and limited evidence that these requirements lead to an increase in corporate tax revenue per capita. I find no evidence that supermajority requirements affect overall state expenditures or tax revenue. These results differ from previous studies, which could be explained by the use of alternative estimation methods and control variables, and differences in which states are considered supermajority requirement adopters and the years in which those requirements go into effect.","PeriodicalId":221919,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115010822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Gender budgeting is a public policy innovation intended to transform governments’ objectives to women’s empowerment into budgetary commitments. In the multi-level fiscal federalism in India, the political economy process of gender budgeting in India has involved four distinct phases - innovative knowledge networking, building institutional structures, reinforcing state capacity and strengthening the accountability mechanisms, at national and subnational levels. Against these policy processes, we have estimated the sector-wise quantum of gender budgeting in India emphasising the statistical invisibility of the care economy. The State-wise equally distributed equivalent (Xede) estimates of gender development showed that the state of Kerala tops the scale 0-1 scoring 0.72. Though the link between gender budgeting and these Xede scores is beyond the scope of the paper, the fiscal marksmanship (the deviation between what is budgeted and the actual spending) of gender budgeting showed a mixed scenario across sectors.
{"title":"Determining Gender Budgeting in Multi-Level Federalism","authors":"L. Chakraborty, Veena Nayyar, Komal Jain","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3661969","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3661969","url":null,"abstract":"Gender budgeting is a public policy innovation intended to transform governments’ objectives to women’s empowerment into budgetary commitments. In the multi-level fiscal federalism in India, the political economy process of gender budgeting in India has involved four distinct phases - innovative knowledge networking, building institutional structures, reinforcing state capacity and strengthening the accountability mechanisms, at national and subnational levels. Against these policy processes, we have estimated the sector-wise quantum of gender budgeting in India emphasising the statistical invisibility of the care economy. The State-wise equally distributed equivalent (Xede) estimates of gender development showed that the state of Kerala tops the scale 0-1 scoring 0.72. Though the link between gender budgeting and these Xede scores is beyond the scope of the paper, the fiscal marksmanship (the deviation between what is budgeted and the actual spending) of gender budgeting showed a mixed scenario across sectors.","PeriodicalId":221919,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National","volume":"127 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122107204","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The socio-economic contribution of the Indian state of West Bengal, which has been subjected to repeated partitions and transfer of population during last one hundred and fifty odd years to serve the interest of the colonial and national rulers, is immense. It cannot be judged just by its GSDP share. More inclusive parameters are needed to assess the contribution of densely populated smaller states like West Bengal. This paper attempts to address this issue by: (i) developing a Composite Productivity Index (SCPI) for different states/provinces for proper assessment of their economic performance, and (ii) suggesting a new formula to determine the states’ share of the ‘divisible tax pool’.
{"title":"West Bengal Deserves Higher Share of Tax Proceeds for Its Efficient Performance","authors":"D. Dey","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3656695","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3656695","url":null,"abstract":"The socio-economic contribution of the Indian state of West Bengal, which has been subjected to repeated partitions and transfer of population during last one hundred and fifty odd years to serve the interest of the colonial and national rulers, is immense. It cannot be judged just by its GSDP share. More inclusive parameters are needed to assess the contribution of densely populated smaller states like West Bengal. This paper attempts to address this issue by: \u0000 \u0000(i) developing a Composite Productivity Index (SCPI) for different states/provinces for proper assessment of their economic performance, and \u0000 \u0000(ii) suggesting a new formula to determine the states’ share of the ‘divisible tax pool’.","PeriodicalId":221919,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National","volume":"72 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132483313","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Personal responsibility is a prominent theme in the politics of the American welfare state. We argue that in a context of easy access to credit, political rhetoric around personal responsibility is coded racial language that resonates with Americans who perceive themselves as no longer needing government support, shifting their support from public to private, credit-based funding of social goods. We support our argument empirically in two ways. First, state-level observational data shows that in states where voters hold stronger personal responsibility norms, easier borrowing conditions are associated with more conservative economic policies. In states with more liberal economic norms, changes in borrowing constraints do not influence policy liberalism. Second, we draw on an original survey to document that beliefs in personal responsibility are tied to racial resentment and interact with perceptions of easy credit access to strengthen support for private instead of public spending on education and unemployment insurance.
