Spanish complex onsets have been traditionally described as consisting of a stop (/p, t, k, b, d, g/) or the fricative /f/ plus a liquid. Given that all Spanish varieties have other fricatives (/x, s/), the obstruents that can form part of an onset cluster do not straightforwardly compose a natural class. As such, past studies have argued that /f/ is exceptional in its ability as a fricative to pattern with stops in onset clusters. This paper presents empirical data from a nonce word judgment task that challenges this claim and shows that Spanish listeners rate unattested /xr/ clusters as more acceptable than ungrammatical /sr/ clusters. These results suggest that /s/, and not /f/, is exceptional in its inability to form complex onsets in Spanish. As /s/ is the sole sibilant in the Spanish consonant inventory and is uniquely characterized by the feature [strident], this generalization is easily capturable in an Optimality Theory framework. This analysis further predicts that other non-sibilant fricatives should also be acceptable in onset cluster position, such as /θ/, which is supported by data from a follow-up study with speakers of Peninsular Spanish who have this phoneme in their dialect. This analysis also predicts that other sibilants should be unacceptable in onset clusters. This is supported by data from the related languages Portuguese and Catalan that have other sibilant phonemes (/z, ʃ, ʒ/)yet also have similar onset cluster phonotactics as Spanish in that they disallow all sibilants from being in an onset cluster.
西班牙复合起音传统上被描述为由顿音(/p, t, k, b, d, g/)或摩擦音/f/加上液体组成。鉴于所有西班牙语变体都有其他摩擦音(/x, s/)，可以构成起音簇一部分的障碍并不能直接构成一个自然类。因此，过去的研究认为，/f/作为摩擦音，在起音集群中与停顿形成模式的能力是特殊的。本文提出了来自nonce单词判断任务的经验数据，挑战了这一说法，并表明西班牙语听众认为未经证实的/xr/集群比不符合语法的/sr/集群更容易接受。这些结果表明/s/，而不是/f/，在西班牙语中不能形成复杂的起音是例外的。由于/s/是西班牙语辅音清单中唯一的音节，并且具有独特的特征[strident]，这种概括很容易在优化理论框架中捕获。这一分析进一步预测，其他非音节摩擦音在起音簇位置上也应该是可以接受的，比如/θ/，这得到了对西班牙半岛方言中有这个音素的人的后续研究数据的支持。该分析还预测，在发病集群中，其他刺激物应该是不可接受的。来自相关语言葡萄牙语和加泰罗尼亚语的数据支持了这一点，这两种语言有其他的音节音素(/z, h, h /)，但也有与西班牙语相似的起音簇语音策略，因为它们不允许所有的音节都在起音簇中。
{"title":"Exceptionality in Spanish Onset Clusters","authors":"Katerina A. Tetzloff","doi":"10.7557/1.9.1.5321","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.9.1.5321","url":null,"abstract":"Spanish complex onsets have been traditionally described as consisting of a stop (/p, t, k, b, d, g/) or the fricative /f/ plus a liquid. Given that all Spanish varieties have other fricatives (/x, s/), the obstruents that can form part of an onset cluster do not straightforwardly compose a natural class. As such, past studies have argued that /f/ is exceptional in its ability as a fricative to pattern with stops in onset clusters. This paper presents empirical data from a nonce word judgment task that challenges this claim and shows that Spanish listeners rate unattested /xr/ clusters as more acceptable than ungrammatical /sr/ clusters. These results suggest that /s/, and not /f/, is exceptional in its inability to form complex onsets in Spanish. As /s/ is the sole sibilant in the Spanish consonant inventory and is uniquely characterized by the feature [strident], this generalization is easily capturable in an Optimality Theory framework. This analysis further predicts that other non-sibilant fricatives should also be acceptable in onset cluster position, such as /θ/, which is supported by data from a follow-up study with speakers of Peninsular Spanish who have this phoneme in their dialect. This analysis also predicts that other sibilants should be unacceptable in onset clusters. This is supported by data from the related languages Portuguese and Catalan that have other sibilant phonemes (/z, ʃ, ʒ/)yet also have similar onset cluster phonotactics as Spanish in that they disallow all sibilants from being in an onset cluster.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"79 9","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133007316","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
El avance de cuantificadores se registra en las variedades del español tanto a nivel diacrónico como sincrónico. El presente trabajo busca desarrollar una descripción completa de este fenómeno en las construcciones superlativas, distinguiendo de manera clara dos estructuras: una que supondría movimiento (el más que me gusta) y otra que supondría el ensamble externo en una posición más alta (lo más que puedo hacer). El reconocimiento de estas dos secuencias permite poner el foco en la discusión sobre el lugar de ensamble del cuantificador y las motivaciones para el movimiento. Desde el plano descriptivo, este trabajo se detiene en la distribución geográfica del avance en las variedades del español actual a partir del estudio de corpus que nos permiten matizar y ampliar descripciones previas. A nivel teórico, se recuperan los principales análisis y se revisan estas propuestas a la luz de los datos obtenidos.
