Este articulo aborda la flexion verbal con base en los conceptos introducidos en el modelo morfologico basado en palabras; en especifico, el modelo de Word and Paradigm . Se propone una metodologia para el analisis de la flexion verbal del espanol. Para esto, tomamos unicamente la primera conjugacion del espanol. El analisis aqui establecido se basa en determinar partes principales que permitan predecir los paradigmas verbales de primera conjugacion. Mostramos que a partir de unas cuantas partes principales es posible predecir el paradigma completo de una forma verbal. Asimismo discutimos los fenomenos de la competencia entre esquemas donde se presenta cambio de acento (como en las formas “hablemos” y “hablemos”) asi como las diptongaciones /o/ → /ue/ y /e/ → /ie/ que responden a un cambio en la parte principal. Finalmente, se muestran las ventajas que el modelo basado en palabras muestra en el analisis de la flexion.
{"title":"Tratamiento de la flexión verbal en español a partir del modelo de Palabra y Paradigma","authors":"Víctor Mijangos, Ramón F. Zacarías Ponce de León","doi":"10.7557/1.6.2.4116","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.2.4116","url":null,"abstract":"Este articulo aborda la flexion verbal con base en los conceptos introducidos en el modelo morfologico basado en palabras; en especifico, el modelo de Word and Paradigm . Se propone una metodologia para el analisis de la flexion verbal del espanol. Para esto, tomamos unicamente la primera conjugacion del espanol. El analisis aqui establecido se basa en determinar partes principales que permitan predecir los paradigmas verbales de primera conjugacion. Mostramos que a partir de unas cuantas partes principales es posible predecir el paradigma completo de una forma verbal. Asimismo discutimos los fenomenos de la competencia entre esquemas donde se presenta cambio de acento (como en las formas “hablemos” y “hablemos”) asi como las diptongaciones /o/ → /ue/ y /e/ → /ie/ que responden a un cambio en la parte principal. Finalmente, se muestran las ventajas que el modelo basado en palabras muestra en el analisis de la flexion.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"2012 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127398714","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article provides an overview of the main facts and theories regarding nominal modifiers, with attention to the internal division of the low DP-structure (gender, number and N). The article presents first the notion of modification seen from the perspectives of semantics and syntax (§1); adjective classes are discussed in §2. §3 discusses the contrasts between prenominal and postnominal adjectives; §4 discusses the ordering of adjectives in sequences; §5 reviews the main theories that account for the facts discussed in §3 and §4. §6 moves to prepositional modifiers, presenting facts and theories about them. §7 presents the conclusions.
{"title":"The syntax and semantics of nominal modifiers in Spanish: interpretations, types and ordering facts","authors":"Antonio Fábregas","doi":"10.7557/1.6.2.4191","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.2.4191","url":null,"abstract":"This article provides an overview of the main facts and theories regarding nominal modifiers, with attention to the internal division of the low DP-structure (gender, number and N). The article presents first the notion of modification seen from the perspectives of semantics and syntax (§1); adjective classes are discussed in §2. §3 discusses the contrasts between prenominal and postnominal adjectives; §4 discusses the ordering of adjectives in sequences; §5 reviews the main theories that account for the facts discussed in §3 and §4. §6 moves to prepositional modifiers, presenting facts and theories about them. §7 presents the conclusions.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"1651 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115839127","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Spanish syllable-final s has been found to be completely stable in the great majority of the varieties in which it has been studied as a sociolinguistic variable. The same is true for the variety of Ciudad Real, Spain, where our data have shown not only lack of indication of any type of change at the present moment through inferences made from apparent time, but also evidence of its stability in the last hundred years by looking at the data from the available linguistic atlases. However, in our investigation, we performed a study of all the separate contexts in which the syllable-final s occurs, and it was discovered that in one of them, the sequence /s/+/t/, a different kind of behavior was registered. Namely, in this specific context, apparent-time inferences additionally supported by the older linguistic atlas data show a clear pattern of a change from above towards a normative realization of the sibilant. In this paper, we will try to explain how it is possible for a stable variable to contain within itself a subvariable which in turn shows signs of a change in progress.