{"title":"The Dog-Whistle Politics of Personal Responsibility, Credit, and the American Welfare State","authors":"Andreas Wiedemann, Tess Wise","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3579128","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3579128","url":null,"abstract":"Personal responsibility is a prominent theme in the politics of the American welfare state. We argue that in a context of easy access to credit, political rhetoric around personal responsibility is coded racial language that resonates with Americans who perceive themselves as no longer needing government support, shifting their support from public to private, credit-based funding of social goods. We support our argument empirically in two ways. First, state-level observational data shows that in states where voters hold stronger personal responsibility norms, easier borrowing conditions are associated with more conservative economic policies. In states with more liberal economic norms, changes in borrowing constraints do not influence policy liberalism. Second, we draw on an original survey to document that beliefs in personal responsibility are tied to racial resentment and interact with perceptions of easy credit access to strengthen support for private instead of public spending on education and unemployment insurance.","PeriodicalId":221919,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National","volume":"127 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132470716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper we leverage a national panel of US municipalities to show that a pair of heuristics identified from the behavioral economics literature, anchoring and the bandwagon effect, help to explain the number of years of expenses municipalities hold in reserve. We build our empirical case using two innovative techniques, a two-stage regression specifically designed to test for anchoring, and a measure of the spatial autocorrelation of reserves. The results strongly suggest that, when it comes to deciding on how much to save, cities target the levels of savings they held in the past, adjusted for the savings levels of their neighbors.
{"title":"Do What We Did Last Year but Don’t Stray Too Far from the Pack, the Role of Behavioral Heuristics in Explaining Municipal Reserve Balances","authors":"Kawika Pierson, Jon C. Thompson, F. Thompson","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3513268","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3513268","url":null,"abstract":"<br>In this paper we leverage a national panel of US municipalities to show that a pair of heuristics identified from the behavioral economics literature, anchoring and the bandwagon effect, help to explain the number of years of expenses municipalities hold in reserve. We build our empirical case using two innovative techniques, a two-stage regression specifically designed to test for anchoring, and a measure of the spatial autocorrelation of reserves. The results strongly suggest that, when it comes to deciding on how much to save, cities target the levels of savings they held in the past, adjusted for the savings levels of their neighbors.","PeriodicalId":221919,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130193796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Often considered the ultimate beach destination, the world-famous beaches that surround Florida have long defined the culture of the Sunshine State. Florida’s white, sandy beaches not only define its culture—it is the foundation of Florida’s economy. Unfortunately, this culture and economic foundation is being threatened, and the world-famous beaches that attract tourists by the droves are beginning to disappear. This threat of rising sea levels does not stop at the sandy beaches loved by tourists and locals alike; the regression of the shoreline that surrounds Florida will also lead to the loss of the opulent, tax-revenue generating real estate that lines the Sunshine State’s coastline. With this impending loss of a significant portion of the tourist economy and the loss of property taxes generated by the beach-front real estate on the horizon, the Florida government’s need to plan for contingencies cannot be overstated. While this threat of rising sea levels affects Florida on a localized scale, its cause is attributable worldwide and any action to stop rising sea levels would need to be made on a global scale. As a result, the idea of halting rising sea level on a localized scale is not realistic: the focal point at this juncture should be mitigation. Specifically, in Florida’s case, the goal should be to generate an adequate disaster fund to pay for beach nourishment projects, the potential loss of property-tax revenue, and the loss of tourist-generated revenue. The scope of this article will be divided into two sections: part one will cover a brief background of rising sea levels, the projections for future sea level rise, and Florida’s unique vulnerability to said sea level rise; part two will propose a hybrid of upstream and downstream taxes on single-use plastics that will not only potentially deter overuse of such plastics, but also generate an adequate disaster fund to alleviate the state’s burden of funding the future damages and revenue loss caused by the threat of rising sea levels.