{"title":"Sobre el avance del cuantificador en español","authors":"Enrique Pato, María Mare","doi":"10.7557/1.9.1.5415","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.9.1.5415","url":null,"abstract":"El avance de cuantificadores se registra en las variedades del español tanto a nivel diacrónico como sincrónico. El presente trabajo busca desarrollar una descripción completa de este fenómeno en las construcciones superlativas, distinguiendo de manera clara dos estructuras: una que supondría movimiento (el más que me gusta) y otra que supondría el ensamble externo en una posición más alta (lo más que puedo hacer). El reconocimiento de estas dos secuencias permite poner el foco en la discusión sobre el lugar de ensamble del cuantificador y las motivaciones para el movimiento. Desde el plano descriptivo, este trabajo se detiene en la distribución geográfica del avance en las variedades del español actual a partir del estudio de corpus que nos permiten matizar y ampliar descripciones previas. A nivel teórico, se recuperan los principales análisis y se revisan estas propuestas a la luz de los datos obtenidos.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124354631","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper I deal with a particular relative-clause superlative construction attested in Spanish dialects like Canariense (Bosque & Brucart 1991) and Puerto Rican (Rohena-Madrazo 2007), among others. In this construction the superlative quantifier raises to the left of the complementizer of the relative clause. However, as observed by Bosque & Brucart (1991), only object quantifiers can move in this way; subject quantifiers cannot. I account for this assymmetry by assuming Bianchi’s (2000) raising analysis for relative clauses, Kandybowicz’s (2009) theory on edge features and Pesetsky & Torrego’s (2001) proposal on Tense-to-Comp movement (among other assumptions). Object-quantifier movement correlates with Tense-to- Comp movement, which activates an edge feature for objects and allows them to escape the phasal minimal domain undergoing Transfer. This is not possible for subject-quantifier movement. I also propose that the determiner introducing a relative clause bears an uninterpretable [Superlative] feature with clitic-like properties. This feature forces the determiner to post-syntactically cliticize to the superlative quantifier degree word, a process which requires linear adjacency. This accounts for certain restrictions on this sort of superlative quantifier raising already pointed out by Bosque & Brucart (1991) The proposal (similar to the one in Rohena-Madrazo 2007) that [Superlative] may also be in Force in these dialects (if selected for Force by the determiner) explains a more restrictive (and widespread) variant of this construction.
{"title":"Superlative QP “Hyper-Raising” in dialectal Spanish: the role of dormant Edge Features","authors":"Luis Ángel Sáez del Álamo","doi":"10.7557/1.9.1.5429","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.9.1.5429","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper I deal with a particular relative-clause superlative construction attested in Spanish dialects like Canariense (Bosque & Brucart 1991) and Puerto Rican (Rohena-Madrazo 2007), among others. In this construction the superlative quantifier raises to the left of the complementizer of the relative clause. However, as observed by Bosque & Brucart (1991), only object quantifiers can move in this way; subject quantifiers cannot. I account for this assymmetry by assuming Bianchi’s (2000) raising analysis for relative clauses, Kandybowicz’s (2009) theory on edge features and Pesetsky & Torrego’s (2001) proposal on Tense-to-Comp movement (among other assumptions). Object-quantifier movement correlates with Tense-to- Comp movement, which activates an edge feature for objects and allows them to escape the phasal minimal domain undergoing Transfer. This is not possible for subject-quantifier movement. I also propose that the determiner introducing a relative clause bears an uninterpretable [Superlative] feature with clitic-like properties. This feature forces the determiner to post-syntactically cliticize to the superlative quantifier degree word, a process which requires linear adjacency. This accounts for certain restrictions on this sort of superlative quantifier raising already pointed out by Bosque & Brucart (1991) The proposal (similar to the one in Rohena-Madrazo 2007) that [Superlative] may also be in Force in these dialects (if selected for Force by the determiner) explains a more restrictive (and widespread) variant of this construction. \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125986549","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The goal of this paper is to provide both a description and an explanation of the combination of minimizers (ligeramente 'slightly') with gradable adjectives in Spanish. According to Kennedy & McNally (2005) these elements are degree items that are sensitive to the scalar structure of adjectives and are combined with closed scale, minimum standard adjectives. Unexpected combinations, according to this semantics, are considered as cases of coercion. In this paper we propose that minimizers create derived adjectives. They are modifiers of the adjective's granularity, which allow the selection of the standard of comparison to take into account a greater number of degree distinctions. From this proposal, this article shows that unexpected combinations of ligeramente with gradable adjectives, such as un cine ligeramente lleno ‘a slightly crowded cinema’, can be explained without the need to propose that a coercion process takes place.