{"title":"Variable within variable - simultaneous stability and change. The case of syllable-final s in Ciudad Real","authors":"Marko Kapović","doi":"10.7557/1.6.2.4223","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.2.4223","url":null,"abstract":"Spanish syllable-final s has been found to be completely stable in the great majority of the varieties in which it has been studied as a sociolinguistic variable. The same is true for the variety of Ciudad Real, Spain, where our data have shown not only lack of indication of any type of change at the present moment through inferences made from apparent time, but also evidence of its stability in the last hundred years by looking at the data from the available linguistic atlases. However, in our investigation, we performed a study of all the separate contexts in which the syllable-final s occurs, and it was discovered that in one of them, the sequence /s/+/t/, a different kind of behavior was registered. Namely, in this specific context, apparent-time inferences additionally supported by the older linguistic atlas data show a clear pattern of a change from above towards a normative realization of the sibilant. In this paper, we will try to explain how it is possible for a stable variable to contain within itself a subvariable which in turn shows signs of a change in progress.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"122 3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124524248","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The impact of English on Cuban Spanish has represented the embodiment of a profound process of acculturation on the island. This empirical study is intended to examine the anglicization of Cuban Spanish by determining anglicizing patterns or strategies in the phonological, morphological, lexical and semantic levels. Thus, the article demonstrates the variability of word-building mechanisms and semantic transparency dia-synchronically. The normative and descriptive analysis is also accompanied by brief contrastive commentaries on divergent and common aspects between Cuban Spanish and European Spanish, illustrated with examples extracted from prior corpora and dictionary revision. The research has shed more light on the universality of certain morpho-phonological patterns in Spanish, as well as the correlation between pragmatic or extralinguistic aspects with lexico-semantic variation, revealing significant changes in sociolects and attitudes.
{"title":"The Anglicization of Cuban Spanish: Lexico-Semantic Variations and Patterns","authors":"J. A. S. Fajardo","doi":"10.7557/1.6.2.4120","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.2.4120","url":null,"abstract":"The impact of English on Cuban Spanish has represented the embodiment of a profound process of acculturation on the island. This empirical study is intended to examine the anglicization of Cuban Spanish by determining anglicizing patterns or strategies in the phonological, morphological, lexical and semantic levels. Thus, the article demonstrates the variability of word-building mechanisms and semantic transparency dia-synchronically. The normative and descriptive analysis is also accompanied by brief contrastive commentaries on divergent and common aspects between Cuban Spanish and European Spanish, illustrated with examples extracted from prior corpora and dictionary revision. The research has shed more light on the universality of certain morpho-phonological patterns in Spanish, as well as the correlation between pragmatic or extralinguistic aspects with lexico-semantic variation, revealing significant changes in sociolects and attitudes.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"330 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134234430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Aquest article examina el comportament sintactic d’un conjunt de verbs ditransitius del catala que, contrariament al que prediu la gramatica, permeten la passivitzacio del complement indirecte. Les dades, que fins ara no havien estat objecte d’estudi, suggereixen que aquesta passivitzacio no parteix d’una estructura ditransitiva en la sintaxi lexica, sino d’una estructura semblant a la dels verbs de locatum de Hale & Keyser (1993, 1998) en la qual el receptor del verb no es, en realitat, un objecte indirecte, sino l’argument intern del verb. Aixi mateix, a partir de les restriccions que observem en la sintaxi oracional, proposem que el participi per si mateix no pot assignar cas (en el sentit d’Ormazabal & Romero 2013) a l’argument, de manera que l’argument es pot moure a la posicio de subjecte de la clausula participial, pero si que n’assigna quan es combina amb alguns verbs, com ara el copulatiu estar , amb la qual cosa l’argument queda fixat i no es pot promoure. Finalment, concloem que aquesta impossibilitat d’assignar cas es una prova mes del fet que els participis son elements deficients, amb una estructura menys rica i complexa que la del verb.