{"title":"Plastic Tax: An Alternative to Plastic Alternatives","authors":"D. Raymer","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3642739","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3642739","url":null,"abstract":"Often considered the ultimate beach destination, the world-famous beaches that surround Florida have long defined the culture of the Sunshine State. Florida’s white, sandy beaches not only define its culture—it is the foundation of Florida’s economy. Unfortunately, this culture and economic foundation is being threatened, and the world-famous beaches that attract tourists by the droves are beginning to disappear. This threat of rising sea levels does not stop at the sandy beaches loved by tourists and locals alike; the regression of the shoreline that surrounds Florida will also lead to the loss of the opulent, tax-revenue generating real estate that lines the Sunshine State’s coastline. \u0000 \u0000With this impending loss of a significant portion of the tourist economy and the loss of property taxes generated by the beach-front real estate on the horizon, the Florida government’s need to plan for contingencies cannot be overstated. While this threat of rising sea levels affects Florida on a localized scale, its cause is attributable worldwide and any action to stop rising sea levels would need to be made on a global scale. As a result, the idea of halting rising sea level on a localized scale is not realistic: the focal point at this juncture should be mitigation. Specifically, in Florida’s case, the goal should be to generate an adequate disaster fund to pay for beach nourishment projects, the potential loss of property-tax revenue, and the loss of tourist-generated revenue. \u0000 \u0000The scope of this article will be divided into two sections: part one will cover a brief background of rising sea levels, the projections for future sea level rise, and Florida’s unique vulnerability to said sea level rise; part two will propose a hybrid of upstream and downstream taxes on single-use plastics that will not only potentially deter overuse of such plastics, but also generate an adequate disaster fund to alleviate the state’s burden of funding the future damages and revenue loss caused by the threat of rising sea levels.","PeriodicalId":221919,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129098633","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As COVID-19 ravaged the US in the first quarter of 2020, the US lacked a uniform mandatory policy for containing its spread. Governors facing enormous opposing pressures from businesses and medical professionals adopted various policies, especially lockdowns. The authors statistically analyze the ensuing variance in governors’ decisions as a function of four predictors and several control variables. They draw their four predictors from medical science and behavioral theories of political polarization, social learning, and information cascades. The conventional wisdom is that, following medical science, governors ordered lockdown primarily on the percent of their state’s population infected with COVID-19. Contrary to this premise, the authors find other variables have higher influence including the following: 1) The political affiliation of the governor had a big effect on the hazard of a lockdown – on any day, a democratic governor was three times more likely than a republican governor to order a lockdown. 2) Social learning played an important role. Governors of states afflicted later by COVID-19 acted much faster than those who were afflicted earlier; for every day later COVID-19 started in a state, a governor was 1.4 times more likely to order a lockdown. 3) Actions of some governors triggered mini-cascades, sparking multiple governors to order lockdowns in their states in the next three days. 4) The percentage of the state’s population infected with COVID-19 (a measure of belief in the science of disease transmission) had a weak effect on the governors’ decisions.
{"title":"Why Did US Governors Delay Lockdowns Against COVID-19? Disease Science vs Learning, Cascades, and Political Polarization","authors":"G. Tellis, Nitish Sood, A. Sood","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3575004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3575004","url":null,"abstract":"As COVID-19 ravaged the US in the first quarter of 2020, the US lacked a uniform mandatory policy for containing its spread. Governors facing enormous opposing pressures from businesses and medical professionals adopted various policies, especially lockdowns. The authors statistically analyze the ensuing variance in governors’ decisions as a function of four predictors and several control variables. They draw their four predictors from medical science and behavioral theories of political polarization, social learning, and information cascades. The conventional wisdom is that, following medical science, governors ordered lockdown primarily on the percent of their state’s population infected with COVID-19. Contrary to this premise, the authors find other variables have higher influence including the following: \u0000 \u00001) The political affiliation of the governor had a big effect on the hazard of a lockdown – on any day, a democratic governor was three times more likely than a republican governor to order a lockdown. \u0000 \u00002) Social learning played an important role. Governors of states afflicted later by COVID-19 acted much faster than those who were afflicted earlier; for every day later COVID-19 started in a state, a governor was 1.4 times more likely to order a lockdown. \u0000 \u00003) Actions of some governors triggered mini-cascades, sparking multiple governors to order lockdowns in their states in the next three days. \u0000 \u00004) The percentage of the state’s population infected with COVID-19 (a measure of belief in the science of disease transmission) had a weak effect on the governors’ decisions.","PeriodicalId":221919,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123536280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Lockdowns and stay-at-home orders in response to the Covid-19 pandemic have raised an urgent question in peoples’ minds, “How long must these restrictions last?” We propose two metrics of the spread of disease to answer this question: daily growth rate and time to double cumulative cases. These metrics enable three simple, intuitive, and actionable benchmarks to target: Moderation, Control, and Containment (growth < 10%, 1%, and 0.1% respectively). In addition, we define action or intervention as massive testing and quarantine, stay-at-home orders, or lockdowns. An analysis of top 36 countries and 50 states of the US affected by the epidemic as of end-March yield the following results. Any moderation or slowdown has so far been due only to aggressive intervention. Countries take an average of about three weeks to act. However, even aggressive intervention does not show immediate results. Countries take an average of about three weeks to moderate, four weeks to control, and over 6 weeks to contain the spread of the disease, after aggressive intervention. Substantial differences exist between large and small and Asian and European countries in time to act. Using these findings, we predict the likely dates of moderation and control for specific countries and States of the US. In the absence of a vaccine, cure, or massive testing and quarantine, lockdowns and stay-at-home orders will need to last for months. However, the US faces a unique challenge because only half the states have adopted aggressive intervention, and done so at varying times. Even if these states achieve control or containment, they may be vulnerable to contagion from other states that were late to do so.