{"title":"On degree minimizers in Spanish","authors":"Isabel Pérez-Jiménez, Silvia Gumiel-Molina, Norberto Moreno-Quibén","doi":"10.7557/1.9.1.5367","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.9.1.5367","url":null,"abstract":"The goal of this paper is to provide both a description and an explanation of the combination of minimizers (ligeramente 'slightly') with gradable adjectives in Spanish. According to Kennedy & McNally (2005) these elements are degree items that are sensitive to the scalar structure of adjectives and are combined with closed scale, minimum standard adjectives. Unexpected combinations, according to this semantics, are considered as cases of coercion. In this paper we propose that minimizers create derived adjectives. They are modifiers of the adjective's granularity, which allow the selection of the standard of comparison to take into account a greater number of degree distinctions. From this proposal, this article shows that unexpected combinations of ligeramente with gradable adjectives, such as un cine ligeramente lleno ‘a slightly crowded cinema’, can be explained without the need to propose that a coercion process takes place.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117336970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Most theories agree that polarity sensitivity must be related to scalarity one way or another. Superlatives are a good example of this, since their “endpoint nature” allows for them to be in negative contexts with a quantitative interpretation (Fauconnier 1975a). In this paper, I follow Fauconnier’s work in distinguishing two different types of negative polarity superlatives and I show how they manifest in Spanish. This language behaves differently than English, what allows us to reach different conclusions from those of Fauconnier. In this sense, I argue that what I have called ‘pragmatically polarity sensitive superlatives’ are just ordinary superlative phrases (i.e. definite expressions), while those named ‘minimizer superlatives’ are kind of indefinite expressions where the DegP works as a complex minimizer. Thus, I will defend that both types of negative polarity superlatives have scalar properties of a different nature: while for the former the quantitative reading is pragmatically driven, for the latter it is semantically driven. In the same line, we will be able to rethink a generalization established by Bosque (1980) regarding the DegP distribution in polarity-sensitive superlatives.
{"title":"Scalar properties of negative polarity superlatives","authors":"Ulises Delgado","doi":"10.7557/1.9.1.5358","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.9.1.5358","url":null,"abstract":"Most theories agree that polarity sensitivity must be related to scalarity one way or another. Superlatives are a good example of this, since their “endpoint nature” allows for them to be in negative contexts with a quantitative interpretation (Fauconnier 1975a). In this paper, I follow Fauconnier’s work in distinguishing two different types of negative polarity superlatives and I show how they manifest in Spanish. This language behaves differently than English, what allows us to reach different conclusions from those of Fauconnier. In this sense, I argue that what I have called ‘pragmatically polarity sensitive superlatives’ are just ordinary superlative phrases (i.e. definite expressions), while those named ‘minimizer superlatives’ are kind of indefinite expressions where the DegP works as a complex minimizer. Thus, I will defend that both types of negative polarity superlatives have scalar properties of a different nature: while for the former the quantitative reading is pragmatically driven, for the latter it is semantically driven. In the same line, we will be able to rethink a generalization established by Bosque (1980) regarding the DegP distribution in polarity-sensitive superlatives.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"90 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125421009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cuán, qué tan, and cómo de are used to modify adverbs and adjectives in interrogatives. They are also used in embedded clauses along with lo que. Instances of these expressions were extracted from the Corpus del Español. In interrogatives, qué tan was the most frequent. The idea that cuán is archaic or limited to literary usage is not supported by these data. Cómo de is extremely infrequent except in Peninsular Spanish. In embedded clauses the frequency of these expressions appear in this order of frequency: lo que > qué tan > cuán > cómo de. In an experiment speakers from Spain, Mexico, Puerto Rico, and Venezuela were shown 28 test sentences that contained different adverbial interrogatives. Their task was to choose the expression they preferred. These results correlate highly with the production data from the corpus. Choice of adverbial was moderated by gender and age as well.