本文研究了一组加泰罗尼亚语二及物动词的句法行为，与语法预测相反，这些动词允许间接补语被动化。到目前为止，这些数据还不是研究的对象。这些数据表明，这种被动化不是基于词法中的二及物动词结构，而是基于一种类似于 Hale 和 Keyser（1993，1998）的定位动词的结构，在这种结构中，动词的受事实际上不是间接宾语，而是动词的内部参数。同样，根据我们在口语句法中观察到的限制，我们建议分词本身不能给论点分配大小写（在 Ormazabal 和 Romero 2013 的意义上）、但是，当分词与某些动词（如副词 estar）结合时，分词就会分配大小写，而副词 estar 则会固定分词，不会提升分词的位置。最后，我们同意，这种不可能分配大小写的情况进一步证明了分词是有缺陷的成分，其结构不如动词丰富和复杂。
{"title":"Passives inesperades en català contemporani: el cas dels falsos complements indirectes","authors":"Isabel Crespí","doi":"10.7557/1.6.2.4274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.2.4274","url":null,"abstract":"Aquest article examina el comportament sintactic d’un conjunt de verbs ditransitius del catala que, contrariament al que prediu la gramatica, permeten la passivitzacio del complement indirecte. Les dades, que fins ara no havien estat objecte d’estudi, suggereixen que aquesta passivitzacio no parteix d’una estructura ditransitiva en la sintaxi lexica, sino d’una estructura semblant a la dels verbs de locatum de Hale & Keyser (1993, 1998) en la qual el receptor del verb no es, en realitat, un objecte indirecte, sino l’argument intern del verb. Aixi mateix, a partir de les restriccions que observem en la sintaxi oracional, proposem que el participi per si mateix no pot assignar cas (en el sentit d’Ormazabal & Romero 2013) a l’argument, de manera que l’argument es pot moure a la posicio de subjecte de la clausula participial, pero si que n’assigna quan es combina amb alguns verbs, com ara el copulatiu estar , amb la qual cosa l’argument queda fixat i no es pot promoure. Finalment, concloem que aquesta impossibilitat d’assignar cas es una prova mes del fet que els participis son elements deficients, amb una estructura menys rica i complexa que la del verb.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126674994","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
El objetivo de este articulo consiste en describir el uso etimologico/no etimologico de las formas personales le y les en la ciudad de Sevilla. Para llevar a cabo nuestro proposito, hemos analizado una muestra de habla compuesta por 48 entrevistas del sociolecto alto y bajo, pertenecientes al Corpus PRESEEA-Sevilla . Se ha trabajado, asi, con una plantilla de codificacion que analiza la posible incidencia de 38 variables independientes (linguisticas, estilisticas y sociales) en la actualizacion de los cliticos pronominales le y les . Los datos obtenidos ponen de manifiesto una tendencia conservadora, es decir, la preferencia por el uso etimologico por parte de los hablantes sevillanos. Con respecto a la aparicion de usos no etimologicos, el elemento mas importante es la presencia de un referente personal, que se da en la mayoria de las ocasiones en que aparece leismo. Por factores sociales, la primera generacion y las mujeres muestran mayor tendencia al leismo. En cambio, la tercera generacion es la mas reticente. En cuanto al nivel de instruccion, son los sociolectos altos los que mas uso hacen de formas le/les no etimologicas. Respecto a los tipos de leismo, es decir, leismo aparente y leismo real , que emplean los hablantes en Sevilla, es el primero el que predomina en esta comunidad de habla.
{"title":"El uso de las formas pronominales átonas de 3ª persona en el corpus PRESEEA-SEVILLA","authors":"Doina Repede","doi":"10.7557/1.6.1.4088","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.1.4088","url":null,"abstract":"El objetivo de este articulo consiste en describir el uso etimologico/no etimologico de las formas personales le y les en la ciudad de Sevilla. Para llevar a cabo nuestro proposito, hemos analizado una muestra de habla compuesta por 48 entrevistas del sociolecto alto y bajo, pertenecientes al Corpus PRESEEA-Sevilla . Se ha trabajado, asi, con una plantilla de codificacion que analiza la posible incidencia de 38 variables independientes (linguisticas, estilisticas y sociales) en la actualizacion de los cliticos pronominales le y les . Los datos obtenidos ponen de manifiesto una tendencia conservadora, es decir, la preferencia por el uso etimologico por parte de los hablantes sevillanos. Con respecto a la aparicion de usos no etimologicos, el elemento mas importante es la presencia de un referente personal, que se da en la mayoria de las ocasiones en que aparece leismo. Por factores sociales, la primera generacion y las mujeres muestran mayor tendencia al leismo. En cambio, la tercera generacion es la mas reticente. En cuanto al nivel de instruccion, son los sociolectos altos los que mas uso hacen de formas le/les no etimologicas. Respecto a los tipos de leismo, es decir, leismo aparente y leismo real , que emplean los hablantes en Sevilla, es el primero el que predomina en esta comunidad de habla.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"101 10","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131776967","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present paper aims at accounting for the Spanish Imperfecto, Perfecto, Pluscuamperfecto and the Indefinido by applying three binary tense oppositions: Present vs Past, Synchronous vs Posterior and Imperfect(ive) vs Perfect(ive). For the sixteen Spanish tense forms under analysis a binary approach leads to covering twelve of them. Their relation with the preterital forms outside the range of the three oppositions is accounted for by two surgical operations: (a) the notion of Imperfect(ive) is severed from the notion of ongoing progress by restricting it to underinformation about completion and by seeing continuous tense forms as involving a more complex semantics; (b) the notion of (non-)stative is strictly severed from interference of information coming from the arguments of a verb. These theoretical moves make the way free for a formal-semantic insight into the interaction of Spanish tense and aspect. It also paves the way for a principled distinction between completion and anteriority. Restricted to tense forms pertaining to the past, our analysis sheds light on the struggle for survival of tense forms outside the binary system.