{"title":"How Long Should Social Distancing Last? Predicting Time to Moderation, Control, and Containment of COVID-19","authors":"G. Tellis, A. Sood, Nitish Sood","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3562996","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3562996","url":null,"abstract":"Lockdowns and stay-at-home orders in response to the Covid-19 pandemic have raised an urgent question in peoples’ minds, “How long must these restrictions last?” We propose two metrics of the spread of disease to answer this question: daily growth rate and time to double cumulative cases. These metrics enable three simple, intuitive, and actionable benchmarks to target: Moderation, Control, and Containment (growth < 10%, 1%, and 0.1% respectively). In addition, we define action or intervention as massive testing and quarantine, stay-at-home orders, or lockdowns. \u0000 \u0000An analysis of top 36 countries and 50 states of the US affected by the epidemic as of end-March yield the following results. Any moderation or slowdown has so far been due only to aggressive intervention. Countries take an average of about three weeks to act. However, even aggressive intervention does not show immediate results. Countries take an average of about three weeks to moderate, four weeks to control, and over 6 weeks to contain the spread of the disease, after aggressive intervention. Substantial differences exist between large and small and Asian and European countries in time to act. Using these findings, we predict the likely dates of moderation and control for specific countries and States of the US. \u0000 \u0000In the absence of a vaccine, cure, or massive testing and quarantine, lockdowns and stay-at-home orders will need to last for months. However, the US faces a unique challenge because only half the states have adopted aggressive intervention, and done so at varying times. Even if these states achieve control or containment, they may be vulnerable to contagion from other states that were late to do so.","PeriodicalId":221919,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National","volume":"137 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121147865","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The current contagion that has rapidly spread all over the world mobilised impressive financial and sanitary resources in most of the affected countries. However, in the majority of cases these measures seem insufficient or inefficient, as the number of cases has exploded, while the increase in the number of deaths becomes alarming. In this paper we analyse the response of authorities to the pandemic challenges in those countries that are confronted with a large number of cases. Those twelve countries record together 86,65% of total confirmed cases reported in the world. The analysis considers the statistical data available on March 25, 2020. An estimation of the duration, the number of infections and the number of deceases is equally provided.
{"title":"Efficiency and Effectiveness of Measures to Combat the Coronavirus in Selected Countries","authors":"Constantin Zaman, B. Meunier","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3561616","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3561616","url":null,"abstract":"The current contagion that has rapidly spread all over the world mobilised impressive financial and sanitary resources in most of the affected countries. However, in the majority of cases these measures seem insufficient or inefficient, as the number of cases has exploded, while the increase in the number of deaths becomes alarming. \u0000 \u0000In this paper we analyse the response of authorities to the pandemic challenges in those countries that are confronted with a large number of cases. Those twelve countries record together 86,65% of total confirmed cases reported in the world. The analysis considers the statistical data available on March 25, 2020. \u0000 \u0000An estimation of the duration, the number of infections and the number of deceases is equally provided.","PeriodicalId":221919,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123210693","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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