{"title":"Variation in interrogative adverbials: 'cuán', 'qué tan', 'cómo de','lo que' and 'lo'+adj./adv.+'que'","authors":"David Eddington","doi":"10.7557/1.8.2.4909","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.8.2.4909","url":null,"abstract":"Cuán, qué tan, and cómo de are used to modify adverbs and adjectives in interrogatives. They are also used in embedded clauses along with lo que. Instances of these expressions were extracted from the Corpus del Español. In interrogatives, qué tan was the most frequent. The idea that cuán is archaic or limited to literary usage is not supported by these data. Cómo de is extremely infrequent except in Peninsular Spanish. In embedded clauses the frequency of these expressions appear in this order of frequency: lo que > qué tan > cuán > cómo de. \u0000In an experiment speakers from Spain, Mexico, Puerto Rico, and Venezuela were shown 28 test sentences that contained different adverbial interrogatives. Their task was to choose the expression they preferred. These results correlate highly with the production data from the corpus. Choice of adverbial was moderated by gender and age as well. \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"254 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115790930","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract. Copulas work as auxiliary verbs in Spanish and in other languages. In this article, we will argue in favor of this property being due to the absence of lexical content of the copula verb be1 (Sp. ‘ser’), on the one hand, and the aspectual content of the verb be2 (Sp. ‘estar’), on the other hand.
摘要连词在西班牙语和其他语言中充当助动词。在本文中，我们将论证这一特性，一方面是由于联系词动词be1 (Sp. ' ser ')缺乏词汇内容，另一方面是动词be2 (Sp. ' star ')缺乏方面内容。
{"title":"¿Por qué las cópulas son auxiliares?","authors":"Joshua Gómez Rubio","doi":"10.7557/1.8.2.4956","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.8.2.4956","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. Copulas work as auxiliary verbs in Spanish and in other languages. In this article, we will argue in favor of this property being due to the absence of lexical content of the copula verb be1 (Sp. ‘ser’), on the one hand, and the aspectual content of the verb be2 (Sp. ‘estar’), on the other hand. \u0000 \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124050151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of this paper is to describe the use of generic you in the Spanish of Mexico City. A sociolinguistic study of the distribution of this pronominal subject is carried out. For this purpose, speech samples from two moments are analyzed, the first around 1970 and the second circa 2000. The results suggest that, on the one hand, generic you is used more and more frequently in Mexican Spanish and that there are more speakers who resort to their employment. On the other hand, the contexts of use of generic you have also been extended, because, although it occurs mainly with verbs in the present, it is also documented, to a lesser extent, in other contexts even with verbs in perfective aspect.
{"title":"'Tú' genérico en el español de la Ciudad de México","authors":"L. Orozco","doi":"10.7557/1.8.2.4834","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.8.2.4834","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this paper is to describe the use of generic you in the Spanish of Mexico City. A sociolinguistic study of the distribution of this pronominal subject is carried out. For this purpose, speech samples from two moments are analyzed, the first around 1970 and the second circa 2000. The results suggest that, on the one hand, generic you is used more and more frequently in Mexican Spanish and that there are more speakers who resort to their employment. On the other hand, the contexts of use of generic you have also been extended, because, although it occurs mainly with verbs in the present, it is also documented, to a lesser extent, in other contexts even with verbs in perfective aspect.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"12 3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125742608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper it is argued that objects of subject experiencer psychological verbs do not have kind reference, but rather refer to individual object entities: specific individuals, generic plurals, and even entity correlates of a property. We argue that objects of transitive subject experiencer psychological verbs must refer to atoms or sums of atoms, because they presuppose the existence of the Target-of-Emotion. Focusing mainly on data from various Romance languages and Russian, we also argue that the Target-of-emotion of psychological verbs such as odiar ‘hate’ cannot refer to a kind entity, conceived as an abstract individual or an abstract sortal concept, but instead can refer to a maximal sum of individual entities, instantiated through a generic plural.