{"title":"A binary approach to Spanish tense and aspect: on the tense battle about the past","authors":"P. González, H. Verkuyl","doi":"10.7557/1.6.1.4096","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.1.4096","url":null,"abstract":"The present paper aims at accounting for the Spanish Imperfecto, Perfecto, Pluscuamperfecto and the Indefinido by applying three binary tense oppositions: Present vs Past, Synchronous vs Posterior and Imperfect(ive) vs Perfect(ive). For the sixteen Spanish tense forms under analysis a binary approach leads to covering twelve of them. Their relation with the preterital forms outside the range of the three oppositions is accounted for by two surgical operations: (a) the notion of Imperfect(ive) is severed from the notion of ongoing progress by restricting it to underinformation about completion and by seeing continuous tense forms as involving a more complex semantics; (b) the notion of (non-)stative is strictly severed from interference of information coming from the arguments of a verb. These theoretical moves make the way free for a formal-semantic insight into the interaction of Spanish tense and aspect. It also paves the way for a principled distinction between completion and anteriority. Restricted to tense forms pertaining to the past, our analysis sheds light on the struggle for survival of tense forms outside the binary system.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131217880","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Spanish has a restriction on palatal nasals and laterals in the coda causing them to be realized as dental/alveolar coronals. In the onset position, the palatal point of articulation is retained, bello ‘beautiful-masc.’, beldad ‘beauty’; dona ‘Madam’, don ‘ Mister’. Alternations such as these led phonologists to propose a rule of depalatalization that turns an underlying palatal nasal/lateral into a coronal (Contreras 1977; Harris 1983). Pensado (1997) and Harris (1999) later tried to debunk this rule, the former on psycholinguistic grounds, and the latter on the basis of the word structure of Spanish (palatals are always followed by –e ). More recently, within an optimality-theoretic framework and through loan word evidence, Lloret and Mascaro (2006) argue again in favor of an active process of depalatalization in Modern Spanish. Taking Lloret and Mascaro as its point of departure, this paper expands the discussion on depalatalization to consider diachronic data and the role of the underlying representation and the perception grammar. Historical data supports depalatalization as an active phenomenon in Old and Medieval Spanish; yet the morphophonological alternations cannot be considered active/productive synchronically. Unlike previous serial models of phonology, an OT framework allows for the incorporation of diachronic data into the analysis, thus explaining how the current situation came about and shedding light on synchronic alternations. OT also provides a formalization of the role of the underlying representation in the diachronic change and in synchronic loanword evidence, thus providing support for depalatalization as an active phonotactic restriction.
{"title":"Spanish ‘depalatalization’: the synchronic, diachronic and perception perspectives","authors":"Ryan M. Bessett, S. Colina","doi":"10.7557/1.6.1.3851","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.1.3851","url":null,"abstract":"Spanish has a restriction on palatal nasals and laterals in the coda causing them to be realized as dental/alveolar coronals. In the onset position, the palatal point of articulation is retained, bello ‘beautiful-masc.’, beldad ‘beauty’; dona ‘Madam’, don ‘ Mister’. Alternations such as these led phonologists to propose a rule of depalatalization that turns an underlying palatal nasal/lateral into a coronal (Contreras 1977; Harris 1983). Pensado (1997) and Harris (1999) later tried to debunk this rule, the former on psycholinguistic grounds, and the latter on the basis of the word structure of Spanish (palatals are always followed by –e ). More recently, within an optimality-theoretic framework and through loan word evidence, Lloret and Mascaro (2006) argue again in favor of an active process of depalatalization in Modern Spanish. Taking Lloret and Mascaro as its point of departure, this paper expands the discussion on depalatalization to consider diachronic data and the role of the underlying representation and the perception grammar. Historical data supports depalatalization as an active phenomenon in Old and Medieval Spanish; yet the morphophonological alternations cannot be considered active/productive synchronically. Unlike previous serial models of phonology, an OT framework allows for the incorporation of diachronic data into the analysis, thus explaining how the current situation came about and shedding light on synchronic alternations. OT also provides a formalization of the role of the underlying representation in the diachronic change and in synchronic loanword evidence, thus providing support for depalatalization as an active phonotactic restriction.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133289867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper aims to explain, from a theoretical point of view, the behaviour of past participle agreement with the object in situ (PPA OIS ) in Majorcan Catalan. It is possible in perfect telic dynamic events, but not in Kimian and Davidsonian states —except for certain telic dynamic constructions built with Kiparsky (1998) and Jaque’s (2014) high pure stative verbs—, nor in some atelic dynamic constructions (like those ones with NP objects bounded by a D or Q), although it is perfectly grammatical with bare plurals and with bare mass nouns. In order for PPA OIS to be possible, it is proposed that a specific functional head (Asp, that is to say: Proc [ u q][ u ϕ] ), related to so-called inner aspect , must be present in the event structure. Asp establishes a double Agree relation with the object, in order to get its quantisation and [ u ϕ] features valued. It is also explored the possibility that the [q] feature of Asp be interpretable. If Asp is not present in the structure, the impossibility of PPA OIS follows. Moreover, PPA OIS will be only materialised if a pro object co-referent with the full NP object moves through a LowTop position —similar to the Agr O projection proposed by Kayne (1989).