本文认为，主语体验心理动词的宾语不具有类指称，而是指向单个的宾语实体:具体的个体、一般的复数，甚至是一个属性的实体关联。我们认为及物主语体验心理动词的宾语必须指原子或原子的总和，因为它们预设了情感目标的存在。主要关注来自各种罗曼语和俄语的数据，我们还认为，心理动词(如odiar ' hate ')的情感目标不能指一种实体，被认为是抽象的个体或抽象的分类概念，而是指个体实体的最大总和，通过一般复数实例化。
{"title":"Psychological verbs and their arguments","authors":"Daria Seres, M. Espinal","doi":"10.7557/1.7.1.4404","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.7.1.4404","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper it is argued that objects of subject experiencer psychological verbs do not have kind reference, but rather refer to individual object entities: specific individuals, generic plurals, and even entity correlates of a property. We argue that objects of transitive subject experiencer psychological verbs must refer to atoms or sums of atoms, because they presuppose the existence of the Target-of-Emotion. Focusing mainly on data from various Romance languages and Russian, we also argue that the Target-of-emotion of psychological verbs such as odiar ‘hate’ cannot refer to a kind entity, conceived as an abstract individual or an abstract sortal concept, but instead can refer to a maximal sum of individual entities, instantiated through a generic plural.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130927135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present study investigated vowel harmony (VH) in two varieties of Peninsular Spanish - Eastern Andalusian and Montanes. Despite both varieties exhibiting VH, the triggers and targets for each variety result in metaphonic alternations that are quite distinct. Although previous research has extensively documented the VH of Andalusia and Montanes, no study has yet systematically compared the two using a singular metric for determining automatic (i.e., phonological) and morphophonological alternations. To address these questions, VH in each variety is described in detail and then classified as either an automatic or morphophonological alternation according to the following eight criteria indicated in Haspelmath and Sims (2010): phonological versus morphological or lexical conditioning, phonetic coherency, phonetic distance, restriction to derived environments, extension to loanwords, sensitivity to speech-style, creation of new segments, and restriction to the word level. In order to gain a more compete understanding of the morphology-phonology interface in Spanish, we explore similarities and differences in the VH of Eastern Andalusia and of the north of Spain. We seek to determine if VH in each region is more characteristic of automatic or morphophonological alternations. An in-depth analysis of the VH in each variety is revealed that a binary classification was less appropriate than viewing these alternations on a continuum. The nuanced representation of these alternations on a continuum is a unique contribution to the literature on Spanish VH and provides a fresh perspective on the nature of VH alternations in Peninsular Spanish.
{"title":"New Perspectives On Automatic And Morphophonological Alternations: Harmonic Processes In Two Peninsular Varieties Of Spanish","authors":"Farrah A. Neumann, Matthew Kanwit","doi":"10.7557/1.7.1.4150","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7557/1.7.1.4150","url":null,"abstract":"The present study investigated vowel harmony (VH) in two varieties of Peninsular Spanish - Eastern Andalusian and Montanes. Despite both varieties exhibiting VH, the triggers and targets for each variety result in metaphonic alternations that are quite distinct. Although previous research has extensively documented the VH of Andalusia and Montanes, no study has yet systematically compared the two using a singular metric for determining automatic (i.e., phonological) and morphophonological alternations. To address these questions, VH in each variety is described in detail and then classified as either an automatic or morphophonological alternation according to the following eight criteria indicated in Haspelmath and Sims (2010): phonological versus morphological or lexical conditioning, phonetic coherency, phonetic distance, restriction to derived environments, extension to loanwords, sensitivity to speech-style, creation of new segments, and restriction to the word level. In order to gain a more compete understanding of the morphology-phonology interface in Spanish, we explore similarities and differences in the VH of Eastern Andalusia and of the north of Spain. We seek to determine if VH in each region is more characteristic of automatic or morphophonological alternations. An in-depth analysis of the VH in each variety is revealed that a binary classification was less appropriate than viewing these alternations on a continuum. The nuanced representation of these alternations on a continuum is a unique contribution to the literature on Spanish VH and provides a fresh perspective on the nature of VH alternations in Peninsular Spanish.","PeriodicalId":230880,"journal":{"name":"Borealis: An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115298056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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