{"title":"Past Participle Agreement in Majorcan Catalan: the Relevance of Inner Aspect","authors":"S. Puig","doi":"10.7557/1.6.1.4101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.1.4101","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to explain, from a theoretical point of view, the behaviour of past participle agreement with the object in situ (PPA OIS ) in Majorcan Catalan. It is possible in perfect telic dynamic events, but not in Kimian and Davidsonian states —except for certain telic dynamic constructions built with Kiparsky (1998) and Jaque’s (2014) high pure stative verbs—, nor in some atelic dynamic constructions (like those ones with NP objects bounded by a D or Q), although it is perfectly grammatical with bare plurals and with bare mass nouns. In order for PPA OIS to be possible, it is proposed that a specific functional head (Asp, that is to say: Proc [ u q][ u ϕ] ), related to so-called inner aspect , must be present in the event structure. Asp establishes a double Agree relation with the object, in order to get its quantisation and [ u ϕ] features valued. It is also explored the possibility that the [q] feature of Asp be interpretable. If Asp is not present in the structure, the impossibility of PPA OIS follows. Moreover, PPA OIS will be only materialised if a pro object co-referent with the full NP object moves through a LowTop position —similar to the Agr O projection proposed by Kayne (1989).","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122789193","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Syntactic and discursive choices in context can constitute resources for the interactional profiling of the direct participants. This study analyzes the frequencies with which speakers index themselves, as well as the syntactic functions they preferably accord themselves when doing so, in a corpus of Spanish radio discourse where a range of textual genres and speaker socioprofessional identities are contemplated. The analysis is restricted to central syntactic functions, i.e. those with the capacity to establish agreement with the verb. A dichotomy is proposed between subject and (accusative or dative) object self-encoding, based on the different morphological means through which verbal agreement is carried out in this language, namely verbal endings and clitics. Both the statistical patterning of variation and the discursive-pragmatic motivations of particular choices are subsequently examined. The selection of a specific syntactic function for the encoding of the speaker is found to often serve communicative goals related to the textual genre and to the kinds of socio-professional identities speakers intend to develop within it. Significant correlations are obtained between higher percentages of self-encoding as subject and higher rates of discursive self-indexation altogether, although speakers presenting themselves as political representatives diverge from this tendency for particular communicative reasons. The results are interpreted as being parallel to a discursive-cognitive continuum between subjectivity and objectivity that underlies speaker interactional self-profiling and discourse construction.
{"title":"Speaker self-profiling through discursive indexation and syntactic encoding in Spanish radio talk","authors":"Miguel Oliva","doi":"10.7557/1.6.1.4085","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.6.1.4085","url":null,"abstract":"Syntactic and discursive choices in context can constitute resources for the interactional profiling of the direct participants. This study analyzes the frequencies with which speakers index themselves, as well as the syntactic functions they preferably accord themselves when doing so, in a corpus of Spanish radio discourse where a range of textual genres and speaker socioprofessional identities are contemplated. The analysis is restricted to central syntactic functions, i.e. those with the capacity to establish agreement with the verb. A dichotomy is proposed between subject and (accusative or dative) object self-encoding, based on the different morphological means through which verbal agreement is carried out in this language, namely verbal endings and clitics. Both the statistical patterning of variation and the discursive-pragmatic motivations of particular choices are subsequently examined. The selection of a specific syntactic function for the encoding of the speaker is found to often serve communicative goals related to the textual genre and to the kinds of socio-professional identities speakers intend to develop within it. Significant correlations are obtained between higher percentages of self-encoding as subject and higher rates of discursive self-indexation altogether, although speakers presenting themselves as political representatives diverge from this tendency for particular communicative reasons. The results are interpreted as being parallel to a discursive-cognitive continuum between subjectivity and objectivity that underlies speaker interactional self-profiling and discourse construction.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134374399","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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